KEYNOTE
ADDRESS BY
EVELYN SCOTT
CHAIRPERSON
COUNCIL FOR
ABORIGINAL RECONCILIATION
AT
THE
WHY RECONCILIATION CONFERENCE
HOSTED
BY THE
MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION ADVISORY COMMITTEE (S.A)
TANDANYA
CULTURAL INSTITUTE, ADELAIDE
FRIDAY 24 MARCH 2000
Thank you Professor
Smolicz.
Mr Buckby, Ladies and Gentlemen, students.
Before I do anything else, I’d like to say a special thank you to you
children from Kalaya, for your wonderful welcome to Kaurna land. I’m
proud to be on your land, and honoured to be given such a warm welcome
to it.
I’d also like to thank Professor Smolicz and his committee for inviting
me to be part of this important conference. You know, I come to South
Australia quite often, and I think one of the reasons is the enthusiasm
for reconciliation I find in the State.
I see that enthusiasm and commitment especially in South Australia’s
education systems, all the way from you students to to the top people
in the administration of education.
Now let me get started with the job you’ve asked me here to do.
Why reconciliation? It’s a big question isn’t it, and I’m sure you’ll
all enjoy working on your contribution to the answers during the day.
What I’d like to do is offer a few thoughts on the question from my
perspective as Chairperson of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation.
In other words, I’ll be looking at the issues from a national angle,
but I hope you’ll find in what I have to say some useful ideas that
can be applied in your schools and communities.
To my mind, the answer to the question "Why Reconciliation?"
can best be found by looking at exactly what reconciliation is.
What does it mean?
There are three main things to think about when you approach that question.
The first is a set of historical facts that shows us that the need
for reconciliation has arisen.
The second is a more recent set of facts that shows us that the Australian
people have recognised that the need exists.
And the third is to look at how our society has responded to that need
– what are we doing about it?
You can trace the need for the process right back to 1788, when the
British began the long process of colonising the continent we now call
Australia.
On the 26th of January 1788, the British claimed sovereignty over the
whole of mainland Australia.
By doing that, they put their own Common Law (as it’s called) above
the traditional laws and customs of all the Aboriginal peoples who occupied
the land when they arrived.
As the most important part of that claim, they denied the existence
of any form of Aboriginal ownership of land. That was the original cause
of the need for reconciliation.
The need grew stronger as each new Indigenous community was disrupted.
Their people were taken from their traditional lands, their children
were taken from their mothers, they were punished for using their own
laws, cultures and languages. And their physical health was devastated
by new diseases brought in with the settlers and convicts from another
part of the world.
In time, the need took on another dimension. As the British way of doing
things began to dominate, it became possible to see just how badly off
Indigenous people were, as measured by the Europeans’ own yardsticks.
It wasn’t only the effects of settlement on health, of course. We now
know that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are easily the
most disadvantaged group in our society in terms of housing, education
and employment as well. And along with all that, we have the indefensible
situation where Indigenous people – kids in particular – make contact
with the criminal justice system at a level that’s way out of proportion.
These injustices, these inequities, made up a real need for something
to be done to repair relations between Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander peoples and the wider society.
Then along came the realisation of that need. It’s a matter of
debate when that started to happen. Some say the referendum of 1967
was the turning point. In that referendum, more than 90 per cent of
Australian voters agreed that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
people should finally be counted as part of the population. They also
agreed that the Federal Parliament should have power to make laws for
Aboriginal people – a power previously held only by State Governments.
Within the decade after 1967 some important things happened – like the
Racial Discrimination Act in 1975, the Northern Territory land rights
law in 1976, and the beginnings of federal programs trying to deal with
the disadvantages of Indigenous people that I mentioned a moment ago.
That was part of Australia’s realisation of the need for reconciliation
– it was the recognition of the desperate plight, in social and economic
terms, that many modern-day Indigenous people found themselves.
And in that Northern Territory land rights legislation, we saw the beginnings
of another recognition that was necessary before reconciliation could
really be attempted.
That is, more and more people began to see the links between
past injustice and present disadvantage, and they began to see just
how important traditional lands and waters were to the cultural identity
of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.
Many of those links, between the history of cultural, economic and physical
mistreatment and the present pain of social and economic disadvantage,
were laid out in full detail for the first time in 1991 probably around
the time that many of you were just starting school. That was in the
report of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody.
The very last recommendation of the Royal Commission was that the nation
should attempt a formal process of reconciliation, and that’s where
the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation comes into the story.
Soon after the Royal Commission reported, Federal Parliament voted unanimously
to set up the Council, with a fair spread of Indigenous and non-Indigenous
members and a fair spread of people from different walks of life.
Now we’re nine years down the track, and my Council has only a few more
months before we go out of existence on January the first next year
– the Centenary of Federation.
So what has the Council, and the nation, actually done so far in its
quest for reconciliation?
One of the Council’s problems in its early years was that there were
still a lot of Australians who could not see the need for reconciliation.
People had to be told more about their own history. If they knew the
full story, Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians would be better
able to come together – to be reconciled – and forge a united future.
This is an area where I think we’ve made a lot of progress, and for
a number of reasons, so I want to talk for a couple of minutes about
why I think that.
Some of the reasons for our improved understanding of Indigenous issues
stem from the work of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation, and
through other significant and remarkable events.
One such event was in 1992, with the High Court’s famous decision in
the Mabo case. As you probably know, the court decided in that case
that the British were wrong when they made that assumption, back in
1788, that no-one owned the land they were colonising.
Indigenous peoples did own the land at the time, and Eddie Mabo and
his friends still own their land on Murray Island which is an island
in the Torres Straits - under what the court described as native title.
What’s more, similar native title probably still existed in some other
parts of Australia where Indigenous peoples could show a continuous
cultural association with the land.
Of course not many Aboriginal people could, because of the long history
of forced removal from their traditional lands, but the judgment certainly
made a lot of Australians sit up and take notice. It was a great breakthrough.
Among its other ramifications, the judgment was supremely important
in telling all Australians that they had an Indigenous heritage; that
Indigenous law and culture not only had existed, but did still
flourish, at least in some communities.
The other big outside event that helped my Council’s work came in 1997,
when the nation heard the full story of what we now know as the "Stolen
Generations".
Many, many Australians had no idea about the full extent of this practice
of taking children from their Indigenous mothers and sending them to
institutions. They had no idea that the practice went on for many decades,
and they were very saddened when they heard about the terrible effects
it had on the thousands of families that suffered it.
The practice was tragically misguided, but its public exposure in 1997
again, like Mabo, forced many Australians to think a little harder about
their own history, to reflect on how the last two centuries might look
through the eyes of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Once
again, and through this tragic part of our history, people recognised
the need for reconciliation.
Meanwhile, the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation continued to bring
about reconciliation between Indigenous peoples and the wider Australian
community.
Some of what we’ve done has been up-front and widely publicised. Other
things, we had to work for quietly and patiently, helping to build co-operation
between other groups who could really get something practical done.
I think one of the most important decisions the Council has made was
back in 1993, when it decided to set up and support a genuine People’s
Movement for Reconciliation.
When people in local communities get together to hear each other’s stories,
to understand each other’s cultures, to work through the issues that
concern them – then they’re paving the way for real reconciliation in
their own backyards.
It’s been one of the big jobs of my Council to get this message through
to communities all over Australia, and to support local communities
when Indigenous and non-Indigenous people do get together.
From small beginnings in 1993, there are now hundreds of local reconciliation
groups all over Australia, quietly but effectively creating understanding
where there was ignorance, co-operation where there was antagonism,
and most impotantly, bringing together people who, in their everyday
lives may never have met.
This community-based commitment has spread through churches and other
faith groups, into workplaces and a variety of other organisations.
The People’s Movement for Reconciliation is now a powerful force within
Australian society.
Those local groups, like gatherings such as today’s, inspire me and
my colleagues on the Council. They help to keep us motivated and moving
forward as we strive to maintain the momentum for reconciliation at
the national level.
A much more publicised initiative of the Council is our proposal for
a National Document for Reconciliation, to be embraced by the nation
as a highlight of our celebrations of the Centenary of Federation.
The idea of a formal document was an option that Parliament specifically
asked the Council to look at.
We have looked at it and we concluded that a reconciliation document
could truly uplift and unify the nation. We think a document can celebrate
the achievements of reconciliation so far and shine a bright light on
the path ahead for all parts of Australian society.
We’ve spent several years talking to the Australian people about what
might be in such a document, and many months of hard, careful thought
have gone into its form and its wording.
You may have seen our first version of the draft document that we released
for public comment last year. In fact I do hope you’ll find some ideas
in there that you can adapt for your own purposes in the Charter you’ll
be working on this afternoon.
I can tell you that many local communities around Australia have adopted
their own agreements or charters on reconciliation, and they are proving
to be useful both in practice and as symbolic statements of unity between
Indigenous and non-Indigenous members of those communities.
You may have also read recent media reports, suggesting that Australians
may not quite be ready for the national commitment that we propose.
Those media reports were based in part on some research that the Council
itself commissioned, and I want say just two things about that.
First, the research findings contain a lot of very positive and encouraging
results as well as the negatives that the media, reported on. I’ll come
back to a couple of the findings in a minute.
Second, the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation is definitely pressing
ahead with plans to launch our final proposals for the document, at
a big event called Corroboree 2000 in Sydney at the end of May.
It’s then up to the nation – its people and its Parliaments – to make
the contents of this document a living reality. I believe, and I certainly
sincerely hope, that Australia will rise to the challenge and make what
would be a proud statement about its mature national identity.
Having said that much, I’m afraid you’ll have to wait ’til May to find
out about our final proposals.
Finally I want to say something about those recent research findings
of ours – something that I hope will give you plenty of encouragement
for what you’re doing here.
In 1992, the Council took an opinion poll which suggested that just
42 per cent of Australians thought reconciliation was a significant
issue.
In our research earlier this year, 81 per cent of the people surveyed
believed reconciliation was an important issue for Australia. We’ve
come a long way in eight years!
More specifically, there is a trend in our research data that gives
me a lot of encouragement.
It’s the tendency for young people to be noticeably more positive
about reconciliation and about issues such as the recognition of Indigenous
rights and the special place of Indigenous peoples in the heritage of
this country.
For example, 57 per cent of the overall population favour a document
of reconciliation. The proportion who favour a document among 18 to
24 year-olds is 72 per cent. That’s a very big difference.
And again, a very disappointing 38 per cent of all people recognise
the connection between current disadvantage and the way Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander people were mistreated in the past. In the 18
to 24 years group, that recognition factor is 51 per cent.
So it goes on. It seems that young people are more aware of the real
issues involved in reconciliation, and they want it to happen in their
own communities as well as in the nation as a whole.
This may well have something to do with what young people are learning
about Indigenous issues – and Australian history – in schools today.
I’d be very interested to hear your thoughts on the way you are taught
history, but I have no doubt it’s a lot more balanced and accurate than
it was less than one generation ago.
In any case, gatherings like yours today will reinforce that trend I
was talking about, and for that reason if no other I’d like to thank
you all for being here and listening to me trying to explain a topic
that some people find pretty complicated.
You’re playing a constructive part in building up knowledge, understanding
and trust between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians.
Knowledge, understanding and trust:– they are basic building blocks
for the ultimate success of reconciliation and the creation of a more
just Australian society.
I hope each and every one of you gains a lot from today’s discussions,
and please, take whatever you gain with you, to help your families,
friends and neighbourhoods to a better appreciation of what reconciliation
is all about.
Thank you.
But what’s important now is that you people. the people going through
our schools today, are probably better equipped to understand and deal
with the issues involved in reconciliation than any previous generation
of Australians.
That’s because at long last, our schools have started to offer students
at least some insight into Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander history
and culture. The shared history of the last two centuries is being put
into perspective – the perspective of the previous 40,000 years of Indigenous
custodianship of this land, and the perspective of Indigenous experience,
as well as European experience, of the last two centuries.
That’s a great breakthrough in our education system, and it’s happening
at the tertiary level as well as in schools.
And I’m very pleased that the breakthrough was really reinforced in
recent months. Australia’s two biggest non-government school systems,
the Catholic and the Independent schools, both made national commitments
that will increase the quantity and quality of Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander studies courses, and promote the ideals of reconciliation
in their schools.
So, we’re moving in the right direction, and I have no doubt that your
Convention will add more to the momentum towards reconciliation among
young Australians.

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