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Harrington-Smith on behalf of the Wongatha People v Western Australia (No 9) [2007] FCA 31 (5 February 2007)

Last Updated: 5 February 2007

FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA


Harrington-Smith on behalf of the Wongatha People v State of
Western Australia (No 9) [2007] FCA 31

SUMMARY


General

The judgment which this summary accompanies relates to a case of some public interest. I am providing this brief outline of the reasons for judgment in accordance with a common practice of the Federal Court in such cases. It must be emphasised, however, that this summary does not form part of my reasons, which are to be found only in the certified copy of the reasons for judgment published today.

There are before the Court eight overlapping claimant applications for determinations of native title. The lead application is the Wongatha application. It relates to some 160,000 sq kms of land generally in the Goldfields region of Western Australia, the southern boundary being some 85 kms north of Kalgoorlie.

A substantial part of the Wongatha Claim area, I estimate one half to two-thirds, is spinifex country, or desert. Much of the remainder, I estimate the western third or half, is characterised by mulga, rockholes and breakaways, and is used for pastoral activities (sheep and cattle) and mining (gold and nickel).

The other seven applications overlap the Wongatha Claim area to varying extents. One of them, the Cosmo Newberry application, is in respect of land and waters wholly within the Wongatha Claim area. In respect of that Claim, there are no other overlapping claims. It follows that I have heard the Cosmo Claim, as well as the Wongatha Claim, in its entirety.

The other six overlapping Claims are the Mantjintjarra Ngalia, Koara, Wutha, Maduwongga, Ngalia Kutjungkatja 1 and Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2 Claims. I have heard those six Claims only in so far as they cover land and waters within the area of the Wongatha Claim. I have not heard and determined them in so far as they relate to areas outside the Wongatha Claim area.

The complexity presented by the eight overlapping Claims presented an issue of case management for the Court. It would have been simpler to have heard, at this stage, for example, only the Wongatha and Cosmo Newberry Claims. However, the Wongatha Claim would then have had to be re-run on the hearing of each other overlapping Claim. The Judges (including myself) in whose dockets the various individual proceedings were listed decided that it was best to make the lead claim the one that drew in most overlapping claims. That was the Wongatha Claim.

While the Wongatha and Cosmo Newberry Claims have been disposed of finally, the other six Claims have been only partly disposed of. My reasons in relation to their overlapping parts may be of assistance to the parties in relation to their non-overlap parts. The hearing and determination of the non-overlap parts of those other six Claims will be a matter for the respective Docket Judges.

The case was lengthy. I have set out some of the statistics in the reasons. One of these is that the evidence is recorded in approximately 17,000 pages of transcript. This is a better indication of the length of the hearing than the number of hearing days (100), because of the number of days on which the Court sat for extended hours. Some other statistics are that there were 34 volumes of experts’ reports comprising 2,817 pages, and 97 volumes of submissions comprising 8,087 pages (including appendices and annexures).

Native Title proceedings

The experience of hearing the case and resolving it has exposed me to what I consider to be an unsatisfactory state of affairs in the native title area. Perhaps the heart of the problem is that the legal issue that the Court is called upon to resolve is really only part of a more fundamental political question.

I would draw attention to certain matters.

One matter is that expectations are created. The indigenous people in this case are the descendants of those who lived in Australia for tens of thousands of years. One witness said words to the effect, ‘if I cannot claim native title in this area, where can I claim it?’. The implication is that a Judge will surely have no difficulty in seeing that the witness must have native title somewhere. The fact is, however, that since the establishment of British sovereignty, in the case of Western Australia in 1829, there has been a new sovereign legal system, the laws of which are determinative of legal questions.

Another matter is that each native title case depends on its own facts and the history of its claimants and their ancestors. This leads to what may appear to be unequal treatment as between different groups of Aboriginal people. I will give three examples.

First, in the present case, the claimants must prove what indigenous laws and customs were being acknowledged and observed in the Goldfields at the date of sovereignty – 1829. But the first explorer did not reach any part of the Wongatha claim area until 1869, and, in substance, European settlement did not occur there until the gold rush in the 1890s. In other words, the first substantial written records we have of Aboriginal people anywhere in the Wongatha Claim area relate to the last decade of the nineteenth century, yet the claimants bear the onus of proving what the position was there in 1829. By contrast, in a case relating to an area where settlement of a colony first occurred, there will be written records relating to Aboriginal laws and customs as they existed at sovereignty.

I hasten to say that any suggested unfairness is not as great as it may first appear for two reasons. First, it cannot be assumed that if there had been contemporary records of the Aboriginal presence and practices in the Goldfields in 1829, that evidence would necessarily have assisted the claimants; it may have worked against them. Second, I have been prepared to infer that behaviour recorded at and following first contact would have been there to be observed at 1829. The fact remains, however, that any lack of proof or inference as to what the position was in the Goldfields in 1829 tells against the claimants, who bear the onus of proving all the elements of their claims.

A second example is the fact that some native title cases are strongly contested, while others are not. In pre-contact times, the indigenous people in two areas would have used the surface for camping, hunting, foraging and so on. Yet, in one case there is a consent determination and in the other there is a contest to the bitter end. Why? The reason relates to the value placed on the land by others. This is readily understandable, but has nothing to do with the respective merits of the two cases.

Third, a distinguishing feature of the present case, but not of all native title cases, is that of migration or population shift. There was progressive population shift from the desert to the fringes of European settlement in the Goldfields because of various attractions there, principally, a reliable supply of food and water, in contrast to the drought stricken desert. As a result, the claimants cannot prove that their ancestors lived within the Wongatha Claim area at sovereignty. If those ancestors and their descendants had remained in the desert, the claimants might have been the beneficiaries of a consent determination today in respect of a desert area. By succumbing to the allurements of the European presence, the claimants’ ancestors changed the legal landscape for today’s native title purposes.

Mediation

Several times during the hearing I encouraged the parties to attempt to find a solution by mediation. I was given to understand that mediation had previously taken place but without success. Apparently mediation continued, even following the hearing. In fact, I arranged for another Judge of the Court to be available to the parties to assist, if they thought this possible, in connection with the progress of their mediation, and he did make himself available to them. Finally, however, mediation came to nothing and the parties informed me that a decision would be required.

I do not know or wish to know why mediation failed. I will only say that it is to my mind sad that the matter has had to be resolved by an imposed solution.

The present decision

I am required to decide the case on the basis of the law as I understand it to be. That law is found in the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) (‘the Act’) as authoritatively interpreted. The High Court’s decision of principal relevance in this case is the Yorta Yorta decision (Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria [2002] HCA 58; (2002) 214 CLR 422). In my opinion, indigenous people placed as the present claimants are, cannot succeed under the Act.

I turn now to the reasons for this conclusion.

Authorisation

The non-indigenous respondents put the claimants to proof of every element of their claims. They put in issue whether the making of the applications was authorised by all the holders of the particular native title claimed, as required by s 61(1) of the Act. It may seem unfortunate that, in circumstances where there is no internal challenge to authorisation, it should be able to be challenged by third parties, at least in the circumstances of this case. However, the requirement of s 61(1) is strict, and I was obliged to deal with the question. I have concluded that none of the claims to which s 61(1) applied were duly authorised (the provision did not apply to the Mantjintjarra Ngalia Claim because it was not amended following the introduction of the authorisation requirement by the Native Title (Amendment) Act 1998 (Cth)).

Notwithstanding my conclusion on authorisation, I have considered all the Claims on their merits.

The Western Desert cultural bloc – the notion of a ‘society’ – the geographical limits of the bloc

Yorta Yorta establishes that the traditional laws and customs said to have given rise to native title rights and interests must be those of a ‘society’. The particular society on which the claimants relied is the Western Desert cultural bloc (‘WDCB’). While I have some doubts as to whether a cultural bloc amounts to a ‘society’ for present purposes, I have proceeded on the basis that it does, that the WDCB society existed at sovereignty, and that it has continued to exist down to the present time.

The non-indigenous respondents contended, however, that the geographical area of the WDCB did not and does not embrace the whole of the Wongatha Claim area.

This issue of the geographical extent of the area of the WDCB on its western side raised questions of enormous difficulty. On any reckoning, the geographical boundaries of the area of a cultural bloc must be, to put it mildly, blurred. It would be difficult enough to determine precisely where the Western Desert begins and ends. It is more difficult to determine the present day boundary of the WDCB. It is yet more difficult to determine where that boundary was in 1829, before the effect of population shift. Yet, I was required to draw a line.

I have decided that the area of the WDCB extended as far west as a ‘Menzies-Lake Darlot line’ which is referred to in the judgment. In so deciding, I rejected the non-indigenous respondents’ submission that it ended further east, at a line which, for the purpose of this summary only, can be described as running north-south between Laverton and Cosmo Newberry. The significance of the present issue is that the claimants cannot succeed in respect of any area lying west of the area of the society on which they rely. Accordingly, none of the Claims can succeed to the extent to which they relate to land west of the Menzies-Lake Darlot line.

Group claims in respect of group rights and interests in group areas

A major issue in the case has related to the nature of the Claims as group claims. The issue raises the anthropological question of the nature and basis of rights and interests in land and waters under traditional (pre-sovereignty) laws and customs of the Western Desert. At that time, the Aboriginal people were semi-nomadic. The evidence shows that the subject matter of ownership was areas defined by Dreaming (Tjukurrpa) sites and tracks, and that it was the connection of the individual to an area so defined that made the individual an ‘owner’ of that area.

The nature of that connection may have been originally only place of birth. However, it was common ground that more recent anthropological orthodoxy accepts a concept of ‘multiple pathways of connection’. According to this analysis, the potential connections between the individual and a constellation of Dreaming sites or tracks include, for example, place of growing up, place of a parent’s birth, place of parent’s ‘country’. However, the way in which the case was put was that there is really no limit to the number or kind of connections available.

Moreover, the individual might activate and de-activate connections at different stages of his or her life. Thus, an individual might have rights and interests in one area at one stage of life, and in a different area at a later stage of life, according to the connections activated or de-activated from time to time, and the person’s activated connection being recognised by others. Moreover, it cannot be assumed that one individual’s bundle of rights and interests is the same as that of another person.

I confess to having some difficulty in understanding how such idiosyncratic and unstable rights and interests can be accommodated to the provisions of the Act, but it has not been necessary for me to dwell on the question.

The individual’s claimed ‘country’, established by reference to the notion of multiple pathways of connection, was referred to in evidence as his or her ‘my country’ area.

It is not in dispute that the present Claim groups are not recognised as land owning groups by Western Desert laws and customs. It is not in dispute that landholding was not at the level of groups of the present kind, but was at the level of the individual, or, perhaps, small groups of individuals, each member of which was linked to the same Tjukurr-defined area as each other member.

The present Claim groups are associations of people who recognise each other’s claim to a ‘my country’ area, and the present Claim areas represent aggregations or poolings of their ‘my country’ areas.

This raises the question whether it is permissible for groups to be formed and to bring group claims in respect of a group area in this way. In my view it is not, because the group, the group rights and interests, and the group area, are not rooted in traditional (pre-sovereignty) laws and customs. The Claim areas are not recognised as areas in which there are group rights and interests.

In addition, it is not shown that all of the constituent ‘my country’ areas are themselves defined by reference to Dreaming sites or tracks. In substance and generally speaking, what appears to have occurred in this respect is that in the Claims as brought, the multiple pathways of connection concept has come to displace the requirements as to the definition of the subject matter of ownership.

It is conceivable that an individual or a small group of individuals may have native title in a smaller area representing a constellation of Dreaming sites or tracks, but there are not group rights and interests in the Claim areas as such.

Acknowledgment and observance

I spent considerable time in the reasons discussing the question whether the Claim groups continue to acknowledge and observe traditional Western Desert laws and customs. Finally, however, I decided not to resolve that question, which would have had to be decided Claim group by Claim group. In the event that there should be a successful appeal, my findings in relation to the individual laws and customs relied upon will be of assistance to a Full Court, if it should think it appropriate itself to decide the issue of continuing acknowledgment and observance.

Two remaining matters

It remains to say two things. First, I have declined an invitation of the non-indigenous respondents to make a determination that there is no native title in the Wongatha Claim area. Where, as here, applicants fail to prove their case, the usual order is simply one of dismissal. It is conceivable that an individual may wish to make an application for a determination of native title, or that a small group of individuals, each of whom has rights and interests in a constellation of Tjukurr sites or a Tjukurr track, may wish to do so. I say nothing, one way or the other, as to the prospects of success of any such application, but I decline, in these present proceedings, to preclude the bringing of it.

Lastly, I wish to say something of particular relevance to the indigenous witnesses. They have had to give evidence of their life experiences from their earliest years. It was plain to me that many, perhaps all, of them, would have preferred to be elsewhere than to be the centre of attention as a witness. I have greatly appreciated hearing their evidence, and think it most important that they have told their stories.

I began summarising their individual testimony for my own judgment writing purposes, and decided to put the summary into the form of a first person paraphrase of the transcript. This took on a life of its own and has become Annexure F to the reasons for judgment.

While the indigenous witnesses will be disappointed in the result in this case, I hope they will see Annexure F as a valuable record of their life stories as they have told them in this proceeding.

Conclusion

All that remains now is for me to make the formal orders of the Court.

In each of the Wongatha proceeding (WAG 6005 of 1998) and the Cosmo Newberry proceeding (WAD 144 of 1998), the Court orders that the application be dismissed.

In each of the Mantjintjarra Ngalia proceeding (WAD 6069 of 1998), the Koara proceeding (WAD 6008 of 1998), the Wutha proceeding (WAD 6064 of 1998), the Maduwongga proceeding (WAD 76 of 1997), the Ngalia Kutjungkatja No 1 proceeding (WAD 6011 of 2000), and the Ngalia Kutjungkatja No 2 proceeding (WAD 6001 of 2002), the Court orders that the application be dismissed to the extent that it relates to any land or waters that are also the subject of proceeding WAD 6005 of 1998 (Harrington-Smith and Ors v State of Western Australia and Ors).

I publish my reasons.
RON HARRINGTON-SMITH & ORS ON BEHALF OF THE WONGATHA PEOPLE
v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6005 OF 1998, WAD 6018/98, WAD 6021/98, WAD 6029/98,
WAD 6034/98, WAD 6036/98, WAD 6039/98, WAD 6049/98, WAD 6062/98, WAD 6063/98, WAD 6066/98, WAD 6067/98, WAD 6086/98, WAD 6104/98, WAD 6108/98, WAD 6144/98, WAD 6147/98, WAD 6166/98, WAD 6187/98, WAD 6197/98


HARVEY MURRAY (COSMO NEWBERRY CLAIM) v
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 144 OF 1998


PHYLLlS THOMAS & ORS (MANTJINTJARRA NGALIA CLAIM)
v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6069 OF 1998


RICHARD GUY EVANS & ORS (KOARA CLAIM)
v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6008 OF 1998


JUNE ASHWIN & ORS (WUTHA CLAIM)
v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6064 OF 1998


MARJORIE MAY STRICKLAND AND ANNE JOYCE NUDDING
(MADUWONGGA CLAIM) v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 76 OF 1997


DOLLY WALKER AND KADO MUIR (NGALIA KUTJUNGKATJA NO 1
CLAIM) v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6011 OF 2000


DOLLY WALKER (NGALIA KUTJUNGKATJA NO 2 CLAIM)
v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6001 OF 2002


LINDGREN J
5 FEBRUARY 2007
KALGOORLIE



FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA


Harrington-Smith on behalf of the Wongatha People v State of
Western Australia (No 9) [2007] FCA 31


NATIVE TITLE – eight overlapping applications for determinations of native title – whether each application authorised by all the persons who hold ‘the particular native title claimed’ – whether the authorisation requirement of s 61(1) applies to an application made prior to Native Title Amendment Act 1998 (Cth) and amended after that date – claimants acknowledging that some overlapping claim groups or some members of them have native title rights and interests in the particular claim area – whether, in the light of this acknowledgment, making of application must be authorised, not only by claim group, but also by those others who, it acknowledges, hold rights and interests in the claim area.


NATIVE TITLE – eight overlapping claims by groups to hold group rights and interests – distinction between individual rights and interests and communal or group rights and interests – whether claimant group and the holding of group rights and interests by it must be recognised under traditional laws and customs, or whether group can be composed for purposes of application, of individuals holding individual rights and interests in smaller areas – whether claim area can be created by aggregating or ‘pooling’ the areas the subject of individual rights and interests in smaller areas – whether claim area can be created by aggregating the areas the subject of individual rights and interests claimed. Held: the group, the group rights and interests, and the group claim area must reflect recognition in traditional laws and customs.


NATIVE TITLE – ‘native title claim group’ – ‘the particular native title claimed’ – meaning of expressions in s 61(1) of Native Title Act 1973 (Cth).


NATIVE TITLE – whether eight overlapping claim groups had discharged the onus of proving that they continue to acknowledge and observe traditional laws and customs – discussion of issues relating to acknowledgment and observance by a ‘group’.


WORDS AND PHRASES – ‘native title claim group’ – ‘the particular native title claimed’.


Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) ss 13, 61, 62, 67, 68, 80A, 223, 225, 251B
Native Title Amendment Act 1998 (Cth)


Allstate Life Insurance Co v ANZ (No 6) (1996) 64 FCR 79 cited
Bennell v Western Australia [2006] FCA 1243; (2006) 153 FCR 120 cited


WARNING: This document contains the names of some Aboriginal people who are deceased. Reading these names may cause offence to some people, and the Federal Court apologises for any distress inadvertently caused.

Branfield v Wharton [2004] FCAFC 138 followed
Briggs v Minister for Lands (NSW) [2004] FCA 1056; (2004) 141 FCR 17 followed
Browne v Dunn (1893) 6 R 67 cited
Commonwealth v Yarmirr [2001] HCA 56; (2001) 208 CLR 1 cited
Daniel v Western Australia (2002) 194 ALR 278 followed
Daniel v Western Australia [2003] FCA 666 discussed
De Rose v South Australia [2002] FCA 1342 discussed
De Rose v South Australia [2003] FCAFC 286; (2003) 133 FCR 325 discussed
De Rose v South Australia (No 2) [2005] FCAFC 110; (2005) 145 FCR 290 discussed
Dieri People v South Australia [2003] FCA 187; (2003) 127 FCR 364 followed
Drury v Western Australia [2000] FCA 132; (2000) 97 FCR 169 followed
Edward Landers v South Australia [2003] FCA 264; (2003) 128 FCR 495 followed
Fejo v Northern Territory [1998] HCA 58; (1998) 195 CLR 96 cited
Gumana v Northern Territory [2005] FCA 50; (2005) 141 FCR 457 cited
Harrington-Smith on behalf of the Wongatha People v State of Western Australia (No 5) (2003) 197 ALR 138 cited
Harrington-Smith on behalf of the Wongatha People v Western Australia (No 7) [2003] FCA 893; (2003) 130 FCR 424 cited
Jango v Northern Territory (No 4) (2004) 214 ALR 608 cited
Jones v Dunkel [1959] HCA 8; (1959) 101 CLR 298 cited
Lawson on behalf of the ‘Pooncarie’ Barkandji (Paakantyi) v Minster for Land and Water Conservation for the State of New South Wales [2002] FCA 1517 cited
Mabo v Queensland (No 2) [1992] HCA 23; (1992) 175 CLR 1 discussed
McKenzie v South Australia (2005) 214 ALR 214 followed
Makita (Australia) Pty Ltd v Sprowles [2001] NSWCA 305; (2001) 52 NSWLR 705 cited
Mason v Tritton (1994) 34 NSWLR 572 discussed
Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria [1998] FCA 1606 cited
Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria [2001] FCA 45; (2001) 110 FCR 244 cited
Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria [2002] HCA 58; (2002) 214 CLR 422 applied
Moran v Minister for Land and Water Conservation for the State of New South Wales [1999] FCA 1637 followed
Neowarra v Western Australia [2003] FCA 1402 cited
North Ganalanja Aboriginal Corporation v Queensland [1996] HCA 2; (1996) 185 CLR 595 cited
Northern Territory v Alyawarr, Kaytetye, Warumungu, Wakaya Native Title Claim Group [2005] FCAFC 135; (2005) 145 FCR 442 cited
Potts v Miller [1940] HCA 43; (1940) 64 CLR 282 cited
Quall v Risk [2001] FCA 378 cited
Risk v National Native Title Tribunal [2000] FCA 1589 cited
Sebastian (on behalf of the Rubibi Community) v Western Australia [2004] FCA 1019; (2004) 138 FCR 536 cited
Spassked Pty Ltd v Federal Commissioner of Taxation (No 2) (2002) 49 ATR 642 cited
Strickland v Native Title Registrar (1999) 168 ALR 242 followed
Tilmouth v Northern Territory [2001] FCA 820; (2001) 109 FCR 240 cited
Ward v Western Australia (1998) 159 ALR 483 cited
Western Australia v Commonwealth [1995] HCA 47; (1995) 183 CLR 373 cited
Western Australia v Native Title Registrar [1999] FCA 1593 cited
Western Australia v Ward [2000] FCA 191; (2000) 99 FCR 316 cited
Western Australia v Ward [2002] HCA 28; (2002) 213 CLR 1 discussed
Western Australia v Strickland [2000] FCA 652; (2000) 99 FCR 33 cited
Wharton on behalf of the Kooma People v Queensland [2003] FCA 1398 followed
Wik Peoples v Queensland [1996] HCA 40; (1996) 187 CLR 1 cited


RON HARRINGTON-SMITH & ORS ON BEHALF OF THE WONGATHA PEOPLE
v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6005 OF 1998, WAD 6018/98, WAD 6021/98, WAD 6029/98, WAD 6034/98,
WAD 6036/98, WAD 6039/98, WAD 6049/98, WAD 6062/98, WAD 6063/98,
WAD 6066/98, WAD 6067/98, WAD 6086/98, WAD 6104/98, WAD 6108/98,
WAD 6144/98, WAD 6147/98, WAD 6166/98, WAD 6187/98, WAD 6197/98


HARVEY MURRAY (COSMO NEWBERRY CLAIM) v
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 144 OF 1998


PHYLLlS THOMAS & ORS (MANTJINTJARRA NGALIA CLAIM)
v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6069 OF 1998


RICHARD GUY EVANS & ORS (KOARA CLAIM)
v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6008 OF 1998


JUNE ASHWIN & ORS (WUTHA CLAIM)
v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6064 OF 1998


MARJORIE MAY STRICKLAND AND ANNE JOYCE NUDDING
(MADUWONGGA CLAIM) v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 76 OF 1997


DOLLY WALKER AND KADO MUIR (NGALIA KUTJUNGKATJA NO 1 CLAIM)
v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6011 OF 2000


DOLLY WALKER (NGALIA KUTJUNGKATJA NO 2 CLAIM)
v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6001 OF 2002


LINDGREN J
5 FEBRUARY 2007
KALGOORLIE


IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
WAD 6005 OF 1998
WAD 6018/98, WAD 6021/98, WAD 6029/98, WAD 6034/98, WAD 6036/98, WAD 6039/98, WAD 6049/98, WAD 6062/98, WAD 6063/98, WAD 6066/98, WAD 6067/98, WAD 6086/98, WAD 6104/98, WAD 6108/98, WAD 6144/98, WAD 6147/98, WAD 6166/98, WAD 6187/98, WAD 6197/98

BETWEEN:
RON HARRINGTON-SMITH & ORS
(WONGATHA CLAIM)
APPLICANTS
AND:
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS
RESPONDENTS
JUDGE:
LINDGREN J
DATE OF ORDER:
5 FEBRUARY 2007
WHERE MADE:
KALGOORLIE

THE COURT ORDERS THAT:


  1. The application be dismissed.

Note: Settlement and entry of orders is dealt with in Order 36 of the Federal Court Rules.

IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
WAD 144 OF 1998

BETWEEN:
HARVEY MURRAY
(COSMO NEWBERRY CLAIM)
APPLICANT
AND:
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS
RESPONDENTS
JUDGE:
LINDGREN J
DATE OF ORDER:
5 FEBRUARY 2007
WHERE MADE:
KALGOORLIE

THE COURT ORDERS THAT:


  1. The application be dismissed.

Note: Settlement and entry of orders is dealt with in Order 36 of the Federal Court Rules.

IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
WAD 6069 OF 1998


BETWEEN:
PHYLLlS THOMAS & ORS
(MANTJINTJARRA NGALIA CLAIM)
APPLICANTS
AND:
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS
RESPONDENTS
JUDGE:
LINDGREN J
DATE OF ORDER:
5 FEBRUARY 2007
WHERE MADE:
KALGOORLIE

THE COURT ORDERS THAT:


  1. The application be dismissed to the extent that it relates to any land or waters that are also the subject of proceeding WAD 6005 of 1998 (Harrington Smith & Ors v State of Western Australia & Ors).

Note: Settlement and entry of orders is dealt with in Order 36 of the Federal Court Rules.

IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
WAD 6008 OF 1998

BETWEEN:
RICHARD GUY EVANS & ORS
(KOARA CLAIM)
APPLICANTS
AND:
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS
RESPONDENTS
JUDGE:
LINDGREN J
DATE OF ORDER:
5 FEBRUARY 2007
WHERE MADE:
KALGOORLIE

THE COURT ORDERS THAT:


  1. The application be dismissed to the extent that it relates to any land or waters that are also the subject of proceeding WAD 6005 of 1998 (Harrington Smith & Ors v State of Western Australia & Ors).

Note: Settlement and entry of orders is dealt with in Order 36 of the Federal Court Rules.

IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
WAD 6064 OF 1998


BETWEEN:
JUNE ASHWIN & ORS
(WUTHA CLAIM)
APPLICANTS
AND:
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS
RESPONDENTS
JUDGE:
LINDGREN J
DATE OF ORDER:
5 FEBRUARY 2007
WHERE MADE:
KALGOORLIE

THE COURT ORDERS THAT:


  1. The application be dismissed to the extent that it relates to any land or waters that are also the subject of proceeding WAD 6005 of 1998 (Harrington Smith & Ors v State of Western Australia & Ors).

Note: Settlement and entry of orders is dealt with in Order 36 of the Federal Court Rules.

IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
WAD 76 OF 1997

BETWEEN:
MARJORIE MAY STRICKLAND AND
ANNE JOYCE NUDDING
(MADUWONGGA CLAIM)
APPLICANTS
AND:
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS
RESPONDENTS
JUDGE:
LINDGREN J
DATE OF ORDER:
5 FEBRUARY 2007
WHERE MADE:
KALGOORLIE

THE COURT ORDERS THAT:


  1. The application be dismissed to the extent that it relates to any land or waters that are also the subject of proceeding WAD 6005 of 1998 (Harrington Smith & Ors v State of Western Australia & Ors).

Note: Settlement and entry of orders is dealt with in Order 36 of the Federal Court Rules.

IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
WAD 6011 OF 2000

BETWEEN:
DOLLY WALKER AND KADO MUIR
(NGALIA KUTJUNGKATJA NO 1 CLAIM)
APPLICANTS
AND:
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS
RESPONDENTS
JUDGE:
LINDGREN J
DATE OF ORDER:
5 FEBRUARY 2007
WHERE MADE:
KALGOORLIE

THE COURT ORDERS THAT:


  1. The application be dismissed to the extent that it relates to any land or waters that are also the subject of proceeding WAD 6005 of 1998 (Harrington Smith & Ors v State of Western Australia & Ors).

Note: Settlement and entry of orders is dealt with in Order 36 of the Federal Court Rules.

IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
WAD 6001 OF 2002

BETWEEN:
DOLLY WALKER
(NGALIA KUTJUNGKATJA NO 2 CLAIM)
APPLICANT
AND:
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS
RESPONDENTS
JUDGE:
LINDGREN J
DATE OF ORDER:
5 FEBRUARY 2007
WHERE MADE:
KALGOORLIE

THE COURT ORDERS THAT:


  1. The application be dismissed to the extent that it relates to any land or waters that are also the subject of proceeding WAD 6005 of 1998 (Harrington Smith & Ors v State of Western Australia & Ors).

Note: Settlement and entry of orders is dealt with in Order 36 of the Federal Court Rules.


TABLE OF CONTENTS [1]


CHAPTER 1 – INTRODUCTION



Para
1.1
Overview
[1]
1.2
Genesis of the present eight applications – antecedent
applications to the National Native Title Tribunal

(a) Wongatha
(b) Mantjintjarra Ngalia
(c) Koara
(d) Wutha
(e) Cosmo Newberry
(f) Maduwongga
(g) Ngalia Kutjungkatja 1
(h) Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2

[16]

[18]
[40]
[42]
[45]
[47]
[49]
[54]
[57]
1.3
Forms of application and points of claim
[60]
1.4
Respondents to the Wongatha Claim and their legal representatives
[62]
1.5
Principal provisions of the NTA and some general principles of law
[65]
1.6
Sovereignty
[112]
1.7
Structure and other aspects of these reasons
[113]

CHAPTER 2 – THE CLAIMS: OVERVIEW




Para
2.1
The Wongatha Claim (WAG 6005/98)

(a) The Wongatha Claim area
(b) The Wongatha Claim group
(c) The native title rights and interests claimed
(d) The factual basis of the Wongatha Claim
(e) Wongatha claimants’ connection with the Wongatha Claim area
(f) Sections 47, 47A, 47B and 61A of the NTA
(g) Authorisation
[120]

[121]
[126]
[136]
[138]
[140]
[141]
[142]
2.2
The Mantjintjarra Ngalia Claim (WAG 6069/98)

(a) The MN Claim area
(b) The MN Claim group
(c) The native title rights and interests claimed
[143]

[143]
[150]
[156]
2.3
The Koara Claim (WAG 6008/98)

(a) The Koara Claim area
(b) The Koara Claim group
(c) The native title rights and interests claimed
(d) The factual basis of the Koara Claim
[159]

[160]
[165]
[170]
[172]
2.4
The Wutha Claim (WAG 6064/98)

(a) The Wutha Claim group
(b) The Wutha Claim area
(c) The native title rights and interests claimed
(d) The factual basis of the Wutha Claim
[176]

[180]
[185]
[189]
[191]
2.5
The Cosmo Newberry Claim (WAG 144/98)

(a) The Cosmo Claim group
(b) The Cosmo Claim area
(c) The native title rights and interests claimed
(d) The Cosmo claimants’ connection to the Cosmo Claim area
[195]

[210]
[216]
[224]
[226]
2.6
The Maduwongga Claim (WAG 76/97)

(a) The Maduwongga Claim group
(b) The Maduwongga Claim area
(c) The native title rights and interests claimed
(d) The factual basis of the Maduwongga Claim and the
Maduwongga claimants’ connection to the Maduwongga Claim area
[228]

[243]
[251]
[252]
[253]
2.7
The NK 1 Claim (WAG 6001/00) and
The NK 2 Claim (WAG 6001/02)

(a) The NK 1 and NK 2 Claim areas
(b) The NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups
(c) The native title rights and interests claimed
(d) Authorisation
[254]

[256]
[258]
[271]
[273]
2.8
Amendment made to the registration test
by the Amending NTA
[278]
2.9
A comparison of the criteria for membership of the
eight Claim groups
[283]

CHAPTER 3 – GENERAL ISSUES PERTAINING TO ALL CLAIMS




Para
3.0
Introduction and overview

(a) Lateness of the written record
(b) The difficulty of proving claims to land by various groupings of semi-nomadic people

(c) The various Claim areas are large
(d) Post-sovereignty migration
(e) Basing a claim on a normative Western Desert Cultural
Bloc (‘WDCB’) ‘society’

(f) Dispute as to the western extent of the WDCB
(g) Claim groups claiming group rights and interests
(h) Overlapping and competing claims
(i) Continued acknowledgment and observance by a group
(j) Authorisation a problem for some groups
[293]

[294]
[297]

[300]
[301]
[304]

[308]
[310]
[321]
[323]
[334]
3.1
Onus of proof in respect of various issues
[335]
3.2
The extent to which the respective Claim groups are confined to their case as put in the Form 1, in counsel’s opening and as presented at the hearing
[354]
3.3
Relevance and importance of lay evidence
(a) The lay evidence generally
(b) Men’s Restricted Evidence
(c) Women’s Restricted Evidence
(d) Issues with respect to lay evidence

[364]
[375]
[384]
[386]
3.4
The proper role of expert evidence
[395]
3.5
Expert testimony in general

(a) Weight of expert anthropological evidence
(b) Weight of expert historical evidence
(c) Weight of other expert evidence
(1) Linguists
(2) Ethnobotanist
(3) Archaeologist
[404]

[409]
[433]

[447]
[457]
[469]
3.6
The Western Desert Cultural Bloc (WDCB)

(aa) General
(1) Origin of the expression and concept
(2) De Rose

(a)(b) Geographical extent and migration; Geographical co-incidence: Claim areas and WDCB

(1) Introduction

(2) The impact of migration on the western boundary
of the WDCB

(3) Geographical extent/migration –
anthropological writings
  • (i) David Sanderson McDonald
  • (ii) Daisy Bates
  • (iii) Professor AP Elkin
  • (iv) Professor Tindale
  • (v) Professor Berndt
  • (vi) Professor Robert Tonkinson
  • (vii) Dr John Stanton
  • (viii) Dr W Christensen
  • (ix) David Horton
  • (x) Phillip Toyne and Daniel Vachon
  • (xi) Dr Lee Sackett
(4) Geographical extent/migration –
the anthropological testimony

(5) Conclusions on geographical extent/migration

(c) Characteristics of the WDCB

(1) Is the WDCB a society with regional variations or does it consist of regional societies with cultural similarities?

(2) Laws, customs, beliefs and practices of the WDCB
  • (i) Professor AP Elkin
  • (ii) Professor and Dr Berndt
  • (iii) Toyne and Vachon
  • (iv) The participating anthropologists’ joint report
  • (v) Other matters
(3) Traditional groupings within the WDCB

(4) The aggregation or pooling of ‘my country’
areas in the present case

(5) General issues relating to acknowledgment
and observance
  • (i) Acknowledgment and observance as distinct from knowledge
  • (ii) A practice or activity dictated otherwise than by an intention to acknowledge or observe (the question of the inference of attribution)
  • (iii) How is acknowledgment and observance by a ‘group’ to be proved?
  • (iv) How many traditional laws and customs must be shown to be still acknowledged and observed?
  • (v) What is the appropriate measure of acknowledgment and observance?
  • (vi) What was the level of acknowledgment and observance in 1829, and what is the level of acknowledgment and observance that should be looked for today?
  • (vii) Acknowledgment and observance by the Claim groups not to be decided
(d) Whether the WDCB is a basis of a normative system,
and if so, to whom and to what area does that system apply

(e) The Western Desert and the Claim groups

(f) Languages – whether important and if so what the significance of language is

[495]
[500]

[540]

[550]

[554]
[562]
[575]
[602]
[622]
[652]
[658]
[663]
[664]
[665]
[667]

[670]

[699]

[706]

[710]

[739]
[741]
[794]
[797]
[799]
[813]

[828]

[880]

[933]

[935]

[948]

[955]

[962]

[970]

[972]

[976]

[979]

[1004]

[1024]

3.7
The Wongatha Claim area: Relevant European history

(a) Explorers

(b) Mining discoveries and associated developments

(c) Government administrators – ration depots, police,
the Protector of Aborigines

(d) Pastoral industry

(e) Missionary activities/the Mount Margaret Mission
[1043]

[1046]

[1063]

[1078]

[1103]

[1114]
3.8
Meaning of ‘communal’, ‘group’ and ‘individual’ in s 223(1) of the NTA, and the relationship between those terms
[1129]

CHAPTER 4 – THE WONGATHA CLAIM



4.0

Introduction and Overview
Para

[1166]

4.1

Evidence of compliance with s 61 of the NTA

[1068]
4.2
Relevant society at the time of sovereignty
(‘the ancestral society’)
[1271]
4.3
Relevant laws and customs at the time of sovereignty
[1293]
4.4
Meaning of ‘communal’, ‘group’ and ‘individual’ in s 223(1) of the NTA, and the relationship between those terms
[1303]
4.5
Rights and interests held at the time of sovereignty
[1304]
4.6
The applicant group and the relevant society

(a) Membership criteria
(b) Relationship with the ancestral society
(c) Relationship with other Claim groups
(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising
the native title

[1319]
[1392]
[1403]
[1433]
4.7
Relevant traditional laws and customs

(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still acknowledged and observed; Acknowledgment and observance of laws and customs by the members of the applicant group and their ancestors since sovereignty
(1) Acknowledgment/observance of men’s law
(2) Acknowledgment/observance of women’s law
(3) Acknowledgment/observance of Tjukurr/Tjukurrpa (‘The Dreaming’)
(4) Acknowledgment/observance of the concept of ngurra/ngurrara (country)
(5) Acknowledgment/observance of the concept of pika ngurlu
(6) Acknowledgment/observance of gender restricted knowledge and protocols
(7) Observance/understanding of the section system or similar principles (‘skins’)
(8) Common kinship system
(9) Acknowledgment and usage in varying degrees of Wongatha language
(10) Acknowledgment and acquisition of a personal ‘Dreaming’ (totem)

[1440]

[1452]
[1509]
[1513]

[1569]

[1609]

[1665]

[1684]

[1722]
[1742]

[1754]



(11) Personal relationship laws and customs
(i) Avoidance of the use of the names of deceased individuals
(ii) The practice of wartulku (passing on the name of grandparent)
(iii) In-law avoidance
(iv) Customary food preparation/sharing
(v) Burial/reburial and other practices associated with death
(vi) Marry far away
(vii) Greeting, assertion and acknowledgment
(viii) Hold, receive and pass on knowledge; instruct and educate


[1766]
[1768]

[1793]

[1802]
[1813]
[1853]

[1869]
[1872]
[1873]
4.8
Relevant Connection to the Claim area – s 223(1)(b) of the NTA
  • (a) Section 223(1)(b) of the NTA and the meaning of ‘connection’
  • (b) Connection of members of Claim group to claimed areas
  • (c) Continuity of connection back to sovereignty

[1876]
[1888]
[1903]
4.9
Rights and interests asserted to be held under traditional laws and customs
[1908]

4.10
Whether such rights are ‘in relation to lands and waters’
[1908]
4.11
Whether such rights are ‘possessed under traditional laws acknowledged and customs observed’
[1908]

4.12
Application of s 223(1)(c) of the NTA
[1909]
4.13
Conclusions: Common law holders, rights and interests and determination area
[1909]


CHAPTER 5 – THE MANTJINTJARRA NGALIA CLAIM




Para
5.0
Introduction and overview
[1912]
5.1
Evidence of compliance with s 61 of the NTA
[1924]
5.2
Relevant society at the time of sovereignty
(‘the ancestral society’)
[1925]
5.3
Relevant laws and customs at the time of sovereignty
[2004]
5.4
Rights and interests held at the time of sovereignty
[2009]
5.5
The applicant group and the relevant society

(a) Membership criteria
(b) Relationship with the ancestral society
(c) Relationship with other Claim groups
(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising
the native title
[2012]

[2013]
[2031]
[2033]
[2046]
5.6
Relevant traditional laws and customs

(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still acknowledged and observed; Acknowledgment and observance of laws and customs by the members of the applicant group and their ancestors since sovereignty
(1) Tjukurr
(2) Ngurra
(3) Residence
(4) Travelling over the area and camping at particular
sites
(5) Knowing and using waterholes
(6) Further activities showing custom and traditions
6.1 Acknowledgment/observance of men’s law
6.2 Acknowledgment/observance of women’s law
6.3 Acknowledgment/observance of Tjukurr/Tjukurrpa (‘the Dreaming’)
6.4 Acknowledgment/observance of the concept of ngurra/ngurrara (country)
6.5 Acknowledgment/observance of the concept of pika ngurlu
6.6 Acknowledgment/observance of gender restricted knowledge and protocols

6.7 Observance/understanding of the section system or similar principles (‘skins’)
6.8 Common kinship system
6.9 Acknowledgment and usage in varying degrees of Mantjintjarra or Wongatha language
6.10 Acknowledgment and acquisition of a personal ‘Dreaming’ (totem)

[2051]

[2057]
[2093]
[2135]
[2142]

[2166]
[2171]
[2173]

[2206]

[2210]

[2211]

[2212]

[2232]

[2237]

[2243]
[2251]

[2265]

6.11 Personal relationship laws and customs including:
(i) Avoidance of the names of deceased individuals
(ii) The practice of wartulku (passing on the name of a grandparent)
(iii) In-law avoidance
(iv) Customary food preparation/sharing practices
(v) Burial/reburial and other practices associated with death
(vi) Marry far away
(vii) Greeting, assertion and acknowledgment
(viii) Hold, receive and pass on knowledge; instruct and educate
(7) Inherit, dispose of land and acquire interests in land
(8) Speak for country, ie manage, control, make decisions about, protect and care for sites
(9) Occupy, use, travel, live on land and use resources


[2274]

[2282]

[2285]
[2298]

[2310]

[2324]
[2329]

[2349]

[2356]

[2369]

[2373]

5.7
Relevant Connection to the Claim area – s 223(1)(b) of the NTA
(a)(b) Connection of members of the Claim group to the Claim areas; Continuity of connection back to sovereignty

[2379]

5.8
Rights and interests asserted to be held under traditional laws and customs
[2391]
5.9
Whether such rights are ‘in relation to lands and waters’
[2391]
5.10
Whether such rights are ‘possessed under traditional laws acknowledged and customs observed’
[2391]
5.11
Application of s 223(1)(c) of the NTA
[2392]
5.12
Conclusions: Common law holders, rights and interests and determination area
[2393]

CHAPTER 6 – THE KOARA CLAIM



Para
6.0
Introduction and Overview
[2395]
6.1
Evidence of compliance with s 61 of the NTA
[2410]
6.2
Relevant society at the time of sovereignty
(‘the ancestral society’)
[2435]
6.3
Relevant laws and customs at the time of sovereignty
[2461]
6.4
Rights and interests held at the time of sovereignty
[2464]
6.5
The applicant group and the relevant society

(a) Membership criteria
(b) Relationship with the ancestral society
(c) Relationship with other Claim groups
(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising
the native title

[2470]
[2497]
[2501]
[2522]
6.6
Relevant traditional laws and customs

(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still acknowledged and observed; Acknowledgment and observance of laws and customs by the members of the applicant group and their ancestors since sovereignty
  1. Tjukurr and ngurra
  2. Residence
  3. Travelling and camping
  4. Knowing and using waterholes
  5. Hunting, collecting bush foods and preparing medicines from plants and other materials
  6. Making implements and artefacts and erecting shelters
  7. Conducting and participating in ceremonies and law business
  8. Exchanging and dealing in materials
  9. Instructing children in the law and culture, rules about connection to country
  10. Traditional burial and reburial practices
  11. Inheriting from ancestors and transmitting to younger generations, native title rights and interests
[2533]

[2535]
[2552]
[2560]
[2571]
[2582]

[2593]

[2603]

[2640]
[2644]

[2664]
[2673]
6.7
Relevant Connection to the Claim area – s 223(1)(b) of the NTA
(a)(b) Connection of members of the Claim group to claimed areas; Continuity of connection back to sovereignty

[2687]

6.8
Rights and interests asserted to be held under traditional
laws and custom
[2711]
6.9
Whether such rights are ‘in relation to lands and waters’
[2711]
6.10
Whether Such Rights are ‘Possessed Under Traditional Laws Acknowledged and Customs Observed’
[2711]
6.11
Application of s 223(1)(c) of the NTA
[2712]
6.12
Conclusions: Common law holders, rights and interests and determination area
[2713]

CHAPTER 7 – THE WUTHA CLAIM




Para
7.0
Introduction and Overview
[2715]
7.1
Evidence of compliance with s 61 of the NTA
[2727]
7.2
Relevant society at the time of sovereignty
(‘the ancestral society’)
[2739]
7.3
Relevant laws and customs at the time of sovereignty
[2741]
7.4
Rights and interests held at the time of sovereignty
[2743]
7.5
The applicant group and the relevant society

(a) Membership criteria
(b) Relationship with the ancestral society
(c) Relationship with other Claim groups
(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising
the native title

[2745]
[2771]
[2774]
[2778]
7.6
Relevant traditional laws and customs

(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still acknowledged and observed; Acknowledgment and observance of laws and customs by the members of the applicant group and their ancestors since sovereignty
(1) Tjukurr
(2) Ngurra
(3) Residence
(4) Travelling and camping
(5) Knowing and using waterholes
(6) Hunting, collecting bush foods and preparing medicines from plants and other materials
(7) Making implements and artefacts and erecting shelters
(8) Conducting and participating in ceremonies and law business
(9) Caring for and maintaining country, caring for sites of ceremonial or spiritual significance and knowing important Wutha places and their names
(10) Exchanging and dealing in materials
(11) Instructing children in the Law and culture, rules about connection to country
(12) Speaking and/or understanding the Wutha dialect and Wutha words and associated Western Desert dialects and words
(13) Traditional burial and re-burial practices
(14) Inheriting from ancestors, transmitting to younger generations, native title rights and interests

[2779]

[2780]
[2798]
[2803]
[2805]
[2807]
[2810]

[2823]

[2825]

[2832]

[2839]
[2840]

[2845]

[2850]
[2855]

7.7
Relevant Connection to the Claim area – s 223(1)(b) of the NTA
(a)(b) Connection of members of the applicant group to claimed areas; Continuity of connection back to sovereignty

[2862]
7.8
Rights and interests asserted to be held under traditional laws and customs
[2863]
7.9
Whether such rights are ‘in relation to lands and waters’
[2863]
7.10
Whether such rights are ‘possessed under traditional laws acknowledged and customs observed’
[2863]
7.11
Application of s 223(1)(c) of the NTA
[2864]
7.12
Conclusions: Common law holders, rights and interests and determination area
[2864]

CHAPTER 8 – THE COSMO NEWBERRY CLAIM




Para nos
8.0
Introduction and overview
[2867]
8.1
Evidence of compliance with s 61 of the NTA
[2894]
8.2
Relevant society at the time of sovereignty
(‘the ancestral society’)
[3017]

8.3
Relevant laws and customs at the time of sovereignty
[3029]
8.4
Rights and interests held at the time of sovereignty
[3030]
8.5
The applicant group and the relevant society

(a) Membership criteria
(b) Relationship with the ancestral society
(c) Relationship with other Claim groups
(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising
the native title

[3031]
[3048]
[3057]
[3075]
8.6
Relevant traditional laws and customs

(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still acknowledged and observed; Acknowledgment and observance of laws and customs by the members of the applicant group and their ancestors since sovereignty
  • (1) Tjukurrpa/Dreaming and Dreaming Law
  • (2) Personal Dreamings
  • (3) Ritual
  • (4) Dealing with death
  • (5) Names and naming
  • (6) Infanticide
  • (7) Adoption
  • (8) Kinship terms
  • (9) Sections and section system/marriage
  • (10) Claims to country
  • (11) Knowledge of country

[3089]

[3095]
[3113]
[3131]
[3158]
[3179]
[3189]
[3195]
[3208]
[3220]
[3241]
[3291]

  • (12) Looking after country
  • (13) Gaining and extending access to country
  • (14) Preparing, cooking, butchering and sharing kangaroo
  • (15) Language
  • (16) Female initiatory rites
  • (17) Sanctions/transgressions
  • (18) Alternate generational levels
[3297]
[3306]
[3317]

[3329]
[3337]
[3338]
[3350]
8.7
Relevant Connection to the Claim area – s 223(1)(b) of the NTA
(a)(b) Connection of members of the applicant group to claimed areas; Continuity of connection back to sovereignty

[3354]
8.8
Rights and interests asserted to be held under traditional laws and customs
[3355]
8.9
Whether such rights are ‘in relation to lands and waters’
[3355]
8.10
Whether such rights are ‘possessed under traditional laws acknowledged and customs observed’
[3355]
8.11
Application of s 223(1)(c) of the NTA
[3356]
8.12
Conclusions: Common law holders, rights and interests and determination area
[3357]

CHAPTER 9 – THE MADUWONGGA CLAIM




Para
9.0
Introduction and overview
[3359]
9.1
Evidence of compliance with s 61 of the NTA
[3373]
9.2
Relevant society at the time of sovereignty
(‘the ancestral society’)
[3433]

9.3
Relevant laws and customs at the time of sovereignty
[3483]
9.4
Rights and interests held at the time of sovereignty
[3495]
9.5
The applicant group and the relevant society

(a) Membership criteria
(b) Relationship with the ancestral society
(c) Relationship with other Claim groups
(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising
the native title

[3500]
[3507]
[3533]
[3558]
9.6
Relevant traditional laws and customs

(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still acknowledged and observed; Acknowledgment and observance of laws and customs by the members of the applicant group and their ancestors since sovereignty
  • (1) Tjukurrpa
  • (2) Grandparents teaching grandchildren
  • (3) Elders responsible for decisions about country
  • (4) Mortuary rites
  • (5) (6) Customs of food preparation and sharing; Customs of hunting and gathering foods traditionally hunted and gathered
  • (7) Frequenting a ‘run’ ... and visiting family and friends
  • (8) Connection of individuals to their places of birth and conception and to places to which their ancestors were connected
  • (9) Totems
  • (10) Initiation
  • (11) Corroborees
  • (12) Skin names – marriage rules
  • (13) Aboriginal name
  • (14) Language
  • (15) Places to avoid (pika ngurlu)
  • (16) Ritual for approaching sites

[3561]

[3565]
[3572]
[3581]
[3586]
[3599]

[3606]

[3616]

[3631]
[3634]
[3641]
[3644]
[3652]
[3653]
[3662]
[3666]

9.7

Relevant Connection to the Claim area – s 223(1)(b) of the NTA
(a)(b) Connection of members of the applicant group to claimed areas; Continuity of connection back to sovereignty

[3674]
9.8
Rights and interests asserted to be held under traditional laws and customs
[3675]
9.9
Whether such rights are ‘in relation to lands and waters’
[3675]
9.10
Whether such rights are ‘possessed under traditional laws acknowledged and customs observed’
[3675]
9.11
Application of s 223(1)(c) of the NTA
[3676]
9.12
Conclusions: Common law holders, rights and interests and determination area
[3676]

CHAPTER 10 – THE NGALIA KUTJKUNGKATJA CLAIMS
(Ngalia Kutjungkatja No 1 and Ngalia Kutjungkatja No 2)




Para
10.0
Introduction and Overview
[3678]
10.1
Evidence of compliance with s 61 of the NTA
[3697]
10.2
Relevant society at the time of sovereignty
(‘the ancestral society’)
[3751]
10.3
Relevant laws and customs at the time of sovereignty
[3788]
10.4
Rights and interests held at the time of sovereignty
[3788]
10.5
The applicant group and the relevant society

(a) Membership criteria
(b) Relationship with the ancestral society
(c) Relationship with other Claim groups
(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising
the native title

[3789]
[3795]
[3796]
[3827]
10.6
Relevant traditional laws and customs

(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still acknowledged and observed; Acknowledgment and observance of laws and customs by the members of the applicant group and their ancestors since sovereignty
  • (1) Terms for country
  • (2) Descent from ancestors connected to the area
  • (3) Adoption
  • (4) Birth or conception in the area
  • (5) Traditional religious and spiritual knowledge of the area and knowledge of traditional rituals and ceremonies of the area
    • (i) Knowledge of Tjukurrpa sites and stories, and the nature of connection created by such knowledge
    • (ii) Initiated men
    • (iii) Knowledge and interest of other members of the claim groups
    • (iv) Ceremonies
    • (v) Relevant connections to overlap area
  • (6) Men’s law
  • (7) Women’s law and restriction of some knowledge due to gender
  • (8) Ceremony
  • (9) Traditional knowledge of the geography of the area
  • (10) The occupation and use of the area according to tradition and custom by:
    • (i) Maintaining a primary association and a spiritual connection, occupancy and use of the area;
    • (ii) Continuous access and use of the area in order to access its traditional resources such as water, stones, ochre, timber, bush tucker, bush medicines, flora and fauna;
    • (iii) Continuous practice of environmental values within the area,
  • (11) Other laws and customs referred to in evidence
    • (i) Pika Ngurlu
    • (ii) Skin and kinship system and marriage rules
    • (iii) Language
    • (iv) Avoidance of names of deceased people
    • (v) Naming of children
    • (vi) Food preparation and sharing
    • (vii) Punishment for breaking the law

[3838]

[3831]
[3842]
[3852]
[3855]
[3866]

[3868]

[3883]
[3887]

[3896]
[3903]
[3908]
[3921]

[3927]
[3936]

[3941]

[3951]

[3956]

[3957]
[3958]
[3964]

[3972]
[3977]
[3978]
[3980]
[3981]
10.7
Relevant Connection to the Claim area – s 223(1)(b) of the NTA
(a)(b) Connection of members of the applicant group to claimed areas; Continuity of connection back to sovereignty

[3989]
10.8
Rights and interests asserted to be held under traditional laws and customs
[3990]
10.9
Whether such rights are ‘in relation to lands and waters’
[3990]

10.10

Whether such rights are ‘possessed under traditional laws acknowledged and customs observed’

[3990]
10.11
Application of s 223(1)(c) of the NTA
[3992]

10.12

Conclusions: Common law holders, rights and interests and determination area

[3993]

CHAPTER 11 – CONCLUSIONS [3996]

ANNEXURES





A

Map of Wongatha Claim area and areas that are the subject of the seven overlapping claims

B

List of the 35 applications for determination of native title

C

Schedule of the 93 claimants who testified, by applicant group (based on the LIPs)

D

Copy of the map of the Cosmo Claim area annexed to the Cosmo Form 1, showing the locations of the four Aboriginal Reserves

E

Map of five possible determination areas

F

Summary paraphrases of the indigenous witnesses’ first person testimony, in alphabetical sequence by the witness names

IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
WAG 6005 OF 1998
WAG 6018/98, WAG 6021/98,
WAG 6029/98, WAG 6034/98,
WAG 6036/98, WAG 6039/98,
WAG 6049/98, WAG 6062/98,
WAG 6063/98, WAG 6066/98,
WAG 6067/98, WAG 6086/98,
WAG 6104/98, WAG 6108/98,
WAG 6144/98, WAG 6147/98,
WAG 6166/98, WAG 6187/98,
WAG 6197/98
BETWEEN:
RON HARRINGTON-SMITH, LEO THOMAS,
CYRIL BARNES & OTHERS ON BEHALF OF
THE WONGATHA PEOPLE
APPLICANTS
AND:
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS
RESPONDENTS

IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
WAD 144 OF 1998

BETWEEN:
HARVEY MURRAY
(COSMO NEWBERRY CLAIM)
APPLICANT
AND:
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS
RESPONDENTS

IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
WAD 6069 OF 1998
BETWEEN:
PHYLLlS THOMAS & ORS
(MANTJINTJARRA NGALIA CLAIM)
APPLICANTS
AND:
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS
RESPONDENTS

IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
WAD 6008 OF 1998
BETWEEN:
RICHARD GUY EVANS & ORS (KOARA CLAIM)
APPLICANTS
AND:
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS
RESPONDENTS

IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
WAD 6064 OF 1998

BETWEEN:
JUNE ASHWIN & ORS (WUTHA CLAIM)
APPLICANTS
AND:
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS
RESPONDENTS

IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
WAD 76 OF 1997
BETWEEN:
MARJORIE MAY STRICKLAND AND
ANNE JOYCE NUDDING (MADUWONGGA CLAIM)
APPLICANTS
AND:
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS
RESPONDENTS

IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
WAD 6011 OF 2000
BETWEEN:
DOLLY WALKER AND KADO MUIR
(NGALIA KUTJUNGKATJA NO 1 CLAIM)
APPLICANTS
AND:
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS
RESPONDENTS

IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
WAD 6001 OF 2002
BETWEEN:
DOLLY WALKER
(NGALIA KUTJUNGKATJA NO 2 CLAIM)
APPLICANT
AND:
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS
RESPONDENTS

JUDGE:
LINDGREN J
DATE:
5 FEBRUARY 2007
PLACE:
KALGOORLIE


REASONS FOR JUDGMENT (No 9)

CHAPTER 1 – INTRODUCTION
1.1 OVERVIEW

  1. There are before the Court eight overlapping applications for determination of native title.
  2. The applicants (‘the Wongatha applicants’) apply under s 61 of the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) (‘the NTA’) for a determination of native title in relation to an area of some 159,048.165 km2 (‘the Wongatha Claim area’). The location can be referred to as the Western Australian Goldfields. The Wongatha applicants apply on behalf of persons whom they call ‘the Wongatha People’.
  3. The case also concerns overlapping claims by seven other groups. The applicants in these claims are respondents in the Wongatha proceeding. Nonetheless, I will refer to them as ‘Koara applicants’, ‘Wutha applicants’, and so on. The expression ‘claimants’ refers to all those individuals, including the applicants, who are members of a claim group, that is to say, a group on whose behalf a claim is made. I will use such expressions as ‘Wongatha Claim group’. Accordingly, the Maduwongga Claim group, for example, consists of the Maduwongga claimants, including the Maduwongga applicants. The expression ‘native title claim group’ is defined in the NTA (see ss 61(1) and 253, and [72] below) to mean the actual holders of a particular native title claimed, but I will use the terms ‘claim group’ and ‘Claim group’ to refer to the group of claimants on whose behalf an application is made.
  4. Originally the Wongatha Claim area was larger than it is now, comprising some 183,779.163 km2 (according to The Times Comprehensive Atlas of the World (11th ed, Time Books, London, 2003), Victoria has an area of approximately 227,416 km2 and Tasmania an area of 68,401 km2). The easternmost boundary of the original area of the Wongatha Claim was as far east as 127o longitude, relatively close to, but to the west of, the South Australian border, which is at 129o longitude By an amendment made pursuant to s 64(1A) of the NTA on 22 October 2002, areas totalling 24,731.021 km2, which were then the subject of four overlapping applications for determination of native title, were excised (s 64(1A) permits amendment of an application to reduce the area of land or waters covered by it). Nearly all of the area excised was the easternmost (approximately rectangular) part of the original Wongatha Claim area and comprised some 24,398.631 km2. That area was the subject of an overlapping application which had been filed on 12 August 2002, during the course of the hearing, on behalf of ‘the Pilki People’ (WAD 6002/02). The other three areas excised were small and were the subject of the following overlapping claims: the Sir Samuel No 2 Claim (WAD 6059/98), the Gubrun Claim (WAD 2/98) and the Kalamaia Kabu(d)n Claim (WAD 6216/98). After the reduction in the Wongatha Claim area, the four Claims mentioned no longer overlapped the Wongatha Claim, but the seven to which I referred earlier still did so. Since the excision of the Pilki area, the easternmost boundary of the Wongatha Claim area is at 125.69o longitude.
  5. The southern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area is some 85 km as the crow flies north of Kalgoorlie-Boulder, the point on that boundary nearest to Kalgoorlie being almost due north of it. The Goldfields Highway runs from that city in a generally northerly direction through Menzies and Leonora (both within the Wongatha Claim area) and on to Leinster and Wiluna (both beyond and to the northwest of it). Another important road within the Wongatha Claim area runs from Leonora in an east-north-easterly direction to Laverton, and then, as the ‘Great Central Road’, from Laverton through Cosmo Newberry and out of the Wongatha Claim area to Warburton.
  6. A substantial part, I estimate the eastern one half to two thirds. of the Wongatha Claim area is desert (or ‘Spinifex’) country and is not used for commercial purposes. Much of the remainder (the western one third to one half) is characterised by mulga, rockholes and breakaways, and is used for pastoral activity (sheep and cattle) and mining (gold and nickel). Most, but not all, of the places which indigenous witnesses identified as places where roaming, camping, hunting and gathering have taken place or still take place are in that western one third to one half.
  7. The Court heard lay evidence on claimants’ ‘connection’ to the Claim areas at Kalgoorlie, Leonora and Laverton, at Aboriginal communities at Mount Margaret, Mulga Queen and Cosmo Newberry, and at particular sites ‘on country’. Some indigenous connection evidence was heard in ‘closed’ session, because of cultural considerations pertaining to gender. The Court heard expert testimony on ‘connection’, all extinguishment evidence, and submissions in Perth.
  8. The hearing has been long and complex. This is indicated by the following statistics (The figures do not include submissions on extinguishment, which I do not need to consider):

Number of pages of transcript:
16,926 or 16,928*

Number of days on which the Court sat
(often for extended hours):

99 or 100*

Average daily number of pages of transcript:
169.28 or 170.97*

Number of witnesses who testified orally:
149

Number of affidavits read without the deponent being called:
43

Number of exhibits:
265

Number of volumes of experts’ reports
(see [12]):
34

Number of pages in experts’ reports:
2,817

Number of lists of objections to experts’ reports:
77

Number of objections to experts’ reports:
1,426

Number of documentary submissions or volumes of submissions:
97

Number of pages of written submissions
(including appendices and annexures):
8,087

Number of pages of appendices and annexures included in the
written submissions:
3,708

Number of pages of written submissions excluding appendices
and annexures:
4,379

* Day 100 lasted one minute and consisted of a notation, within half
a page of transcript, that the listing of the matter on that day had been
rendered otiose.


  1. Several factors contributed to the length of the hearing and of the time taken to produce these reasons. The most significant of these was the number of overlapping applications, themselves over large areas. I have heard, not only the Wongatha Claim, but also the seven overlapping Claims to the extent of their overlaps with the Wongatha Claim. The Claims were in the dockets of various Judges, including myself, and we decided that it was desirable to hear, as the ‘lead Claim’, the one with the maximum number of overlaps. To have done otherwise would have required the Wongatha claimants, for example, to run their case several times. However, the burden of having to hear and determine eight separate native title applications has been great. The Wongatha Claim area and the areas that are the subject of the seven overlapping claims are shown on the map which is Annexure A to these reasons. As Annexure A shows, the overlapping Claims are:

Mantjintjarra Ngalia (‘MN’)

Koara

Wutha

Cosmo Newberry (‘Cosmo’)

Maduwongga

Ngalia Kutjungkatja 1 (‘NK 1’)

Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2 (‘NK 2’) (Annexure A shows only an NK Claim area, not distinguishing between NK 1 and NK 2. As will appear in due course, the NK 2 application was filed during the course of the hearing, whereupon the NK Claim became designated as NK 1. The NK 2 Claim area is one and the same as the MN Claim area.)

(I will use the above abbreviations, whether the reference is to a place, an area, a group, a Claim or a proceeding. For example, ‘Cosmo’ is always to be read as if ‘Cosmo Newberry’ appeared, irrespective of context.)

  1. The parties estimated that four weeks would be required for the hearing. The dates 19 and 22 February 2002 were allocated for opening addresses and a four week period from 4 March 2002 to 28 March 2002 was set aside for the hearing otherwise. Prior to the first day, the parties appreciated that this period was inadequate. A second tranche of seven weeks from 17 June to 2 August 2002 was fixed. The hearing was still not completed, and the parties thought that a further four weeks would be required. Accordingly, the period from 11 November 2002 to 4 December 2002 was assigned, but still the hearing remained unfinished. The parties agreed that it would be completed in a further six weeks. The Wongatha applicants requested that the hearing not resume until the next financial year; ie after 30 June 2003, due to the fact that their budget allocation for 2002-2003 had been used up. Even apart from this consideration, the earliest period of six weeks suitable to the numerous counsel involved was the period from 4 August 2003 to 12 September 2003. Still, three further days, 8-10 December 2003, were required to complete the evidence. That left submissions. A tight timetable for written outlines was set, to be followed by oral submissions in March 2004. Most parties found it difficult, if not impossible, to comply with the timetable. In the result, a régime was laid down of full written submissions, to be followed by brief oral elaboration on them on 8 - 11 June 2004. Since judgment was reserved (on 11 June 2004) there have been certain further procedural hearings which need not be discussed.
  2. While I have had the considerable benefit of counsel and solicitors who are expert in native title law and practice, there is an associated disadvantage: the same counsel are retained in numerous other native title proceedings. As a result, when a period fixed proves inadequate and further time is required, it is difficult to find early dates convenient to all counsel. That difficulty, exacerbated in this case by the number of parties and counsel involved, explains the sizeable gaps between the tranches of hearing dates.
  3. Voluminous reports in fields such as anthropology, history, linguistics, and archaeology were filed:

Anthropology

Dr Sandra Pannell

Mr Daniel Vachon

Dr Lee Sackett

Mr Daniel M de Gand

Dr Edward McDonald

Mr Kim Barber

Professor Kenneth Maddock

Dr Ron Brunton

Ms Petronella Vaarzon-Morell


History

Mr Craig Muller

Mr Chris Stronach


Linguistics

Mr Mark Clendon

Dr Bruce Sommer


Archaeology

Professor Peter Veth


Ethno-botany

Mr Apad C Kalotas


‘The Impact of Government Legislation, Practices & Policies on Aboriginal People’s Connection to ... Country’

Dr Anna Haebich

  1. I indicated a disposition to allow an objection to the whole of Dr Haebich’s report, the tender of which was ultimately not pressed. The report of the anthropologist, Ms Petronella Vaarzon-Morell, who was retained by the Cosmo applicants, was not relied on, except as expressing a submission which was adopted by counsel. Professor Maddock, who was retained by the first respondent, the State of Western Australia (‘the State’), died prior to the tranche in which the expert witnesses were cross-examined on their reports. However, his report was admitted into evidence. The remaining 13 expert witnesses mentioned were cross-examined, most of them at length.
  2. The reports and supplementary reports numbered 30 (some were by joint authors) and were contained in 34 volumes, some of them quite thick. The 1426 evidential objections to the reports were the subject of my judgment in Harrington-Smith on behalf of the Wongatha People v Western Australia (No 7) [2003] FCA 893; (2003) 130 FCR 424 (‘Harrington-Smith v Western Australia (No 7)’).
  3. Pursuant to directions made under Order 34A of the Federal Court Rules (‘FCRs’), after the filing and service of experts’ reports, but prior to the hearing of the expert evidence, some (unfortunately not all) expert witnesses within the same discipline conferred and produced a joint report identifying areas of agreement and disagreement. On the hearing, expert witnesses within the same discipline were sworn in immediate succession to one another, and had the opportunity in the witness box to question each other and to make summary statements of their opinions on the areas of disagreement. After that process was complete, each expert was cross-examined and re-examined in the conventional manner.

1.2 GENESIS OF THE PRESENT EIGHT APPLICATIONS – ANTECEDENT APPLICATIONS TO THE NATIONAL NATIVE TITLE TRIBUNAL

  1. I was informed from the bar table that hundreds of applications in respect of areas in the Goldfields region were filed with the National Native Title Tribunal (‘NNTT’) under the NTA as in force before 30 September 1998, the date of commencement of the Native Title Amendment Act 1998 (Cth) (‘the Amending NTA’). (Where it is necessary to distinguish between them, I will refer to the NTA as in force before 30 September 1998 as ‘the Old NTA’, and to that as in force on and after that date as ‘the New NTA’.) The Amending NTA had the effect that applications made to the NNTT under the Old NTA which were pending at 30 September 1998 were taken to have been made to this Court under the relevant provisions of the New NTA: see the Amending NTA, Schedule 5, Pt 3 Item 6 and Pt 9 Item 36.
  2. The 35 applications for determination of native title listed in Annexure B to these reasons for judgment are the applications which are, or have generated, the eight applications that I have heard to the extent that they touch the Wongatha Claim area. The first 33 were lodged under the Old NTA. They, or some of them, were themselves combinations of earlier applications. With the exception of Claims 1, 2 and 3 in Annexure B, those first 33 were all the applications listed that were pending at the commencement of the Amending NTA, and which, therefore, were taken to have been made in this Court. Claims 1, 2 and 3 had already been referred to this Court prior to the commencement of the amending NTA (as to Claims 1 and 2 see [49] below, and, as to Claim 3 see [47] below).

(a) Wongatha

  1. I turn now to those applications listed in Annexure B which gave rise to the Wongatha Claim itself. The fourth application listed in Annexure B (WC 94/8) was lodged with the NNTT on 11 August 1994 by Leo Winston Thomas on behalf of Waljen People. The area the subject of that Waljen Claim is within what is now the Wongatha Claim area. On 30 September 1998, as a result of the operation of the Amending NTA, the Waljen Claim became proceeding WAG 6005/98 in this Court – the present Wongatha proceeding.
  2. On 6 January 1999, following the passing of resolutions at a meeting at the Maku Stadium, Kalgoorlie, on 18 December 1998 attended by certain members of certain antecedent claim groups, a notice of motion was filed in the Waljen proceeding. It sought an order that the application be amended in the form of an amended native title determination application said to have been filed with the notice of motion; that that document stand as the amended application in the Waljen proceeding; and that service of the notice of motion be dispensed with. It appears that in fact no form of amended application was separately filed, but there was filed on 6 January 1999, in support of the motion, an affidavit of Mark Mony de Kerloy, solicitor, sworn 24 December 1998, to which was annexed a form of ‘amended native title determination claimant application’. There were also filed on 6 January 1999 twelve supporting affidavits, one by each of the then proposed Wongatha applicants, all in the same form, purporting to satisfy the requirements of s 62 of the New NTA.
  3. It will be necessary below to consider in greater detail the events surrounding the combining of the 20 antecedent applications, including the Waljen application, to convert the latter into the present Wongatha application; the authorisation of the making of the Wongatha application and subsequent events; and subsequent amendments of the Wongatha application.
  4. On 22 January 1999 a Deputy District Registrar ordered that:
  5. Since the making of those orders, the other 19 antecedent proceedings in the Court have remained in abeyance, in the sense that documents have not been filed in the Court files relating to them, in favour of the progression of the ‘combined proceeding’, WAG 6005/98, that is to say, the Wongatha Claim.
  6. Pursuant to s 64(4) of the NTA, the Registrar of the Court gave a copy of the combined application to the Native Title Registrar (‘NT Registrar’), who numbered it WC 99/01.
  7. On 22 February 1999, the Deputy District Registrar ordered that the 20 native title determination applications mentioned be amended in terms of the form of a further amended native title determination application which was annexure ‘MMdK1’ to an affidavit of Mark Mony de Kerloy sworn 3 February 1999. That document bore the number of this proceeding and the numbers of the other nineteen proceedings that had been combined with it.
  8. On 26 February 1999 the Wongatha Claim was accepted for registration under the New NTA and entered in the Register of Native Title Claims. On 16 November 1999, however, Carr J ordered that the NT Registrar’s decision made on 26 February 1999 be set aside (see Western Australia v Native Title Registrar [1999] FCA 1593). On 10 February 2000, the Wongatha Claim was again accepted for registration (at that time the then current Wongatha Form 1 was dated 1 November 1999).
  9. On 12 November 1999, Lee J ordered that native title determination application WG 6005 of 1998 be amended in the form of amended native title determination (claimant) application which had, without leave, been filed on 1 November 1999. The document bore only the number WAG 6005 of 1998.
  10. The form of the Wongatha application (Form 1) has been amended several times since. The latest and current Form 1 is a form of further amended application dated 11 April 2003 and filed on 14 April 2003, which is discussed at 2.1 [124] below.
  11. The Wongatha applicants are represented by a representative Aboriginal/Torres Strait Islander body (‘native title representative body’ or ‘NTRB’), namely, the Goldfields Land and Sea Council Aboriginal Corporation (‘GLSC’, at an earlier time called the ‘Goldfields Land Council Aboriginal Corporation’, referred to in some documents as ‘GLC’).
  12. It was not in dispute that the external boundaries of the Wongatha Claim area were simply the direct result of the combining of the areas the subject of the 20 antecedent claims. For example, the easternmost boundary of the Wongatha Claim area was previously the easternmost boundary of the easternmost of the 20 antecedent claim areas (that was the area the subject of the Thithee Birni Bunna Wiya Claim – the eighteenth claim listed in Annexure B). What was the genesis of the boundaries of those antecedent claim areas? Apart from two idiosyncratic inclusions (see 2.1 [121] below), the evidence touching this question is remarkably unenlightening. The boundaries were not dictated by features of the terrain, such as ridges, hills, valleys or streams. Pastoral lease boundaries explain the choice of what became a small irregular part of the northern boundary: I infer from the coincidence of the boundaries of Melrose Station, and part of the northern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area, that a decision was taken by someone to exclude that Station.
  13. The non-native title claim group respondents submit that the Wongatha Claim area is an artificial construct, created for the purposes of the NTA, of 20 heterogeneous areas the subject of 20 heterogeneous claims. In my opinion, it is not required that a claim cover the whole of a traditional area in which native title is held. More important to the ‘artificial construct’ submission is the fact that the antecedent claim areas were themselves based on an aggregation of the ‘my country’ areas of individuals. This issue lies at the heart of the present case, and much more will be said about it, in particular, at 3.6(c)(4). For present purposes, all that needs to be said is that the precise procedure by which the ‘my country’ areas of individuals were aggregated to give the twenty separate antecedent claim areas is not revealed by the evidence.
  14. The number of and, often, the overlaps between the antecedent claims were found to give rise to practical difficulties. In particular, it was difficult for the State and mining companies to be sure that they were dealing with the appropriate registered claimants under the Old NTA. A further difficulty arose upon the commencement of the Amending NTA on 30 September 1998. The Amending NTA introduced a new registration test, applicable to already registered claims as well as to those yet to be lodged. Under the new test the inclusion of a claimant in the native title claim group for more than one claim meant that once one of the claims was registered, the other or others would not satisfy the new registration test (see 2.8 below). A combination of claims seemed to offer a solution.
  15. There was a degree of cooperation relating to native title in the Goldfields that preceded the combination of the twenty antecedent claims in January/February 1999, although the evidence relating to it is not precise. In 1996 some of those who were claiming native title in the North Eastern Goldfields area established a ‘North East Goldfields Wongatha Working Group’ to advance their interests. The Working Group decided to establish a charitable trust to be the repository of monies payable by mining companies as a result of negotiations in connection with future act applications under the NTA. In about January 1997, a ‘North East Independent Body’ (‘NEIB’) was formed to replace the Working Group. In late 1998, the committee of the NEIB resolved that the NEIB be incorporated as a ‘prescribed body corporate’ under the name ‘NEIB Aboriginal Corporation’ (see NTA ss 56-57 and 253 (‘prescribed’ and ‘registered native title body corporate’)), and that a ‘Wongatha Aboriginal Charitable Trust’ be established. That Trust was in fact established with Wongatha Corporation Pty Ltd as trustee, and the Trust ‘operated’. The NEIB Aboriginal Corporation was incorporated later, on 30 January 1999. I will refer to it also as ‘NEIB’.
  16. The meeting at the Maku Stadium, Kalgoorlie on 18 December 1998 to which I referred at [19], said to have been a meeting of the unincorporated NEIB, was convened by the GLSC. The meeting was said to have been attended by ‘representatives’ of existing native title claim groups. A decision was taken at that meeting to combine claims.
  17. According to the minutes of the meeting, headed ‘Minutes of NEIB Meeting’, forty individuals were ‘present’ together with a consultant and certain ‘observers’. The resolutions passed were:

The effect of the meeting is discussed in some detail at 4.1, where the issue of the authorisation of the Wongatha applicants to make the present application is dealt with.

  1. On 6 January 1999, a document headed ‘Amended Native Title Determination Claimant Application’ dated 24 December 1998 (six days after the meeting) was filed in the Court in proceeding WAG 6005/98 (which had been the Waljen Claim proceeding) with the twelve persons named above shown as applicants, purporting to be a combination of the 20 claims mentioned, and purporting to be made ‘on behalf of the Wongatha people’. The immediately subsequent history was outlined briefly at [19]–[27] above.
  2. Against the above background, it was perhaps to be expected that many, perhaps all, of the claimants in the new combined Wongatha Claim, would not be in a position to profess a connection to every part of the vast Wongatha Claim area. This is in fact the position.
  3. I will refer to the Wongatha Claim in further detail at 2.1 and in Ch 4.
  4. What of the remaining 15 of the 35 applications (referred to in [17] and in Annexure B)? I will address, first, the other three claims (MN, Koara, Wutha) in which the GLSC represents the Claim groups.
  5. Since the MN, Koara and Wutha Claim groups, like those in the Wongatha Claim group, are represented by the GLSC, I will refer to those four Claim groups as ‘GLSC Claim groups’; to the persons in (members of) them as ‘GLSC claimants’; and to the named applicants in respect of them as ‘GLSC applicants’.

(b) Mantjintjarra Ngalia

  1. On 30 September 1998, by the operation of the amending NTA, the twenty-third proceeding listed in Annexure B (WC 96/20) became a proceeding in this Court (WAG 6069/98) (the ‘MN Claim’). The MN Claim, alone of the Claims before the Court, has not been amended since the commencement of the Amending NTA. Part of the north-eastern boundary of the MN Claim area coincides with the boundaries of certain pastoral stations, such as Carnegie, Prenti Downs, Windidda, Yelma and Wonganoo.
  2. I will refer to the MN Claim in further detail at 2.2 and in Ch 5.

(c) Koara

  1. As appears in Annexure B, the six proceedings which are the fifth, sixth, ninth, tenth, fourteenth and fifteenth claims there listed are distinguished by the name ‘Koara’.
  2. On 30 September 1998, by the operation of the amending NTA, the fifth proceeding listed (WC 95/1) became a proceeding in this Court (WAG 6008/98), and the sixth, ninth, tenth, fourteenth and fifteenth became proceedings in this Court under the respective Court proceeding numbers indicated in Annexure B. On the motion of the applicants in proceeding WAG 6008/98, on 11 January 1999 a Deputy Registrar ordered that the other five Koara applications be combined with the application in that proceeding. On 4 March 1999, the combined application was further amended. I will call the resulting combined proceeding (WAG 6008/98) ‘the Koara Claim’.
  3. I will refer to the Koara Claim in further detail at 2.3 and in Ch 6.

(d) Wutha

  1. The twentieth and twenty-fourth proceedings listed in Annexure B are distinguished by the name ‘Wutha’. On 30 September 1998, by the operation of the Amending NTA, the twentieth proceeding (WC 96/8) also became a proceeding in this Court (WAG 6064/98), and the twenty-fourth proceeding (WC 96/22) became a proceeding in this Court (WAG 6071/98). On the motion of the applicants in proceeding WAG 6064/98, a Deputy District Registrar ordered on 22 January 1999 that proceeding WAG 6071/98 be combined with that proceeding. I will call the resulting combined proceeding (WAG 6064/98) ‘the Wutha Claim’. Part of the boundary of the Wutha Claim area also coincides with the boundaries of certain pastoral stations, such as Windidda, Yelma and Wonganoo.
  2. I will refer to the Wutha Claim in further detail at 2.4 and in Ch 7.

(e) Cosmo Newberry

  1. The third claim listed in Annexure B (WC 96/17) was an application lodged with the NNTT on 21 February 1996 by Frances Murray and others on behalf of the Cosmo People. The application was accepted by the NNTT Registrar on 10 May 1996. The Registrar of the NNTT referred the Cosmo application to this Court on 18 September 1998, and it was filed with the Court on 23 September 1998, where it became proceeding WAG 144/98 (the ‘Cosmo Claim’). The Cosmo Claim area is wholly within the Wongatha Claim area and in the northern part of it. Its external boundaries are those of four Aboriginal Reserves and it includes an area the subject of the Yamarna pastoral lease. The Cosmo claimants are represented, not by the GLSC, but by a different NTRB, the Ngaanyatjarra Council (Aboriginal Corporation). Because the Cosmo Claim area is wholly within the Wongatha Claim area, I have heard the Cosmo application, like the Wongatha application, as to the whole of its Claim area.
  2. I will refer to the Cosmo Claim in further detail at 2.5 and in Ch 8.

(f) Maduwongga

  1. The first, second and thirty-third claims listed in Annexure B are distinguished by the name ‘Maduwongga’. Of these, indeed of all the applications listed in Annexure B, the second one listed (WC 94/3) was lodged first. It was lodged with the NNTT on 19 April 1994, not long after the commencement of the NTA (generally speaking, the NTA commenced on 1 January 1994). It was accepted under s 63 of the Old NTA on 12 October 1995. After unsuccessful attempts at mediation, it was referred to this Court by the NT Registrar under s 74 of the Old NTA on 27 May 1998, and became Court proceeding WAG 63/98. The claim listed as No 1 in Annexure B (WC 95/11) was lodged with the NNTT, arguably on 6 April 1995 (see [223]) and was accepted under s 63 of the Old NTA on 18 September 1995. It included the areas the subject of certain pastoral leases which had been expressly excluded from the first claim. After unsuccessful attempts at mediation, it was also referred to this Court under s 74 of the Old NTA, on 30 June 1997 (earlier than the date on which the second one listed was referred to the Court), and became Court proceeding WAG 76/97. The thirty-third claim listed in Annexure B (WC 98/20) was lodged with the NNTT on 8 April 1998. It extended further to the south-east the south-eastern boundary of the existing area claimed, so as to include such places as Pinjin, Kirgella Rocks, Yindi and Kurnalpi. It was pending before the NNTT on 30 September 1998, and, therefore, by the operation of the Amending NTA, became a proceeding in this Court on that date (WAG 6237/98).
  2. On 3 July 1998 Carr J made orders as a result of which proceeding WAG 63/98 was consolidated with WAG 76/97. The consolidated proceeding was to be called ‘WG 76 of 1997 and 63 of 1998’. On 17 February 1999, on the motion of the applicants in the consolidated proceeding, RD Nicholson J revoked Carr J’s consolidation order and ordered that both WAG 63/98 and WAG 6237/98 be combined with WAG 76/97 and continue in and under WAG 76 of 1997. The form of application in WAG 76/97 was amended accordingly. For convenience, I am calling the combined proceeding (WAG 76/97) ‘the Maduwongga Claim’, except where it is necessary to distinguish between the various claims bearing the name ‘Maduwongga’. It is important to note, however, that whereas the first, second and thirty-third claims listed in Annexure B were expressed to be made on behalf of ‘all those persons who are Maduwongga peoples’, the Maduwongga application is now made on behalf of only ‘Marjorie May Strickland and Anne Joyce Nudding and their biological descendants’ (‘the Strickland/Nudding group’).
  3. On 8 June 1999, a delegate of the NT Registrar decided pursuant to s 190A of the NTA, that the Maduwongga Claim should not be accepted for alleged failure to comply with s 190C(3) of the NTA. That decision led to litigation (Strickland v Native Title Registrar (1999) 168 ALR 242 (FCA)) (‘Strickland’) in which French J set aside the decision and directed the NT Registrar to accept the Maduwongga Claim and to include details of it in the Register of Native Title Claims. An appeal by the State was dismissed: Western Australia v Strickland [2000] FCA 652; (2000) 99 FCR 33 (‘WA v Strickland’).
  4. The applicants in the Maduwongga Claim are two sisters, Marjorie May Strickland and Anne Joyce Nudding. They are represented, not by any NTRB, but by a private firm of solicitors. As can be seen from Annexure A, the Maduwongga Claim area includes Kalgoorlie-Boulder and Coolgardie, and overlaps the Wongatha Claim area on the south.
  5. I will refer to the Maduwongga Claim in further detail at 2.6 and in Ch 9.

(g) Ngalia Kutjungkatja 1

  1. As appears from Annexure B, the last two proceedings there listed were commenced after 30 September 1998, and therefore by the filing of applications in this Court – the thrity-fouth and thirty-fifth listed in Annexure B. The thirty-fourth is an application by Dolly Walker and her son Kado Muir and is distinguished by the name ‘NK’. That application was filed in this Court on 12 December 2000 (WAG 6011/00). I am calling that claim ‘the NK 1 Claim’ to distinguish it from the NK 2 Claim next to be mentioned. Of course, in various documents the NK 1 Claim is referred to simply as the NK Claim – it was only after the filing of the NK 2 application that the necessity arose of calling the NK Claim the NK 1 Claim.
  2. Originally, Ms Walker and her son, Mr Muir, as NK 1 applicants, were represented by the GLSC, but during the hearing the GLSC ceased to represent them. (Note that Taylor, Linfoot & Holmes are now the solicitors on the record for NK 1 and NK 2).
  3. I will refer to the NK 1 Claim in further detail at 2.7 and in Ch 10.

(h) Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2

  1. The thirty-fifth and last proceeding listed in Annexure B (WAG 6001/02) is one which was commenced in this Court by Dolly Walker alone. She commenced this proceeding on 13 June 2002, during the hearing, and I have designated it ‘NK 2’ (the ‘NK 2 Claim’). The NK 2 Claim is in respect of exactly the same land as the MN Claim.
  2. Ms Walker, as sole applicant in the NK 2 Claim, has never been legally represented. Since judgment was reserved, Dolly Walker filed a notice of motion seeking leave to discontinue the NK 2 application but, by consent, the motion was dismissed.
  3. I will also refer to the NK 2 Claim in further detail at 2.7 and in Ch 10.

1.3 FORMS OF APPLICATION AND POINTS OF CLAIM

  1. Some of the forms of applications have been amended with leave; some more than once. A statement of facts and contentions (‘SOFAC’) or points of claim (‘POC’) have been filed by all applicants except the MN applicants. Points of response to the Wongatha applicants’ POC have been filed in the Wongatha proceeding. The two expressions, SOFAC and POC, have been used interchangeably. For convenience, I will use POC, even though a document may have been intituled as a SOFAC.
  2. The table below identifies the proceedings which I have heard, the current applicants, the current form of application (Form 1), and the current form of POC.

Name and Federal Court Proceeding No.

Current
Applicants

Current form of Application
(Form 1)

Current form of POC or points of response

WONGATHA

WAG 6005/98

Ron Harrington-Smith,
Leo Thomas, Cyril Barnes, Les Tucker, Dimple Sullivan, Aubrey Lynch, Elvis Stokes, Pearlie Wells, Murray Stubbs, Thomashisha Passmore, Thelma O’Loughlin and Sadie Canning

Further amended application dated 11 April 2003 and filed in the Court on 14 April 2003

Further amended POC dated 11 April 2003 and filed on 11 April 2003 and again on 14 April 2003

M N

WAG 6069/98

Phyllis Thomas, MM, Dolly Walker,
Nancy Gordon, Kado Muir,
Jane Beasley, Vanessa Thomas, Mindi Chapman

Amended version of a Form 1 application dated 7 March 1996 and filed with NNTT on 11 March 1996 deemed to have been filed in the Court on 30 September 1998, not subsequently amended.

In their points of response dated and filed 16 May 2003, MN applicants adopted, with necessary modification, the contentions made in Wongatha further amended POC filed on 11 April 2003. (MN applicants have not filed POC in WAG 6069/98.)

KOARA

WAG 6008/98

Richard Guy Evans,
Dawn Evans,
Brett Andrew Lewis, Geraldine Hogarth and Joan Tucker

Further amended application dated 3 October 2002 and filed in the Court on 7 October 2002

In their points of response dated and filed 16 May 2003, Koara applicants adopted, with necessary modification, the contentions made in Wongatha further amended POC filed on 11 April 2003. (Koara applicants also filed POC in WAG 6008/98 on 30 May 2003.)

WUTHA

WAG 6064/98

June Ashwin,
Geoffrey Alfred Ashwin, Ralph Edward Ashwin and Raymond William Ashwin

Amended application dated and filed in the Court on 4 March 1999 together with a substituted amended Schedule A filed on 4 May 1999

In their points of response dated and filed 16 May 2003, Wutha applicants adopted with necessary modification, the contentions made in Wongatha further amended POC filed on 11 April 2003. (Wutha applicants also filed POC in WAG 6064/98 on 30 April 2004.)

COSMO

WAG 144/98

Harvey Murray

Fourth amended application dated and filed in the Court on 14 August 2003.


Further amended POC filed in WAG 144/98 on 2 September 2003.


MADUWONGGA

WAG 76/97

Marjorie May Strickland and
Anne Joyce Nudding

Further amended application dated 11 June 2003 and filed on 13 June 2003

Further amended POC filed on 15 December 2003 (WAG 6005/98). (Maduwongga applicants have not filed POC in WAG 76/97.)

NK 1

WAG 6011/00

Dolly Walker and
Kado Muir

Application dated 7 December 2000 and filed in the Court on 12 December 2000

NK 1 applicants’ POC filed on 22 November 2002 in WAG6005/98. (NK 1 applicants have not filed POC in WAG 6011/00.)

NK 2

WAG 6001/02

Dolly Walker

Application dated and filed in the Court on 13 June 2002

NK 2 applicant’s POC filed on 25 November 2002 in WAG6005/98. (NK 2 applicant has not filed POC in WAG 6001/02.)


1.4 RESPONDENTS TO THE WONGATHA CLAIM AND THEIR LEGAL REPRESENTATIVES

  1. In the Wongatha Claim there are 116 respondents.
  2. At the time of the Deputy District Registrar’s ‘combination orders’ of 22 January 1999 (see [21]), there were 574 respondents. Pursuant to an order made on 1 February 2002 many of them ceased to be parties. The now remaining 116 respondents, including the applicants in the overlapping Claims, have been grouped for convenience, as follows (note that the table reflects minor changes that have occurred since the hearing):
Group
No.
Group Identity
Represented by

1

State of Western Australia interests
The State of Western Australia
Electricity Corporation
Gold Corporation
Water Corporation

State Solicitor’s Office (Western Australia)

2

Commonwealth of Australia interests
The Commonwealth of Australia

Australian Government Solicitor

3

Local Government interests
The City of Kalgoorlie-Boulder and the
Shires of Laverton, Leonora, Menzies,
Sandstone and Wiluna

Minter Ellison

4A

Indigenous interests
NK 1 People (WAD 6011/00)

NK 2 People
(WAD 6001/02)

Maduwongga People (WAD 76/98)

Unrepresented (originally represented by GLSC) (Note that Taylor Linfoot & Holmes are now on the record as solicitors for the Ngalia Kutjungkatja 1 respondents)

Unrepresented (Note that Taylor Linfoot & Holmes are now on the record as solicitors for the Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2 respondents)

Corser & Corser Lawyers

4B

Indigenous interests
Cosmo People (WAD 144/98)

Cosmo (Aboriginal Corporation)

Ngaanyatjarra Council (Aboriginal Corporation)


The Ngaanyatjarra Council
(Aboriginal Corporation)

The Ngaanyatjarra Council
(Aboriginal Corporation)

The Ngaanatjarra Council
(Aboriginal Corporation)


4E

Indigenous interests
Koara People (WAD 6008/98)
MN People (WAD 6069/98)
Wutha People (WAD 6064/98)

GLSC
GLSC
GLSC

5

Mining interests
25 diverse respondents

AngloGold Australia Ltd
Croesus Mining NL

Anaconda Nickel Ltd
Murrin Murrin East Pty Ltd
Anaconda Pastoral Holdings Pty Ltd

Australian Nickel Mines NL
Mount Martin Gold Mines NL

Cranston Edwards and Donna Edwards as the lead party representing the interests of 52 respondents who are all members of Amalgamated Prospectors and Leaseholders Association of WA Inc

Unrepresented

Blake Dawson Waldron

DLA Phillips Fox, formerly Gadens Lawyers

Blakiston & Crabb

Mallesons Stephen Jaques

5A

Mining interests
WMC Resources Limited (‘WMC’) and
companies in the WMC group

WMC Resources Ltd, then Blake Dawson Waldron


5B

Mining interests
Barrick Gold of Australia Limited
(‘Barrick’) formerly called ‘Homestake Gold
of Australia Limited’ and companies in the Barrick Gold group

Hunt & Humphry

5C

Mining interests
Newmont Australia Ltd (formerly called Normandy Mining Limited) and the Newmont group of companies

DLA Phillips Fox, formerly Gadens Lawyers

5D

Mining interests
Wesfarmers CSBP Limited
Placer Dome Asia Pacific Limited
Placer (Granny Smith) Pty Ltd
Granny Smith Mines Limited
Sunrise Mines Limited
Kanowna Mines Limited
Mount Weld Pastoral Company Pty Limited
Maiden Gold NL

Freehills (except Maiden Gold NL, which is unrepresented)

5E

Mining interests
LionOre Australia (Wildara) NL (‘LionOre’)
and various parties in joint venture with
LionOre

Hunt & Humphry

5F

Mining interests
Six companies which have appointed the Association of Mining and Exploration Companies Association (‘AMEC’), pursuant to s 84B of the NTA, to act as agent on their behalf

Hunt & Humphry

6A

Pastoral interests
Twenty one respondents, all of whom have
appointed the Pastoralists’ and Graziers’ Association, pursuant to s 84B of the NTA, to act as agent on their behalf

Yundamindra Pastoral Holdings P/L of Yundamindra Station and Anaconda Pastoral Holdings Pty Ltd

All other respondents in Group 6A

Originally Blake Dawson Waldron but now DLA Phillips Fox, formerly Gadens Lawyers

Blake Dawson Waldron

7

Special lease interests
Anaconda Pastoral Holdings Pty Ltd

DLA Phillips Fox, formerly Gadens Lawyers

10

Petroleum interests
City Resources (WA) Pty Ltd

Blake Dawson Waldron

16

Telecommunications interests
Telstra Corporation Ltd

Blake Dawson Waldron

18

Other Government interests
Air Services Australia

Blake Dawson Waldron

(Former Group 4, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 17 and 19 respondents have ceased to be parties. So has former Group 4C, subject to the qualification that ‘Cosmo Newberry (Aboriginal Corporation)’ and ‘Ngaanyatjarra Council (Aboriginal Corporation)’, which were both formerly included in Group 4C, remain parties in Group 4B. The group names ‘Group 4D’ and ‘Group 15’ were never allocated to groups of parties.)

  1. The extent of participation in the hearing has varied as between the various groups of respondents. In due course, when referring to the parties’ submissions, I will use ‘Groups 5B/5F’ to refer to the Group 5B respondents and Group 5F respondents (whose submissions were identical), and ‘Group 6A’ to refer to the Group 6A respondents.

1.5 PRINCIPAL PROVISIONS OF THE NTA AND SOME GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF LAW

  1. One of the main objects of the NTA is to ‘to provide for the recognition and protection of native title’: NTA s 3. Section 4(1) of the NTA provides that the NTA recognises and protects native title, and provides that native title cannot be extinguished contrary to the NTA. Similarly, s 10 provides that native title is recognised and protected in accordance with the NTA, and s 11(1) provides that native title is not able to be extinguished contrary to the NTA. ‘Recognition’ and ‘protection’ are distinct from ‘creation’. Neither the NTA nor a determination of native title made under it ‘creates’ native title (see [90] below).
  2. Section 13(1) of the NTA provides that an application may be made to this Court under Pt 3 (ss 60A79) of the NTA ‘for a determination of native title in relation to an area for which there is no approved determination of native title’ or ‘to revoke or vary an approved determination of native title on the grounds set out in subsection (5)’. There is no approved determination of native title in relation to any part of the Wongatha Claim area. Section 81 gives this Court jurisdiction to hear and determine applications filed in the Court that relate to native title, such as the various applications currently before the Court.
  3. Provisions of pivotal importance to all applications for a determination of native title are found in ss 223(1) and (2) and 225, which occur in Part 15 (ss 222253) of the NTA, headed ‘Definitions’. They provide as follows:
The expression native title or native title rights and interests means the communal, group or individual rights and interests of Aboriginal peoples or Torres Strait Islanders in relation to land or waters, where:
the rights and interests are possessed under the traditional laws acknowledged, and the traditional customs observed, by the Aboriginal peoples or Torres Strait Islanders; andthe Aboriginal peoples or Torres Strait Islanders, by those laws and customs, have a connection with the land or waters; andthe rights and interests are recognised by the common law of Australia.’Without limiting subsection (1), rights and interests in that subsection includes hunting, gathering, or fishing, rights and interests.’
A determination of native title is a determination whether or not native title exists in relation to a particular area (the determination area) of land or waters and, if it does exist, a determination of:
who the persons, or each group of persons, holding the common or group rights comprising the native title are; andthe nature and extent of the native title rights and interests in relation to the determination area; andthe nature and extent of any other interests in relation to the determination area; andthe relationship between the rights and interests in paragraphs (b) and (c) (taking into account the effect of this Act); andto the extent that the land or waters in the determination area are not covered by a non-exclusive agricultural lease or a non-exclusive pastoral lease—whether the native title rights and interests confer possession, occupation, use and enjoyment of that land or waters on the native title holders to the exclusion of all others.’emphasis)
  1. Section 94A provides that an order in which this Court makes a determination of native title must set out details of the matters mentioned in s 225.
  2. As will appear below, the Claim groups before the Court all assert the existence of group rights and interests.
  3. The word ‘right’ in relation to land or waters is not defined (but see the inclusory definition of ‘rights and interests’ in s 223(2) set out at [67]). The word ‘interest’ in relation to land or waters is defined in s 253 as follows:
in relation to land or waters, means:

a legal or equitable estate or interest in the land or waters; or

any other right (including a right under an option and a right of redemption), charge, power or privilege over, or in connection with:
the land or waters; oran estate or interest in the land or waters; or
a restriction on the use of the land or waters, whether or not annexed to other land or waters.’ (original emphasis)

  1. The notion of ‘native title holders’ is to be distinguished from that of ‘common law holders’, an expression which s 253 states has the meaning given by s 56. Common law holders are the persons whom this Court proposes to include in a determination of native title. Section 56 provides for a representative of the common law holders to indicate that they intend to have the native title held in trust for them by a prescribed body corporate. If the representative nominates a prescribed body corporate for that purpose in accordance with s 56, and that prescribed body corporate becomes registered on the National Native Title Register as the holder of the native title, it is the native title holder. If not, the common law holders are the native title holders: ss 56, 224, 253 (‘common law holders’).
  2. An application for a determination of native title of the kind provided for in s 13(1) is one of the classes of application that may be made to the Court under Div 1 (ss 61–68) of Pt 3: s 61(1). The persons who may apply are identified in s 61(1), relevantly, as follows:
person or persons authorised by all the persons (the native title claim group) who, according to their traditional laws and customs, hold the common or group rights and interests comprising the particular native title claimed, provided the person or persons are also included in the native title claim group; ...
1: The person or persons will be the applicant: see subsection (2) of this section.2: Section 251B states what it means for a person or persons to be authorised by all the persons in the native title claim group.’emphasis)

The expression ‘native title claim group’ is defined in s 253 to mean, relevantly, the native title claim group mentioned in this passage. The expression is commonly and understandably used to refer to the group on whose behalf a native title determination application – claimant application is made. Indeed, Form 1, prescribed by para 5(1)(a) of the Native Title (Federal Court) Regulations 1998 (Cth), uses the expression in that sense, treating ‘claimants’ and members of the ‘native title claim group’ as synonymous. But there is no escaping the fact that the ‘native title claim group’, all of whose members are required by s 61(1) to authorise the applicant to apply, is a group constituted by all the actual holders, according to their traditional laws and customs, of the common or group rights or interests comprising the particular native title claimed.

  1. Under the Old NTA, s 61 allowed ‘[a] person or persons claiming to hold the native title either alone or with others’ (my emphasis) to apply, and required them to ‘describe or otherwise identify those others’. That is to say, under the Old NTA, authorisation of applicants was not required: it was sufficient that the applicants claimed to hold native title either alone or with others.
  2. Section 61(2) of the New NTA provides, relevantly, as follows:
In the case of:

following apply:

emphasis)

It follows that the applicants must be members of the native title claim group (the actual holders of the particular native title claimed) and be authorised by all the members of that group to make the application on behalf of that group.

  1. Part 15 of the NTA is headed ‘Definitions’. Several provisions in that Part have already been referred to. Within that Part, s 251B (referred to in Note 2 to s 61(1) set out at [72] above) provides:
the purposes of this Act, all the persons in a native title claim group ... authorise a person or persons to make a native title determination application ... and to deal with matters arising in relation to it, if:

where there is a process of decision-making that, under the traditional laws and customs of the persons in the native title claim group ... must be complied with in relation to authorising things of that kind – the persons in the native title claim group ... authorise the person or persons to make the application and to deal with the matters in accordance with that process; or

where there is no such process – the persons in the native title claim group ... authorise the other person or persons to make the application and to deal with the matters in accordance with a process of decision-making agreed to and adopted, by the persons in the native title claim group ... in relation to authorising the making of the application and dealing with the matters, or in relation to doing things of that kind.’
emphasis)
  1. An application (whether original or amended) that a native title claim group has authorised to be made must be accompanied by an affidavit by the applicant as to certain matters, including authorisation of the applicant by all the persons in the native title claim group to make the application and to deal with matters arising in relation to it: ss 62(1), 253.
  2. Subsection 13(1) (noted at [66] above) and ss 67 and 68 of the NTA reflect a policy that there be only one determination of native title in relation to an area. Sections 67 and 68 are as follows:
Overlapping native title determination applications
If 2 or more proceedings before the Federal Court relate to native title determination applications that cover (in whole or in part) the same area, the Court must make such order as it considers appropriate to ensure that, to the extent that the applications cover the same area, they are dealt with in the same proceeding.Without limiting subsection (1), the order of the Court may provide that different parts of the area covered by an application are to be dealt with in separate proceedings.’
Only one determination of native title per area
there is an approved determination of native title (the first determination) in relation to a particular area, the Federal Court must not:
conduct any proceeding relating to an application for another determination of native title; or
make any other determination of native title;
relation to that area or to an area wholly within that area, except in the case of:

an application as mentioned in subsection 13(1) to revoke or vary the first determination; or
a review or appeal of the first determination.’emphasis)

Consistently with the policy mentioned and with these provisions, s 84(3) makes a party to a proceeding in relation to an application to which s 61 applies, any person who claims to hold native title in relation to land or waters in the area covered by the application, and any person whose ‘interests may be affected by a determination in [a proceeding in relation to the application]’, who notifies the Court in writing that the person wants to be a party to the proceeding. The claims which overlap the Wongatha Claim are the seven Claims previously mentioned.

  1. In summary, the text of the statutory provisions referred to above makes several matters clear.
  2. First, the rights and interests must be ‘in relation to lands or waters’ if they are to constitute ‘native title rights and interests’ within s 223 (1) (opening words).
  3. Second, the rights and interests must be ‘[presently] possessed under the traditional laws [presently] acknowledged, and the traditional customs [presently] observed, by the Aboriginal peoples or Torres Strait Islanders’ (s 223 (1)(a)) (my emphasis).
  4. Third, by those traditional laws and traditional customs the claimants must (presently) have a ‘connection’ with the land or waters (s 223 (1)(b)).
  5. Fourth, the rights and interests must (presently) be ‘recognised’ by the common law of Australia (s 223 (1)(c)).
  6. Fifth, the NTA’s concept of native title is one, the content of which in a particular case, must be sufficiently certain to enable a determination of:
  7. I am required to determine the existence or connection (as distinct from extinguishment) aspect of the Claims before the Court in the light of the matters (often interrelated and overlapping) set out in the following numbered paragraphs:
  8. (1) At the time of the acquisition of sovereignty by the Crown, the accompanying common law recognised certain rights and interests held by indigenous people in relation to land and waters under their existing traditional laws and customs: Mabo v Queensland (No 2) [1992] HCA 23; (1992) 175 CLR 1 (‘Mabo (No 2)’). According to the preamble to the NTA, the High Court, in Mabo (No 2), rejected the doctrine of terra nullius and held that ‘the common law of Australia recognises a form of native title that reflects the entitlement of the original inhabitants of Australia, in accordance with their laws and customs, to their traditional lands’.
  9. (2) The native title that is recognised and protected by the NTA is the native title as defined in the s 223 (1) of the NTA, and the NTA, and, in particular, that definition, must be the starting point for any consideration of an application for a determination of native title brought under the NTA: Commonwealth v Yarmirr [2001] HCA 56; (2001) 208 CLR 1 (‘Yarmirr HCA’) at [7] (Gleeson CJ, Gaudron, Gummow and Hayne JJ) (‘joint judgment’); Western Australia v Ward [2002] HCA 28; (2002) 213 CLR 1 (‘Ward HCA’) at [16] (Gleeson CJ, Gaudron, Gummow and Hayne JJ) (‘joint judgment’); Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria [2002] HCA 58; (2002) 214 CLR 422 (‘Yorta Yorta HCA’) at [32] (Gleeson CJ, Gummow and Hayne JJ) (‘joint judgment’).
  10. (3) ‘The common law concept of “native title” [recognised in Mabo (No 2)] is incorporated into the definition contained in s 223(1) of the [NTA]’: Western Australia v Commonwealth [1995] HCA 47; (1995) 183 CLR 373 (‘Native Title Act Case’) at 452 (Mason CJ, Brennan, Deane, Toohey, Gaudron and McHugh JJ) (‘joint judgment’).
  11. (4) The rights and interests to which s 223 (1) refers ‘may not, and often will not, correspond with rights and interests in land familiar to the Anglo-Australian property lawyer ... [and] will often reflect a different conception of “property” or “belonging” ... [but] none of those considerations denies the normative quality of the laws and customs of indigenous societies’: Yorta Yorta (HCA) at [40] (joint judgment).
  12. (5) The rights and interests that are presently possessed under the traditional laws acknowledged, and the traditional customs observed, by the Aboriginal peoples, to which s 223(1) of the NTA refers, are not newly created by the NTA, but are rights and interests which were possessed under the laws acknowledged and the customs observed by the Aboriginal peoples at the time of sovereignty (for convenience, I will use the expressions ‘pre-sovereignty’), and which, as the High Court decided in Mabo (No 2), survived sovereignty: Yorta Yorta HCA at [75]-[76], [86]-[87] (joint judgment); [180] (Callinan J).
  13. (6) Native title is not an institution or creature of the common law; rather, it is sui generis, being rooted and delineated in, and ascertained by reference to, indigenous traditional (pre-sovereignty) laws and customs, and is ‘recognised’ by the common law: Mabo (No 2) at 58-61 (Brennan J), 100-101 (Deane and Gaudron JJ), 178 (Toohey J); Native Title Act Case at 452 (joint judgment), 492 (Dawson J); Fejo v Northern Territory [1998] HCA 58; (1998) 195 CLR 96 (‘Fejo’) at [46] (Gleeson CJ, Gaudron, McHugh, Gummow, Hayne and Callinan JJ) (‘joint judgment’), [101] (Kirby J); Ward HCA at [20] (joint judgment); Yarmirr HCA at [10] (joint judgment); Yorta Yorta HCA at [31]–[33] (joint judgment).
  14. (7) The NTA ‘governs the recognition, protection, extinguishment and impairment of native title’ (my emphasis): Native Title Act Case at 453 (joint judgment).
  15. (8) ‘Because native title has its origin in traditional laws and customs, and is neither an institution of the common law nor a form of common law tenure, it is necessary to curb the tendency (perhaps inevitable and natural) to conduct an inquiry about the existence of native title rights and interests in the language of the common law property lawyer’: Yarmirr HCA at [11] (joint judgment). This is so, notwithstanding the requirement that the rights and interests be ‘in relation to land or waters’ and the use of the word ‘title’: Yarmirr HCA at [12] (joint judgment). In Ward HCA at [52] and [95] (joint judgment) their Honours found the concept of a ‘bundle of rights’ a useful metaphor for native title.
  16. (9) ‘Nor is it necessary to identify a claimed right or interest as one which carries with it, or is supported by, some enforceable means of excluding from its enjoyment those who are not its holders. The reference to rights and interests enjoyed under traditional laws and customs invites attention to how (presumably as a matter of traditional law) breach of the right and interest might be dealt with, but it also invites attention to how (as a matter of custom) the right and interest is observed. The latter element of the inquiry seems directed more to identifying practices that are regarded as socially acceptable, rather than looking to whether the practices were supported or enforced through a system for the organised imposition of sanctions by the relevant community. Again, therefore, no a priori assumption can or should be made that the only kinds of rights and interests referred to in para (a) of s 223(1) are rights and interests that were supported by some communally organised and enforced system of sanctions’: Yarmirr HCA at [16] (joint judgment) (original emphasis).
  17. (10) ‘The underlying existence of the traditional laws and customs is a necessary pre-requisite for native title, but their existence is not a sufficient basis for recognising native title [because of the possibility of extinguishment]’ (my emphasis): Fejo at [46] (joint judgment).
  18. (11) Post-sovereignty adaptations or variations in pre-sovereignty traditional laws and customs are not necessarily a disqualification, but they must themselves be rooted in (allowed by) ‘the social structures of the relevant indigenous society as those structures existed at sovereignty’; what is inconsistent with the NTA’s concept of native title is that new rights and interests attributable to indigenous laws and customs should come into being after sovereignty, because their doing so could be due only to a right and interest creating system of norms parallel to, and in competition with, the legal system which owes its existence to sovereignty: Yorta Yorta HCA at [43]-[44], [54]-[55] (joint judgment), [178] (Callinan J).
  19. (12) Even if rights and interests can be shown to have been possessed under traditional (pre-sovereignty) laws and customs, if there is now no longer an indigenous society which acknowledges those laws and observes those customs, the rights and interests no longer exist; it is not enough that particular individuals acknowledge the traditional laws and observe the traditional customs or hope for their restoration: Yorta Yorta HCA at [50]-[56] (joint judgment), [86]-[87] (Callinan J). ‘Laws and customs’ and ‘society’ in the present context, are interrelated: ‘“society” is to be understood as a body of persons united in and by its acknowledgment and observance of a body of law and customs’: Yorta Yorta HCA at [49] (joint judgment). Laws and customs are sustained only by a society which continues to acknowledge and observe them.
  20. (13) The NTA’s use of the expression ‘traditional laws acknowledged and traditional custom observed’ (my emphasis) obviates any need to distinguish between traditional law on the one hand, and traditional custom on the other, but
the subject of consideration is rights or interests, the rules which together constitute the traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed, and under which the rights or interests are said to be possessed, must be rules having normative content. Without that quality, there may be observable patterns of behaviour but not rights or interests in relation to land or waters.’ (Yorta Yorta HCA at [42] (joint judgment) (my emphasis))

  1. (14) The word ‘traditional’ in the present context signifies, not only that the law or custom ‘has been passed from generation to generation of a society, usually by word of mouth and common practice’, but also:

‘the reference to rights or interest in land or waters being possessed under traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed by the peoples concerned, requires that the normative system under which the rights and interests are possessed (the traditional laws and customs) is a system that has had a continuous existence and vitality since sovereignty. If that normative system has not existed throughout that period, the rights and interests which owe their existence to that system will have ceased to exist. And any later attempt to revive adherence to the tenets of that former system cannot and will not reconstitute the traditional laws and customs out of which rights and interests must spring if they are to fall within the definition of native title.’ (my emphasis)


(Yorta Yorta HCA at [46]-[47] (joint judgment))

  1. (15) There is a distinction between a claim formulated by reference to the traditional laws and customs of the claimants as constituting ‘a discrete cohesive society or community’, as in Yorta Yorta, for example, and a claim formulated by reference to the traditional laws and customs of a larger ‘overarching’ society such as ‘the Western Desert bloc society’ or ‘Western Desert society’ as in De Rose v South Australia [2002] FCA 1342 (‘De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J’), and, according to the various Claim groups’ submissions, as in the present case. The possibility cannot be excluded a priori that rights and interests in relation to land or waters are possessed by claimants who do not constitute a discrete cohesive society or community, under the traditional laws and customs of the larger overarching society, which are acknowledged and observed by such claimants. The question would arise, however, whether the traditional laws and customs of that larger society provide for claimants of that description to possess such rights and interests: De Rose v South Australia [2003] FCAFC 286; (2003) 133 FCR 325 (‘De Rose FCAFC’) at [273]–[278]. The claimants would still have to prove that they continued to acknowledge and observe the laws and customs of the larger overarching society, and that they possessed rights and interests under those laws and customs: De Rose FCAFC at [281].
  2. (16) In the case of a claim of communal or group rights or interests, s 223(1)(a) requires the claimant community or group to establish that they have those rights and interests under traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed by that community or group, and it is not sufficient that other Aboriginal peoples acknowledge and observe the traditional laws and customs. This does not mean, however, that such a claim can succeed only if every member of the community or group is shown to acknowledge and observe the relevant traditional laws and customs. The question is one of fact and degree to be determined on the circumstances of each case: De Rose v South Australia (No 2) [2005] FCAFC 110; (2005) 145 FCR 290 (‘De Rose (No 2) FCAFC’) at [57]-[58]. Accordingly, not only, as noted earlier, must the sustaining ‘society’ continue to acknowledge and observe the laws and customs: if the native title claim group is not that society but only part of it, that group must also acknowledge and observe them. Whether it does so again raises questions of fact and degree.
  3. (17) The requirement that the rights and interests be ‘in relation to land or waters’ (s 223 (1)) is not satisfied by a right formulated as ‘a right to maintain, protect and prevent the misuse of cultural knowledge’: Ward HCA at [57]–[61] (joint judgment).
  4. (18) It is not a necessary element of the ‘connection’ to which s 223(1)(b) refers that the claimants presently physically occupy, visit or use the claim area, or have done so in the recent past: Ward HCA at [62]–[64] (joint judgment). Their Honours stated ([64]):
doubt there may be cases where the way in which land or waters are used will reveal something about the kind of connection that exists under traditional law or custom between Aboriginal peoples and the land or waters concerned. But the absence of evidence of some recent use of the land or waters does not, of itself, require the conclusion that there can be no relevant connection. Whether there is a relevant connection depends, in the first instance, upon the content of traditional law and custom and, in the second, upon what is meant by “connection” by those laws and customs. This latter question was not the subject of submissions in the present matters, the relevant contention being advanced in the absolute terms we have identified and without examination of the particular aspects of the relationship found below to have been sufficient. We, therefore, need express no view, in these matters, on what is the nature of the “connection” that must be shown to exist. In particular, we need express no view on when a “spiritual connection” with the land (an expression often used in the Western Australian submissions and apparently intended as meaning any form of asserted connection without evidence of continuing use or physical presence) will suffice.’ (my emphasis)

  1. It is possible for Aboriginal peoples to observe traditional laws and customs during periods when they have not, for one reason or another, maintained a physical connection with the claim area, but the length of the time of non-use or non-occupation may, depending on the circumstances, have an important bearing on whether traditional laws and customs continue to be acknowledged and observed: De Rose (No 2) FCAFC at [62].
  2. (19) The expression ‘recognised by the common law of Australia’ in s 223(1)(c) of the NTA does not mean ‘created by or arising from the common law of Australia’, but rather, ‘acceptable to and not inconsistent with the common law of Australia’. On this point, see Brennan J in Mabo (No 2) at 43 (recognition or the rights and intents by the common law must not ‘fracture a skeletal principle of our legal system’) and at 61 (or be ‘so repugnant to natural justice, equity and good conscience that judicial sanctions under the new régime must be withheld’). See also Wik Peoples v Queensland [1996] HCA 40; (1996) 187 CLR 1 (‘Wik’) at 84 (Brennan CJ) and Yarmirr HCA at [42] (joint judgment). In Ward HCA at [21] (joint judgment) it was suggested that there would be a failure to satisfy para (c) if the laws and customs which met the requirements of paras (a) and (b) clashed with ‘the general objectives of the common law of the preservation and protection of society as a whole.’ Further illustration is that the traditional rights and interests might be of such a nature as not to be amenable to enforcement as common law rights, because, for example, of insufficient precision: Yorta Yorta HCA at [176], [186] (Callinan J).
  3. (20) ‘[W]hen the tide of history has washed away any real acknowledgment of traditional law and any real observance of traditional customs, the foundation of native title has disappeared’, and ‘[a] native title which has ceased with the abandoning of laws and customs based on tradition cannot be revived for contemporary recognition’: Mabo (No 2) at 59-60 (Brennan J).
  4. (21) The existence and content of native title must be ascertained as a matter of fact and on a case by case basis by reference to the traditional laws acknowledged and the traditional customs observed by the indigenous people who posses the title: Mabo (No 2) at 58 (Brennan J); Wik at 169 (Gummow J); Commonwealth v Yarmirr [1999] FCA 1668; (1999) 101 FCR 171 at [16] (Beaumont and von Doussa JJ); Western Australia v Ward [2000] FCA 191; (2000) 99 FCR 316 (‘Ward FCAFC’) at [58] (Beaumont and von Doussa JJ).
  5. (22) ‘The relevant starting point is the question of fact posed by [the NTA]: what are the rights and interests in relation to lands or waters which are possessed under the traditional laws acknowledged and the traditional customs observed by the relevant peoples?’: Yarmirr HCA at [15] (joint judgment).
  6. (23) Novel legal, political and administrative problems were raised by the High Court’s decisions in Mabo (No 2) and Wik. The Old NTA was the Parliament’s attempt to grapple with the former, and the Amending NTA, with the latter. ‘Unless the [NTA] is read with an understanding of the novel legal and administrative problems involved in the statutory recognition of native title, its terms may be misconstrued’: North Ganalanja Aboriginal Corporation v Queensland [1996] HCA 2; (1996) 185 CLR 595 at 614-5 (Brennan CJ, Dawson, Toohey, Gaudron and Gummow JJ).
  7. (24) Present day knowledge of laws and customs which were once acknowledged and observed is not to be equated with present day acknowledgment and observance of them: Yorta Yorta HCA at [52] (joint judgment). Knowledge of laws and customs is obviously a condition of acknowledgment and observance of them, but knowledge of the traditional ways can be consistent with ‘the society (the body of persons united in and by its acknowledgment and observance of a body of law and customs) [having ceased] to acknowledge and observe [the laws and customs]’ (ibid).
  8. (25) While I respectfully agree that:
normative system containing such a custom does not cease to embody that custom simply because some members of the society flout the rule’

(Neowarra v Western Australia [2003] FCA 1402 (‘Neowarra’) at [310]), in my opinion general wide non-compliance may be some evidence that the normative system no longer has ‘existence and vitality’ (Yorta Yorta HCA at [47] (joint judgment)), and that there is no longer a ‘body of persons united in and by its acknowledgment and observance of [the] body of law and customs’ (Yorta Yorta HCA at [49] (joint judgment)).

  1. (26) Applicants bear the onus of proving on the balance of probabilities all the elements under the NTA of the particular native title claimed, and the difficulty of doing so does not alter the requirements of the NTA: Yorta Yorta HCA at [80] (joint judgment). In cases, like the present one, in which claimants contend that laws and customs have been adapted in response to the impact of European settlement, ‘difficult questions of fact and degree may emerge, not only in assessing what, if any, significance should be attached to the fact of change or adaptation but also in deciding what it was that was changed or adapted’ (Yorta Yorta HCA at [82] (joint judgment)).

1.6 SOVEREIGNTY

  1. It has not been in dispute that the time of the assertion of sovereignty by the British Crown over the land and waters which are now the State of Western Australia was the year 1829. The circumstances are recounted in the Native Title Act Case at 423-429 (joint judgment), a passage referred to in Ward HCA at [157] (joint judgment).

1.7 STRUCTURE AND OTHER ASPECTS OF THESE REASONS

  1. At my instigation, the parties agreed on a structure around which their submissions would be based. Except in Chs 1 and 2, I have followed their structure. That structure has not proved to be ideal. Moreover, while purporting to adhere to it, the parties’ submissions have often departed from it. Nonetheless, a restructuring by me would have given rise to even greater difficulties, in particular, those associated with the parties’ frequent use of the device of cross-referencing to parts of their own or other parties’ submissions by using section numbers in the agreed structure.
  2. The GLSC made a single set of submissions on behalf of all the GLSC applicants. Therefore references to the GLSC submissions, and, for example, to the Koara submissions, are references to the one document, or to the Koara part of it. Similarly, a statement that ‘the GLSC submits’, in so far as it relates to, say, the MN Claim, has the same meaning as a statement that ‘the MN applicants submit’.
  3. There are lengthy appendices to the GLSC submissions. In many instances, they are divided into sections (a) (Wongatha), (b) (MN), (c) (Koara), and (d) (Wutha). A reference to a ‘GLSC Appendix’ is a reference to an appendix to the GLSC submissions.
  4. A ‘List of Identified Persons’ was filed on behalf of each Claim group except the Cosmo and NK 2 Claim groups. The lists were of persons said by the respective applicants to be the persons who were members of the respective Claim groups, that is, claimants. In the case of the Cosmo Claim group, the equivalent list is found on pp 26–31 of a ‘Claimant Genealogies and Profiles’ document prepared by the Cosmo anthropologist, Dr Lee Sackett. I will refer to each of the documents, including this last, as an ‘LIP’. The various current LIPs, dates of filing and the number of persons listed in them are as follows:

L I P

Date of filing
Number of
Claimants
Wongatha LIP
1 May 2002
820
MN LIP
1 May 2002
279
Koara LIP
1 May 2002
162
Wutha LIP
1 May 2002
178
Cosmo LIP
3 September 2001
128
Maduwongga LIP
26 April 2002
29
NK 1 LIP
4 June 2002
95
NK 2
No LIP filed


I have encountered discrepancies between the LIPs and the Form 1 descriptions of the Claim groups, but I will refer to the LIPs as giving at least the various applicants’ understandings of the size and composition of their respective Claim groups. Accordingly, a reference to a person as being, for example, a Wutha claimant is a reference to his or her being listed on the Wutha LIP. There is one exception, however, where I have not regarded an individual listed on a group’s LIP as a claimant in that group: Preston Thomas is listed on the Wongatha LIP (and is thus included in the table above) but his testimony revealed that he does not claim country within the Wongatha Claim area, and apparently the Wongatha Claim group accepts that he is not within that group. It is disappointing that an amended Wongatha LIP was not filed. The proper course, however, seems to be to treat him as a non-claimant witness despite his being listed on the LIP. The point can be significant. For example, Mr Thomas is an initiated man. However, that fact cannot count as evidence that the Wongatha Claim group observes the law relating to male initiation.

  1. I will not reproduce the LIPs here, but Annexure C to these reasons is a schedule of the 93 claimants who testified, arranged in their respective applicant groups according to the LIPs. On this basis, Annexure C shows that the numbers of claimants from the respective Claim groups who testified are:
Applicant group
Number of witnesses
Wongatha
43
MN
23
Koara
9
Wutha
5
Cosmo
15
Maduwongga
2
NK 1
13
NK 2
3 (No LIP but the NK 2 claimants Dolly Walker, Kado Muir and Paddy Walker gave evidence)

These figures call for some explanation. First, the number of witnesses above (113) totals more than the 93 indigenous witnesses who testified referred to earlier, because some are listed on more than one LIP; that is, some are listed as claimants in more than one Claim group. Second, seven of the 93 witnesses who testified were not listed as claimants on any LIP, and are therefore not reflected in the groupings in the above table. If those seven are deducted from the 93 indigenous witnesses who testified, only 86 witnesses who testified can be seen to have been LIP listed claimants (the Claim groups on whose behalf these 86 were called are set out at 3.3 [365]). Third, the NK 1 LIP was prepared by the GLSC when it represented the two NK 1 applicants, Dolly Walker and her son Kado Muir, but on the hearing the only witnesses called in support of that Claim were those two applicants and Dolly Walker’s brother Paddy Walker; in fact there were ten further people listed on the NK 1 LIP who were called as witnesses for other Claim groups in which they were also LIP listed claimants (both the three and the ten are included in the NK 1 figure of 13 above).

  1. The non-indigenous parties put the Claim groups to proof of every element of their Claims. For example, it was put in issue whether applicants had been duly authorised to bring the applications.
  2. Notwithstanding that Chs 4-10 are headed by reference to the eight Claims before the Court, and the considerable cross-referencing as between all chapters, these reasons are one document. This means that my reasons for the conclusion at which I arrive concerning any one Claim are to be found in the entire document, not only in the particular chapter whose heading refers to that Claim. Obviously, Ch 3 is relevant to all the Claims dealt with in Chs 4-10. But, in addition, parties often made submissions on a topic in relation to one Claim simply by referring to their submissions on the same topic in relation to another Claim (often, the Wongatha Claim (Ch 4)). In such cases, I rely on my discussion in the section to which the cross-reference is made. Generally speaking, I have noted the parties’ cross-references, but to avoid even greater tedium, I have not said each time, ‘and I refer to my discussion at that section’. However, I do.

CHAPTER 2 – THE CLAIMS: OVERVIEW
2.1 THE WONGATHA CLAIM (WAG 6005/98)

  1. Much of the chronological development of the present Wongatha Claim was set out at 1.2(a) [18]–[36] and [61].

(a) The Wongatha Claim area

  1. As noted earlier ([29]) the boundaries of the Wongatha Claim area are not topographical or traditional boundaries. There was some evidence suggesting that Empress Spring in the far north was included at the insistence of Aubrey Lynch, a Wongatha applicant, because his father had gone there to participate in ‘law business’, and that Mulga Queen had been included at the insistence of Cyril Barnes, another Wongatha applicant, because his uncle had married a woman from that area and had lived there. The Wongatha claim to include those places is contested by Phyllis Thomas, an MN applicant and spokesperson for the Aboriginal community at Mulga Queen.
  2. It is obvious that some irregular parts of the boundary of the Wongatha Claim area have been drawn in order to coincide with the boundary of, and therefore to exclude, a pastoral station; see, in particular, the exclusion of Melrose Station. While we know that the Wongatha Claim area boundaries are the external boundaries that resulted from the combination of the 20 antecedent claims, it is not suggested that the areas and boundaries of those claims were traditional ones.
  3. In sum, I do not know why the Wongatha Claim area is not larger or smaller, or why its external boundaries do not follow a different course. I assume that the answer is to be found in the fact that the antecedent claims are an aggregation of claims by individuals to ‘my country’ areas, and the Wongatha Claim area is an aggregation of those areas – a matter discussed at 3.6(c)(4).
  4. According to the Wongatha Further Amended Native Title Determination Application - Claimant Application (Form 1), dated 11 April 2003 and filed on 14 April 2003 (‘the Wongatha Form 1’), the names of the applicants are still the twelve individuals named in [34] above on behalf of the Wongatha People.
  5. Attachment B1 to Schedule B to the Wongatha Form 1 is a map of the Wongatha Claim area and Attachment B2 to Schedule B to the Form 1 is a metes and bounds description of its external boundaries. Schedule B describes, in general terms, areas within the external boundaries that are not covered by the application, which I need not discuss. The exclusion of these areas is, however, expressed (in Schedule B, para (e)) to be subject to the non-extinguishment principle as defined in s 238 of the NTA, and to such of the provisions of ss 47, 47A and 47B of the NTA as apply to any part of the Wongatha Claim area.

(b) The Wongatha Claim group

  1. According to the Wongatha Form 1, the applicants believe that the native title rights and interests ‘claimed by the native title group’ have not been extinguished, and that they are themselves ‘members of the native title claim group and are authorised by all of the native title claim group to make [the] application’. The applicants state in the Form 1 that the claim is brought on behalf of the persons indicated in Attachment A to Schedule A to the Form 1, which is as follows:
Wongatha people being those persons (including the applicants) who are:

[RM] and the biological descendants of

Molly (f) => Duba aka Linda (f) and ‘Linden Joe’ Walker (m)
Biyunga aka Biddy (f) => Sydney ‘Snowy Barnes (m)excluding the children of Marjorie Barnes and Ron Bonney Snr,except Barron Bonney, and their offspring, andexcluding Karen VincentNgadu aka Maggie (f) => Janun aka Billy Shannon => [RM]Wi:pana (f) => Miiwa (f) => Nellie (f)Rose (f) => Mundja aka Bernard ‘Bricky’ (m)Ningu (f) = Yindu (m) => Junu/Yununyunka (f)Nu:nany aka Maggie (f) => Bindjalina (f)Wanawala aka Nellie (f) => Darlu (m) => Ngajuju akaDavey Johnson (m)Ngayuyu aka Davey Johnson (m) = Yurama aka Adelaide (f)Bungin (m) => Mo:tan aka MilbaGulbunya aka Alec Bilson (m) = Winbildanu (f) => Kennedy Bilson (m)Kennedy Bilson (m) = Nga:npa aka Fanny Bilson (f)Jina (m) => Garjunu aka Dickie (m)Bayidjuwara aka Biddy (f) = Pinamunggari (m) => Tanguna (f)Waldanada (f) = Ni:lan (m)Tanguna (f) = Garjuna aka Dickie (m)Bangin (m) => Mo:tan aka Milba (f)Mo:tan aka Milba (f) = Djiraban aka Ginger Stokes (m) => Gunyugundju aka Arthur Stokes (m)Nyingu (f) = Yindu (m) => Missie (f)Missie = Janun aka Billy ShannonTjimba (f) => Ngunin aka Kitty (f)Ngunin aka Kitty (f) = Darbutha aka Mungala Harris (m) = Billy Maradibu (m)Biyung aka Biddy (f) = Bella, Cissie, Alice and Jim BarnesBella Barnes (f) = Jumbo Harris (m)Maggie (f) => Nangguna aka Rosie (f) => Dula aka Doris, Bessie andDulcie O’LoughlinNidiwanu aka Annie (f) = Djinduru (m) => Mudiguda aka Bert Thomas (m)Dula aka Doris O’Loughlin (f) = Mudiguda aka Bert Thomas (m)(f) => Jack Wangulbi (m)aka Alice (f) = Jack Wangulbi (m) => Teresa, Toll, Doreenthe descendants of Thomas Murrayaka Minnie (f) = Ginger (m) => Dinah (f) => Frank O’Loughlinaka Eva Trilby (f) => Thomas, Friday (Larry) and Norman Forrest(f) Wi:tun (m) => Yuguda aka Daisy (f) and Wallis Blows (m)(f) = Ginger (m) => Archibald, Mona, Steve and Dinah Earleaka Rachel Grey (F) and Gungundjanu aka Frank Grey (m)(f) = Gu:banu (m) => Manguminding aka Annie (f)aka Walter Gable (m) and Kon:ija (m)aka Annie (f) = Yulbun aka Frank(f) = Nabuda (m) => Kadanari aka Nancy (f)aka Tilly => Larry Robertson= Fred => Mick TaylorMorrison(f)Morrison (f)(f)
(m) – male, (f) female;
x = y means x and y were married/de facto;x => y means y is the offspring of xAny descendants of apical ancestors nominated are indicative only, and not definitive or limiting of descendants.andpersons adopted by those biological descendants, in accordance with Wongatha tradition and custom. (Adoption, under Wongatha tradition and custom, refers to the situation were [sic – where] a child is ‘grown up’ by a relative or someone without a biological relationship, either because they have been ‘gifted’ to them, or left in their care, as the biological parents are not in a position to care for them. This applies regardless of whether or not the child has been formally adopted under the non-Aboriginal legal system.)’ (my emphasis)

The Wongatha Claim group may therefore be described as RM, and, subject to the exceptions given emphasis above, the biological descendants of numerous named apical ancestors, and the adoptees of those biological descendants.

  1. According to the Wongatha LIP filed on 1 May 2002, there were then 820 members of the Wongatha Claim group (Wongatha claimants). Thus, the applicants were stating that there were 820 individuals who satisfied this description in the Wongatha Form 1 as at that date. I have not determined whether this is correct, or whether some smaller or larger number is correct. Nor have I attempted to determine whether the 820 individuals, or some lesser or greater number, satisfy the criteria for membership of the Wongatha Claim group set out in the Wongatha POC referred to below.
  2. On any reckoning, the number of Wongatha claimants is large. Forty-three LIP listed Wongatha claimants testified on connection.
  3. The Wongatha POC (POC are subservient to the Form 1: Harrington-Smith on behalf of the Wongatha People v Western Australia (No 5) [2003] FCA 218 (‘Harrington-Smith v Western Australia (No 5’)) at [56]) state in respect of the Wongatha Claim group (1(a) and (b)) that:
(a) The applicant group comprises the Wongatha people, being that group of persons who are connected to the native title determination area ... by Aboriginal traditional law and custom.

The criteria for membership of the applicant group ... are:
that the person traces his or her ancestry, considered in genealogical, occupational and/or socio-cultural terms, to a man or woman whose “country” is recognised by other members as being located within the amended area; or, alternativelythat the person was born and grew up in the amended area; and (in both cases)that his/her connection to the amended area is recognised by other members of the applicant group.’ (my emphasis)

As will appear below, the membership criteria for the other GLSC Claim groups (MN, Koara and Wutha) are, mutatis mutandis, identical. This fact suggests problems for overlap areas: a person whose connection is to the overlap will satisfy the membership criteria of more than one Claim group, and the only basis on which he or she will be a member of one and not of the other or others, is that one recognises his or her connection, and the other or others do not.

  1. The Wongatha POC cannot enlarge or reduce the Wongatha Claim group. The only way that can be done is by amendment of the Form 1. However, the importance of the POC must not be underestimated. The POC explains the basis on which the Wongatha Claim group is composed as it is. According to the Wongatha case, it is only if a person referred to in the Wongatha Form 1 satisfies the POC membership criteria that his or her membership of the Wongatha Claim group is supported, and a person who satisfies those criteria should find a place in the Form 1 description. Accordingly, although the POC membership criteria cannot be described as RM plus descendants from apical ancestors, the question arises why the outworking of the POC criteria yields the group described in the Wongatha Form 1 – an issue reserved for later discussion.
  2. The Wongatha POC membership criteria can be summarised as:

(i) ancestor’s connection; or

(ii) birth and growing up in the Wongatha Claim area with the requirement at all points of recognition by the Wongatha Claim group.

  1. In relation to (i), it will be noted that the basis of the ancestor’s having ‘country’ is not stated. I have difficulty with the notion of ‘ancestry considered in genealogical, occupational and/or socio-cultural terms’. At least we are told that the ancestry must be traced back to a person.
  2. For (ii) to be satisfied, birth alone or growing up alone is not enough: both are required. Some connections, standing alone, will not satisfy (ii), eg initiation, or residence in later years (after growing up) within the Wongatha Claim area.
  3. By para 8 of the Wongatha POC, the Wongatha applicants contend that they are entitled to a determination that ‘the Wongatha People’ hold the group rights comprising the native title. As will be observed later, this gives rise to a problem in the light of the exclusion of certain individuals in the Form 1 description of the Claim group (see [126] above).
  4. It is clear from the Form 1 and the POC that in terms of ss 61 and 223(1) of the NTA, the Wongatha Claim is a communal or group claim, and that the native title rights and interests as claimed are not individual rights and interests, but communal or group rights and interests. I discuss the meaning of ‘communal’, ‘group’, and ‘individual’ in s 223(1) of the NTA at 3.8 [1129] ff, and explain threre that all of the Claims are group claims of group rights and interests. In fact, the parties have treated them throughout as group claims.

(c) The native title rights and interests claimed

  1. Eleven native title rights and interests are claimed. They are described in Schedule E to the Form 1, as follows:
native title rights and interests claimed are rights to possession, occupation, use and enjoyment as against the whole world of the area and in particular, comprise:

rights and interests to possess, occupy, use and enjoy the area;

the right to make decisions about the use and enjoyment of the area;

the right of access to the area;

the right to control the access of others to the area;

the right to use and enjoy resources of the area;

the right to control the use and enjoyment of others of resources of the area;

the right to trade in the natural resources of the area;

the right to receive a portion of any of the natural resources taken by others from the area;

the right to maintain and protect places of importance under traditional laws, customs and practices in the area;

the right to teach and pass on knowledge of the applicant group’s traditional laws and customs, pertaining to the area, and knowledge of places in the area; and

the right to learn about, and acquire knowledge concerning the applicant group’s traditional laws and customs pertaining to the area, and knowledge of places in the area.

to:

To the extent that any minerals, petroleum or gas within the area of the claim are wholly owned by the Crown in the right of the Commonwealth or the State of Western Australia, they are not claimed by the applicants.

The applicants do not make a claim to native title rights and interests which confer possession, occupation use and enjoyment to the exclusion of all others in respect of any areas in relation to which a previous non-exclusive possession act, as defined in section 23F of the Native Title Act 1993, was done in relation to an area, and, either the act was an act attributable to the Commonwealth, or the act was attributable to the State of Western Australia, and a law of that State has made provision as mentioned in section 23I in relation to the act.

Those native title rights and interests which are claimed in respect of those areas referred to in (ii), or in respect of those areas where native title has otherwise been partially extinguished at common law, comprise only those rights and interests that are consistent with any such act, grant, title or interest.

Where a native title right to exclusive possession has been extinguished the applicants do not claim (i) the right to possess nor (ii) the right to make decisions about the use and enjoyment of the area nor (iii) the right to control access of others to the area.

Paragraph (ii) above is subject to the non-extinguishment principle (as defined in section 238 of the Native Title Act 1993), and to such of the provisions of sections 47, 47A and 47B of the Native Title Act as apply to any part of the area contained within this application, particulars of which will be provided prior to the hearing but which include such areas listed in Schedule L.

The abovementioned rights and interests apply to the total area, however there are areas the subject of overlapping applications for determinations of native title by other Aboriginal groups or individuals where Wongatha people share such rights and interests wholly or in part, with members of those other groups. These areas are the overlapping areas the subject of:

the Koara application for determination of Native Title WAG 6008/98
the Wutha application for determination of Native Title WAG 6064/98the Mantjintjarra Ngalia application for determination of Native Title WAG 6069/98the Cosmo Newberry application for determination of Native Title WAG 144/98the Ngalia Kutjungkatja Nº 1 application for determination of Native Title WAG 6011/00.’

According to para (vi) above, the Wongatha applicants acknowledge that in relation to overlap areas, the Wongatha Claim group’s rights and interests are ‘shared’, in whole or in part, with unidentified members of the Koara, Wutha, MN, Cosmo and NK 1 Claim groups. It will be noted that para (vi) does not refer to a sharing with members of the Maduwongga or NK 2 Claim groups. The Wongatha applicants contend that the Maduwongga claimants do not constitute an independent group or people, but either are members of the Wongatha Claim group, or do not have native title in any part of the Wongatha Claim area. The Wongatha applicants regard the NK 2 Claim as a complete replica of the MN Claim, both in terms of Claim area, and Claim group composition – one Claim and Claim group with two names.

  1. Paragraphs 2 and 3 of the Wongatha POC also address the rights and interests claimed. Those rights and interests are said (at para 2(a)) to be, subject to certain exclusions, ‘the right on the part of the applicant group to the possession, occupation, use and enjoyment of the [Wongatha Claim] area as against the whole world (subject to any shared rights or co-existent interests in overlapping areas mentioned in paragraph 3 ...) and, in particular, or, alternatively, comprise [the rights and interests described in eleven numbered paragraphs]’. Paragraph 3 of the Wongatha POC states that where there are ‘overlapping applications ... by other Aboriginal groups or individuals’, the rights and interests are ‘shared, either wholly or in part, or as between all or some members of the Wongatha people and those Aboriginal groups or individuals or some of them’. The significance of ‘sharing’ is discussed later, for example, at 4.1.

(d) The factual basis of the Wongatha Claim

  1. The factual basis of the Wongatha Claim is set out in Schedule F to the Wongatha Form 1 as follows:
native title rights and interests claimed herein are those of and flowing from the right to possession occupation use and enjoyment of the land enjoyed pursuant to the traditional laws and customs of the claim group based upon the following facts:

the native title claim group and their ancestors have, since the assertion of British sovereignty possessed occupied used and enjoyed the claim area or alternatively, exercised their native title rights and interests; and

such possession occupation use and enjoyment and exercise of their native title rights and interests has been pursuant to and possessed under the laws and customs of the claim group including traditional laws and customs that vest rights and interests in land and waters in members of the native title claim group on the basis of:-
descent from ancestors connected to the area (including through adoption)conception in the areabirth in the areatraditional religious knowledge of the areatraditional knowledge of the geography of the areatraditional knowledge of the resources of the areatraditional knowledge of ceremonies of the area
The rights and interests held by the native title claim group in relation to the claim area and identified at Schedule E are possessed under the traditional laws and customs of the Wongatha people which are in turn shared with other members of the Western Desert cultural bloc. [my emphasis] Such laws and customs derive from the Tjukurr (dreaming) and include the key interrelated concepts and practices relating to

such traditional laws and customs have been passed on by traditional teaching through the generations preceding the present generations to the present generations of persons comprising the native title claim group.

the native title claim group continues to acknowledge and observe those traditional laws and customs.

the native title claim group by those laws and customs has a connection with the land in respect of which the claim is made.

the rights and interests are capable of being recognised by the common law of Australia.’

Paragraph (A) introduces the ideal of the ancestors of the Wongatha claimants having been in possession and so on at sovereignty. Paragraph (B) introduces a range of bases of connection that has little resemblance to the two that para 1 of the Wongatha POC stipulates as the criteria for membership of the Wongatha Claim group.

  1. The claim made in para (BA) is important. In para (4) of the Wongatha POC, the contention is put as follows:
rights and interests [claimed] are possessed, and connection of the applicant group is established under the laws and customs of the Wongatha people (“the Law”) which the applicant group shares with other members of the Western Desert cultural bloc. The Law is circumscribed by the concept of Tjukurr (commonly referred to as the “dreaming”) by which physical proof of the applicant group’s native title rights and interests in the amended area is evident in the amended area’s topographic features which were created by or are the embodiment of Tjukurr. The Tjukurr is responsible for the laws and customs which inform Wongatha society, including those related to a person’s country. Associated with Tjukurr is the concept of Ngurra which is identified with a person’s birth place, with a camp, or with a more extensive area or “country” in regard to which individual members of the applicant group assert they are entitled to exercise rights and interests.’ (my emphasis)

Thus, both the Wongatha Form 1 and the Wongatha POC make it clear that the rights and interests claimed are said to arise, not under laws and customs peculiar to the Wongatha people, but under laws and customs shared with other ‘members’ of the ‘Western Desert cultural bloc’ (‘WDCB’). The suggestion is, then, that the WDCB is a law and custom sustaining ‘society’. In fact, this is how the Wongatha Claim is put (and how all the other Claims before the Court are put).

(e) Wongatha claimants’ connection with the Wongatha Claim area

  1. Paragraph 5 of the Wongatha POC, under the heading ‘Connection with the land and waters’, states that members of the Wongatha Claim group ‘have maintained as far as practicable, traditional connection by their traditional laws and customs with the [Wongatha Claim] area and continue to do so through engaging in practices which include but are not limited to’ the practices listed in that paragraph.

(f) Sections 47, 47A, 47B and 61A of the NTA

  1. Schedule L to the Wongatha Form 1, and Attachment L to which it refers, are referable to ss 47, 47A, 47B and 61A of the NTA, and set out:

(a) details of any area for which a pastoral lease is held by or on behalf of any of the Wongatha claimants (Glenorn, Pinjin, Adelong and Moropoi Stations are identified);

(b) any areas leased, held or reserved for the benefit of Aboriginal people that are occupied by or on behalf of any of the Wongatha claimants (nine areas are identified);

(c) any vacant Crown land occupied by any of the Wongatha claimants (the Form 1 foreshadowed a particularisation of these areas, and particulars were given by a Notice by the Wongatha applicants dated 1 May 2003 and filed on 5 May 2003, which identified on an attached map, 20 areas of Crown land, and in respect of each, the persons (purportedly GLSC claimants) who are said to have occupied it at the time the relevant application was made); and

(d) any areas mentioned in (a), (b) and (c) over which extinguishment of native title is required by ss 47, 47A or 47B of the NTA to be disregarded (all the areas referred to in paras (a), (b) and (c) are identified).

(g) Authorisation

  1. Finally, according to the Wongatha Form 1, Schedule R, the 12 Wongatha applicants were authorised by ‘the native title claim group’ to make the Wongatha application ‘by consensus decision’ of that group at a number of meetings, including by way of resolution passed at a meeting of the NEIB, being ‘a representative meeting’ of the group held on 18 December 1998, and again at a meeting held at Kalgoorlie on 26 October 1999. I deal with the issue of authorisation of the Wongatha Claim at 4.1, and of the other Claims in the first section of the respective chapters that address those Claims, thus: MN (5.1), Koara (6.1), Wutha (7.1), Cosmo (8.1), Maduwongga (9.1), and NK 1 and NK 2 (10.1).

2.2 THE MANTJINTJARRA NGALIA CLAIM (WAG 6069/98)

(a) The MN Claim area

  1. Aspects of the MN Claim were referred to at 1.2(b) [40] and 1.3 [61]. As noted at [39], the MN applicants are also represented by the GLSC.
  2. According to the primary report of anthropologists, Daniel A Vachon and Daniel M de Gand, of August 2001, the Wongatha/MN overlap ‘covers approximately 40,000 square kilometres of the northeast Goldfields region and northern Great Victoria Desert’ (p 13). As appears in Annexure A to these reasons, the MN Claim area embraces the Wongatha/MN overlap and two areas north of the northern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area. The external boundaries of the MN Claim area have not changed from those indicated by the map which was attached to the one and only antecedent application (WC 96/20). That MN application was lodged with the NNTT by Phyllis Thomas of the Mulga Queen Aboriginal Community, on 11 March 1996.
  3. With one qualification, the northern boundary of the Wongatha/MN overlap area is the northern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area. The qualification is that the exclusion of Prenti Downs Station from the MN Claim area means that a relatively small part of the boundary of the MN Claim area, and therefore of the northern boundary of the Wongatha/MN overlap, coincides with the southern part of the boundary of Prenti Downs Station. Part of the southern boundary of the MN Claim area coincides with the north-western boundary of the Cosmo Claim area: those two Claim areas share a common boundary, and there is no overlap between them.
  4. On its east, the MN Claim area is bounded by a line, which is in part curved and in part straight. A part seems to adhere to the western edge of Lake Throssell.
  5. As with the external boundaries of the Wongatha Claim area (see [121]–[123]), the evidence does not disclose any explanation for the choice of the external boundaries of the MN Claim area (apart from what may be deduced from the boundary coincidences noted above).
  6. The external boundaries of the MN Claim were later adopted by Dolly Walker as the external boundaries of the NK 2 Claim area. As can be seen on Annexure A, some areas on the western side of the Wongatha/MN/NK 2 overlap are also overlapped by the Koara and Wutha Claims.
  7. The MN Form 1 states that the area covered by the application is:
Vacant Crown Land

Queen 25058
Mulga Queen 25059
Mulga Queen 25060
Mt Gerard 32421
Wells
Erlistoun
Bandya
Nambi
Melrose
Banjawarn, and
a portion of Wonganoo

Claypan Nature Reserve
a portion of proposed Lake Throssell Nature Reserve
De La Poer Nature Reserve

The area under claim does not include any land or waters affected by a Category A Past Act (as defined in section 229 of the Native Title Act 1993).’

(b) The MN Claim group

  1. On the front page of the original Form 1 prescribed by paras 4-6 of the National Native Title Tribunal Regulations 1993, filed in the NNTT on 11 March 1996, there was a reference, immediately below the full name of the applicant ‘Phyllis Thomas’, to ‘Muntjiltjarra people’ as being ‘Other names, if any, applicant(s) may be known by’. Later in the form, however, the description of the persons other than Phyllis Thomas on whose behalf the application was made, was simply a listing of 16 named families and two named individuals. There was no further reference to ‘Muntjiltjarra people’ in the original Form 1. However, a letter dated 7 March 1996 from the GLSC to the NT Registrar enclosing the original Form 1 had referred to it as ‘a native title determination application made by Phyllis Thomas on behalf of the Muntjiltjarra people of the North Eastern Goldfields region of Western Australia’.
  2. In 1996 and 1997, Phyllis Thomas or the GLSC made requests to the NNTT for further amendment of the MN Form 1. The parties have proceeded on the basis that the amendments requested were made. For example, on 20 March 1996, nine days after lodgement of the original application, the GLSC requested amendment of the description of the persons other than Ms Thomas on whose behalf the application was made, to read: ‘The Muntjiljarra [sic] people, including [there followed the names of the same sixteen families and two individuals, to which were added references to three further families]’ (my emphasis).
  3. Phyllis Thomas or the GLSC wrote to the NNTT on 11 April 1996, 4 February 1997, 10 June 1997, 22 August 1997 and 13 October 1997 requesting that various further amendments be made to the MN Form 1. As a result, the named applicants became and remain Phyllis Thomas and the other seven persons named in the table in [61] above. The references to ‘Muntjiltjarra’ and ‘Muntjiljarra’ have been transformed through successive amendments so that the words ‘on behalf of the MANTJINTJARRA and NGALIA PEOPLES’ (my emphasis) now appear, followed by the words:
Phyllis Thomas and family, Rose Meredith and family, Johnny Polak (deceased) and family, Murphy family, Dolly Walker and family, Paddy Walker and family, Doreen Banks and family, Richards family, Eileen, Topsy and Sheila and Melrose, and Friday Jones and family, Mary Baldwin and family, Chapman family, Nancy Gordon and family, Willie Hill, Maisie Hill, Westlake family, Muriel Barnes (deceased) and family, Shaw family, MacArthur family.’ (my emphasis)

The reference to ‘Mantjintjarra’ and ‘Ngalia’ Peoples (in the plural) suggests two groups. Indeed, the evidence shows that those called ‘Ngalia’ and ‘Mantjintjarra’ did indeed come together to make the MN Claim. However, at least Dolly Walker (Ngalia) came to think the arrangement not a good idea, and has expressed a wish to have her name removed from the MN Claim, but there has been no amendment of the MN Form 1 to achieve that result.

  1. On 13 October 1997 Phyllis Thomas requested of the NNTT that there be added to ss A1 (‘Applicant(s)’) and A3 (‘Name of person who is to be registered native title claimant’) of the Form 1, but not to the above description of the MN Claim group, ‘Phyllis Thomas, MM, Dolly Walker, Nancy Gordon, Kado Muir, Jane Beasley, Vanessa Thomas, Mindi Chapman’. It appears, however, that they were already included in the families referred to in the above description of the MN Claim group.
  2. By adopting the Wongatha applicants’ POC (see [61]), the MN applicants have adopted mutatis mutandis the criteria for membership of the Wongatha Claim group, which are expressed in subparas 1(a) and (b) set out at [129] above. My discussion at [129] ff applies, mutatis mutandis.
  3. According to the MN LIP filed on 22 April 2002, there were 279 MN claimants at that date. Twenty-three LIP listed MN claimants testified.

(c) The native title rights and interests claimed

  1. In response to the MN Form 1’s invitation in para A9 to describe the ‘native title interests’ claimed and the claimants’ ‘connection’ to the Claim area, the Form 1, as amended on or about 11 April 1996, included the following:
use and enjoyment of the claim area.

and except for the areas of former pastoral lease and current pastoral lease, in respect of which the claimed native title rights and interests are limited to those rights and interests which are consistent with the reservations contained in statutes.

relation to any other leasehold interest (not including mining leases) within the claim area granted prior to 1st Jan 1994 the native title rights and interests claimed by the applicants are limited to those which are consistent with such leasehold interests and or any reservations contained in such leasehold interests.

The above native title rights and interests are not claimed with respect to any areas of current and former freehold land.’

There is no reference to sharing in the MN Form 1 (cf [136], condition (vi), above).

  1. As noted in [61] above, the MN applicants have not filed POC in their proceeding (WAG 6069/98). However, they and the Koara and Wutha applicants have each filed ‘Points of Response’ in common form in the Wongatha proceeding, by which they respectively:

By adopting the Wongatha POC, the MN applicants acknowledge that they seek a determination that the MN Claim group holds native title rights and interests in, relevantly, the Wongatha/MN overlap, under the laws and customs of the MN people, which the MN Claim group shares with ‘other members of the [WDCB]’ (see [139]). Although there is no MN POC document, for convenience I will use ‘MN POC’ to refer to the Wongatha POC adopted by the MN Points of Response.

  1. Like the Wongatha Claim, the MN Claim is a communal or group claim for the purposes of ss 61 and 223(1) of the NTA, and thus the native title rights and interests as claimed are communal or group rights and interests, rather than individual rights and interests.

2.3 THE KOARA CLAIM (WAG 6008/98)

  1. Aspects of the Koara Claim were referred to at 1.2(c) [42]-[43] and [61] above. As noted at [39], the Koara applicants are also represented by the GLSC.

(a) The Koara Claim area

  1. Each of the six antecedent Koara applications described in Annexure B was lodged by the late Ted Coomanoo Evans as applicant. The first (WC 95/1) was made in respect of an area described in an extract from the 1974 text by the noted anthropologist, Professor Norman Barnett Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes of Australia: Their Terrain, Environmental Controls, Distribution, Limits, and Proper Names (ANU Press, Canberra, 1974) (‘Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes’). That work was based on research that Professor Tindale and his associates had conducted over several decades. An area was shown as ‘Ko:ara’ on a map forming part of Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes (‘Tindale’s map’). The Koara Claim area is based on that area shown on Tindale’s map.
  2. The Koara Claim (WAG 6008/98 (WC 95/1)), emerged from an application made by Ted Coomanoo Evans and his son, Richard Guy Evans (sometimes referred to as ‘Guy Richard Evans’, or more commonly simply ‘Richard Evans’), which, in turn, emerged from the six Koara applications that were lodged in the NNTT prior to the commencement of the Amending NTA. Amended forms of the Koara Form 1 were subsequently filed on 31 December 1998, 4 March 1999 and 7 October 2002.
  3. The Koara Claim area, shown on a map which is Attachment B1 to the Koara Form 1 and on the map which is Annexure A to these reasons, follows fairly closely the ‘Ko:ara’ area on Tindale’s map. As can be seen, it overlaps the western part of the Wongatha Claim area. The town of Leonora, which is just within the south-eastern boundary of the Koara Claim area, is also within the Wongatha Claim area. The boundaries of the Koara Claim area are, generally speaking, a series of long straight lines, but there are some notable irregularities. There is no evidence explaining these irregularities. They did not feature on Tindale’s map. The irregularities would have been explained if they had been attributable to any traditional considerations. I infer that their purpose was to exclude certain places for non-traditional reasons. More generally, it is not suggested that the Koara boundaries are based upon any natural features of the landscape or on traditional concepts. As will be seen later, the boundaries shown on Tindale’s map are now best regarded as an attempt to record approximate dialectal boundaries.
  4. Much of the Wongatha/Koara overlap is also the Wongatha/Wutha overlap. However, the small easternmost part of the Wongatha/Koara overlap lies east of the Wongatha/Wutha overlap, and a small southern part of the Wongatha/Wutha overlap lies south of the Wongatha/Koara overlap. The Wongatha/Koara/Wutha overlap includes, in its eastern part, some land which is in the MN (NK 2) Claim area, and in its western part, some land that is in the NK 1 Claim area. Thus, there is land that is within five of the Claim areas (Wongatha, MN, Koara, Wutha and NK 2) and there is other land that is within four of the Claim areas (Wongatha, Koara, Wutha and NK 1).
  5. Areas within the external boundaries of the Koara Claim area, but which are excluded from it, are described in the Koara Form 1, but I need not refer to them.

(b) The Koara Claim group

  1. Over time, the Koara Claim group has been variously described in the successive versions of the Koara Form 1. The current Form 1, a further amended application dated 3 October 2002 that was filed in this Court on 7 October 2002, omitted the name of Ted Coomanoo Evans as an applicant, and named the applicants as ‘Richard Guy Evans, Dawn Evans, Brett Andrew Lewis, Geraldine Hogarth and Joan Tucker on behalf of the Koara people’. They claimed to be authorised by ‘the native title claim group’ to make the application. On 31 October 2002 a District Registrar made orders allowing the change in the identity of the applicants, and directing that the further amended application filed on 7 October 2002 stand as the amended application in the Koara proceeding.
  2. Schedule A to the current Koara Form 1 states that the Koara applicants ‘claim on behalf of the Native Title Claim group known as Koara’, which is stated to consist of:
biological descendants of:

aka Daisy Cordella
aka Ted Evans snrCordellaCordellaLewisNixonTjaan aka Tom Green (m) = Tjutajaru aka Annie Green (f)WilunaWilunaWilunaWalamandpersons adopted by those biological descendants in accordance with Koara tradition and custom. (Adoption, refers to the situation where a child is “grown up” by a relative or someone without a biological relationship, either because they have been gifted to them, or left in their care, as the biological parents are not in a position to care for them. This applies regardless of whether or not the child has been formally adopted under the non-Aboriginal legal system.)’

The Koara Claim group can therefore be described as the biological descendants of 11 apical ancestors and the adoptees of those biological descendants. The Koara applicants’ common form Points of Response to the Wongatha POC were noted at [61] and [157] above. Accordingly, my discussion at [129] ff applies, mutatis mutandis.

  1. Additionally, subparas 1(a) and (b) of the Koara POC, filed on 30 May 2003 in proceeding WAG 6008/98, identified the Koara Claim group and the criteria for membership of it. The criteria were identical to those in subparas 1(a) and (b) of the Wongatha POC set out at [129] above, except for the substitution of ‘Koara’ for ‘Wongatha’.
  2. According to the Koara LIP filed on 22 April 2002, there were 162 Koara claimants at that date. Seven of them gave evidence.
  3. The State submits that para 1 of the Koara POC is inconsistent with Schedule A to the Koara Form 1. However, while the Form 1 identifies conclusively who are in the Koara Claim group, para 1 of the Koara POC states why they are in it, that is, the criteria for membership of the group. I repeat my observations at [129], [130], mutatis mutandis. If a person were to be found who satisfied the POC criteria but not the Form 1 description of the Koara Claim group, or vice versa, the correctness of one or other document (or of both) would be called into question. Unless and until amended, the Koara Form 1 is conclusive as to who are the members of the Koara Claim group.

(c) The native title rights and interests claimed

  1. Schedule E to the Koara Form 1 describes the native title rights and interests claimed as follows:
native title rights and interests claimed are the rights and interests as against the whole world (subject to any native title rights and interests that may be shared with any other persons who establish that they are native title holders) in particular comprising:

rights and interests to possess, occupy, use and enjoy the area;

the right to make decisions about the use and enjoyment of the area;

the right of access to the area;

the right to control the access of others to the area;

the right to use and enjoy resources of the area;

the right to control the use and enjoyment of others of resources of the area;

the right to trade in resources of the area;

the right to receive a portion of any resources taken by others from the area;

the right to maintain and protect places of importance under traditional laws, customs and practices in the area; and

claimed native title rights and interests are Subject to:

To the extent that any minerals, petroleum or gas within the area of the claim are wholly owned by the Crown in the right of the Commonwealth or the State of Western Australia, they are not claimed by the applicants.

the claim does not include any offshore place.

Subject to paragraph (iv) the applicants do not make a claim to native title rights and interests which confer possession, occupation use and enjoyment to the exclusion of all others in respect of any areas in relation to which a previous non-exclusive possession act, as defined in section 23F of the NTA, was done in relation to an area, and, either the act was an act attributed to the Commonwealth, or the act was attributable to the State of Western Australia and a law of that State has made provision as mentioned in Sec 23I in relation to the act; and those native title rights and interests which are claimed in respect of those areas comprise only those rights and interests as are consistent with any such act.

Paragraph (iii) above is subject to such of the provisions of sections 47, 47A and 47B of the Act as apply to any part of the area contained within this application, particulars of which will be provided prior to the hearing but which include such areas as may be listed in Schedule L.

the said native title rights and interests are not claimed to the exclusion of and comprise only those rights and interests as are consistent with any other rights and interest validly created by or pursuant to the common law, the law of the State or a law of the Commonwealth.’

Paragraph 2 of the Koara POC repeats paras (a)-(i) above and adds two further claimed rights and interests:

the right to teach and pass on knowledge of the applicant group’s traditional laws and customs pertaining to the area, and knowledge of places in the area;

  1. The Koara Form 1 does not refer to sharing, but by adopting the Wongatha POC, the Koara applicants acknowledge a sharing with other members of the WDCB: see [136]-[137] above. In addition, para 3 of the Koara POC states that the rights and interests claimed apply to the whole of the Koara Claim area, but adds that ‘there are areas the subject of overlapping applications for determination of native title by other Aboriginal groups or individuals where such rights or interests are shared either wholly or in part, as between all or some members of the Koara people and those Aboriginal groups or individuals or some of them’.

(d) The factual basis of the Koara Claim

  1. The description of the factual basis of the Koara Claim expressed in Schedule F to the Koara Form 1 begins with the assertion that:
the native title claim group has, and the predecessors of those persons had, an association with the area; and
there exist traditional laws and customs that give rise to the claimed native title; and the native title claim group has continued to hold the native title in accordance with those traditional laws and customs.’

Schedule F continues:

native title rights and interests are those of and flowing from the right to possession occupation use and enjoyment of the land pursuant to the traditional law and custom of the claim group based upon the following facts:-

the native title claim group and their ancestors have, since the assertion of British sovereignty possessed occupied used and enjoyed the claim area; and

such possession occupation use and enjoyment has been pursuant to and possessed under the traditional laws and customs of the claim group including traditional laws and customs that vest rights and interests in land and waters in members of the native title claim group on the basis of :-
descent from ancestorsconception in the areabirth in the areatraditional religious knowledge of the areatraditional knowledge of the geography of the areatraditional knowledge of the resources of the areatraditional knowledge of ceremonies of the area
such traditional law and custom has been passed on by traditional teaching through the generations preceding the present generations to the present generations of persons comprising the native title claim group

the native title claim group continues to acknowledge and observe those traditional law and customs

the native title group by those laws and customs have a connection with the land in respect of which the claim is made

the rights and interests are capable of being recognised by the common law of Australia.’

Clearly, there are similarities between the Koara Schedule F and the Wongatha Schedule F (see [138] above).

  1. The Koara POC assert (para 4) that:
rights and interests referred to in paragraphs 2 and 3 are possessed, and connection of the applicant group is established under the laws and customs of the Koara people (“the Law”) which the applicant group shares with other members of the Western Desert cultural bloc. The Law is circumscribed by the concept of Tjukurr or Tjukurrpa (commonly referred to as the “dreaming”) by which physical proof of the applicant group’s native title rights and interests in the area is evident in the area’s topographic features which were created by or are the embodiment of Tjukurr. The Tjukurr is responsible for the laws and customs which inform Koara society, including those related to a person’s country.’ (my emphasis)

Thus, para 4 of the Koara POC is identical, mutatis mutandis, as far as it goes, and with para 4 of the Wongatha POC (set out at [139] set out above), but does not include the last sentence of the Wongatha para 4.

  1. Like the Wongatha and MN Claims, in terms of ss 61 and 223(1) of the NTA, the Koara Claim is a communal or group claim, and the rights and interests claimed are communal or group rights and interests.
  2. As noted at [157], the Koara applicants also filed common form Points of Response to the Wongatha POC. Accordingly, the observations made at [154], apply mutatis mutandis.

2.4 THE WUTHA CLAIM (WAG 6064/98)

  1. Aspects of the Wutha Claim were referred to at 1.2(d) [45] and [61]. As noted at [39], the Wutha applicants are also represented by the GLSC. The word ‘Wutha’ means ‘bush potato’ or ‘wild potato’ – a form of ‘bush tucker’ available in, relevantly, part of the Wutha Claim area.
  2. In the original Wutha application, lodged with the NNTT on 19 January 1996 (WC 96/8), the applicant was Raymond William Ashwin. In response to the direction in the then Form 1 to describe or identify any others on whose behalf the application was made, the Form 1 stated in Schedule A5, simply, ‘Wutha’. There is a close relationship between the Wutha Claim and the Koara Claim.
  3. The original Wutha Form 1 appears to have been amended on 23 February 1996, 1 April 1996 and 4 April 1996, but I need not discuss those amendments. A second Wutha application was lodged with the NNTT in 1996, apparently on 13 March, WC 96/22 (WAG 6071/98), in which the applicant was again Raymond William Ashwin and the application was made on behalf of ‘Wutha Group’. This application became subsumed in WC 96/8 (WAG 6064/98) on 22 January 1999. That happened following the filing on 19 January 1999 in WAG 6064/98 of a further amended Form 1 for the purpose of satisfying the requirements of the Amending NTA. This further amended Form 1 stated:
name of the claim group is Wutha and the Wutha people are those persons who identify themselves as Wutha and are the biological descendants of:
Wunal (also known as Tommy) Ashwin (m) and Telpha Ashwin (f); andthose persons adopted by the biological descendants or with marital relations to those persons.’
  1. The current Wutha Form 1 is an amended Form 1, dated and filed in the Court on 4 March 1999. It names four Ashwin siblings as applicants and reduces the Wutha Claim group substantially, as appears below.

(a) The Wutha Claim group

  1. The Wutha applicants are June Ashwin (married name, June Harrington-Smith), Geoffrey Alfred Ashwin, Ralph Edward Ashwin and Raymond William Ashwin. They claim to be members of ‘the native title claim group’ and to be authorised by that group to make the application. The Wutha Claim group as defined in Schedule A to the Wutha Form 1 filed on 4 March 1999, consisted of the biological descendants of ‘Wunu (aka Tommy) (m) Ashwin and Telpha Ashwin (f)’, and the adoptees of those biological descendants.
  2. On 29 April 1999, however, the Court ordered that the amended application be further amended by the substitution of an amended Schedule A in accordance with Annexure ‘A’ to an affidavit of Michael Francis Rynne sworn on 13 April 1999. That amended Schedule A was in fact filed on 4 May 1999 as a separate document. It states that the claim was ‘brought on behalf of’:
Wutha people, being those persons (including the applicants) who are:

the biological descendants of
Wunal aka Tommy (m) and Telpha Ashwin (f)excluding the following individuals [my emphasis]Wayne Harrington-Smith and offspringSheldon Harrington-Smith and offspringJoshua Harrington-Smith and offspringVicky Harrington-Smith and offspringRonella Harrington-Smith and offspringBrenda Abdullah and offspringCleve Walker (deceased) and offspringGraham Walker (deceased) and offspringMay Walker (deceased) and offspringBeryl Walker (deceased) and offspringLyall Walker and offspringKerry Walker (deceased) and offspringMaxine Walker (deceased) and offspringMaria Cooper and offspringGary Cooper and offspringSue Wyatt and offspringMilton Cooper and offspringNorman Cooper and offspringVictor Cooper and offspringThomas Cooper and offspringand
  1. those persons adopted by those biological descendants in accordance with Wutha tradition and custom [emphasis in original]. (Adoption under Wutha tradition and custom, refers to the situation where a child is “grown up” by a relative or someone without a biological relationship, either because they have been “gifted” to them, or left in their care, as the biological parents are not in a position to care for them. This applies regardless of whether or not the child has been formally adopted under the non-Aboriginal legal system.’

The Wutha Claim group is therefore the biological descendants of the two named apical ancestors (excluding twenty named individuals and their offspring) and the adoptees of those biological descendants. There was thus an exclusion of twenty individuals or families who would otherwise have been included within the Wutha Claim group.

  1. According to the Wutha LIP filed on 22 April 2002, there were then 178 Wutha claimants. Five of them testified.
  2. On 30 April 2004, POC were filed in the Wutha proceeding (WAG 6064/98). Subparagraphs 1(a) and (b) were identical to subparas 1(a) and (b) of the Wongatha POC set out at [129] above), except for the substitution of ‘Wutha’ for ‘Wongatha’. Apparently the biological descendants and adoptees referred to in Schedule A and then in the amended Schedule A to the Wutha Form 1 (subject to the exclusions there mentioned ([181] above)), are said to be all the persons who satisfy the POC criteria. My observations at [129]-[130] apply, mutatis mutandis.
  3. As noted at [61] and [157], the Wutha applicants also filed common form Points of Response to the Wongatha POC. Accordingly, the observations made at [129] ff apply, mutatis mutandis.

(b) The Wutha Claim area

  1. The Wutha Claim area is shown on a map in Attachment B to Schedule B to the current Wutha Form 1. As can be seen from Annexure A to these reasons, the Wutha Claim area overlaps the Wongatha Claim area on the latter’s west and northwest. The overlap includes (only just) the town of Menzies. The map leaves it unclear to me whether it includes the town of Leonora, but the ‘technical description’ of the Wutha Claim area in the Wutha Form 1 shows that it does. Just within the southern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area, the southernmost boundary of the Wutha Claim area adjoins the northern boundary of the Maduwongga Claim area, but there may not be any overlap as between the two (in submissions, the Wutha applicants assert not, and say that there is a shared boundary).
  2. The Wutha Claim area also overlaps the western part of the MN Claim area (and therefore of the NK 2 Claim area) and some of the NK 1 Claim area. There is land within all of the Wongatha, MN, Koara, Wutha and NK 2 Claim areas, and other land within the Wongatha, Koara, Wutha and NK 1 Claim areas.
  3. The evidence does not suggest that the boundaries of the Wutha Claim area have been arrived at by reference to any topographical features (such as a lake or river) or traditional features (such as Dreaming sites). Nor does the evidence explain the many irregularities in the boundaries.
  4. According to Schedule B to the Wutha Form 1, there are areas within the external boundaries of Wutha Claim area that are excluded from the Wutha Claim area. I need not identify them.

(c) The native title rights and interests claimed

  1. Schedule E to the Wutha Form 1 states the rights and interests claimed in terms identical to those of Schedule E to the Koara Form 1 (see [170] above) but for three differences. First, the Wutha Form 1 adds to paras (a)-(i), the following:
the right to maintain, protect and prevent the misuse of cultural knowledge of the common law holders associated with the area.’

Second, para (iii) of the five ‘Subject to’ paragraphs, which follow the listing of the rights and interests in the Wutha Schedule E, does not contain the following concluding words which appear in that para (iii) in the Koara Schedule E:

those native title rights and interests which are claimed in respect of those areas comprise only those rights and interests as are consistent with any such act.’

Third, para (v) of those ‘Subject to’ paragraphs in the Wutha Schedule E omits the following words which appear between ‘claimed to the exclusion of’ and ‘any other rights and interests’ in the comparable para (v) in the Koara Schedule E:

comprise only those rights and interests as are consistent with’.

  1. The Wutha Form 1 does not refer to sharing, but by adopting the Wongatha POC, the Wutha applicants acknowledge a sharing with other members of the WDCB: see [136]-[137] above. In addition, para 3 of the Wutha POC is identical, mutatis mutandis, to para 3 of the Koara POC noted at [171] above, and para 4 of the Wutha POC is identical, mutatis mutandis, to para 4 of the Koara POC set out at [173] above.

(d) The factual basis of the Wutha Claim

  1. Schedule F to the Wutha Form 1 is identical to Schedule F to the Koara Form 1 (see [172] above).
  2. Paragraph 4 of the Wutha POC makes an assertion in terms identical to those of para 4 of the Koara POC (see [173] above), but for the substitution of ‘Wutha’ for ‘Koara’.
  3. Like the Wongatha, MN and Koara Claims, the Wutha Claim is a communal or group claim of communal or group rights and interests (not individual rights and interests) for the purposes of ss 61 and 223(1) of the NTA.
  4. As noted at [61] and [157], the Wutha applicants also filed common form Points of Response to the Wongatha POC. Accordingly, the observations made at [129] ff apply, mutatis mutandis.

2.5 THE COSMO NEWBERRY CLAIM (WAG 144/98)

  1. Aspects of the Cosmo Claim were referred to at 1.2(e) [47] and [61].
  2. The name ‘Cosmo Newberry’ (the spelling ‘Newbery’ is also encountered) is apparently derived from a geological analyst from Victoria, Mr Cosmo Newberry, who was involved in gold mining and the manufacture of paper from native plants in the 1860s and 1870s. Apparently he spent some time surveying the area that is the subject of the Cosmo Claim. The Aboriginal Reserves which comprise much of the Cosmo Claim area were named after him.
  3. In the early 1920s, Willie Ross (sometimes called Phil Ross) and Harry Axford took up pastoral lease 2981/97 on an area of some 300,000 acres on the easternmost edge of the pastoral expansion to the north-east of Laverton, in the vicinity of three gold mines. They named the station ‘Cosmo Newbery’.
  4. The station prospered for the first five years. An Aboriginal camp became established on the station which the lessees supplied with provisions. Willie Ross formed a domestic relationship with an Aboriginal woman, Marnupa, who became known as Biddy Ross. Three children were born of the relationship, Frances, Estelle and Nola.
  5. Drought in the late 1920s, which accelerated the movement of Aboriginal people from the desert, also affected stations around the Desert perimeter. The station experienced financial difficulties and, in 1927, Axford sold his interest to Fred Herbert. However, on 12 December 1930, the lease was forfeited for non-payment of rent. Willie Ross departed, leaving his family behind. By the time of the hearing, Nola Ross had passed away, but Frances (Yimila) Murray (née Ross) and Estelle (Yinungka) Ross are both senior Cosmo claimants.
  6. As appears in Annexure B, the original Cosmo application (WC 96/17) was made under the Old NTA on 21 February 1996. In fact, it was made in response to the following claims in respect of parts of the present Cosmo Claim area:

(a) Ngurludharra and Waljen clans (WC 95/32) lodged on 27 July 1995;

(b) Tjinintjarra Family Group (WC 95/57) lodged on 25 September 1995; and
(c) Thithee Birni Bunna Wiya (WC 96/4) lodged on 15 January 1996.

  1. Apparently, those claims or some of them included as claimants persons who had not authorised the making of them, and who are now members of the Cosmo Claim group. The three claim groups had obtained the right to negotiate with mining interests which wished to gain access to the Cosmo Aboriginal Reserves. Some individuals who lived in the Cosmo Aboriginal Community felt pressured by mining interests and by the claimants on the three claims (see 8.5 [128] and [226]–[229].
  2. The original Cosmo application of 21 February 1996 was brought by 48 named applicants (including Harvey Murray). They were members of the Murray, Westlake, Bonney, Nash, Barnes, Nelson, Evans and Gray families. The application was said to be made ‘on behalf of the applicants and others who are entitled in accordance with the traditional laws and customs to possess native title rights and interests in the claim area’.
  3. As noted at 1.2(e) [47], the original Cosmo Claim was referred to the Court on 18 September 1998 by the NT Registrar, and became Federal Court proceeding WAG 144/98. The three native title claims which overlapped the Cosmo Claim area, WC 95/32, WC 95/57 and WC 96/4 referred to at [200] above, were (with 16 other claims) combined with the original Wongatha claim (WC 94/8, WAG 6005/98) by order made on 22 January 1999, as noted at 1.2(a) [21]. The combined Wongatha Claim was accepted for registration on 26 February 1999.
  4. The Cosmo application was amended by an amended application filed on 22 January 1999 and by order made on 2 February 1999, and was yet further amended in April 1999.
  5. Because the Wongatha Claim was asserted to be made on behalf of some individuals who were claimants on the original Cosmo Claim, the Cosmo Claim was doomed to fail the new registration test, as it offended s 190C(3) of the NTA, which had been introduced by the Amending NTA. Accordingly, on 3 May 1999, the NT Registrar decided not to accept for registration the then Cosmo application as amended. However, the decision to register the Wongatha Claim was itself set aside on 16 November 1999 by Carr J, on the ground that the NT Registrar had not observed the requirements of procedural fairness in making that decision.
  6. Soon afterwards, on 24 November 1999, the present Cosmo applicant, Harvey Murray, replacing the original 48 named Cosmo applicants, filed a further re-amended native title determination application, which was amended on 26 November 1999 pursuant to Court order, and which included in Schedule A, a provision that ‘to avoid any doubt, the claimant group does not include any person who is a claimant in WC 94/98, WAG 6005/98 (The Wongatha Claim)’. The NT Registrar determined that this provision in Schedule A satisfied s 190C(3) of the NTA and the Cosmo Claim was registered on 21 December 1999.
  7. Following the order made on 16 November 1999 setting aside the Registrar’s decision to register the Wongatha Claim, the Wongatha Form 1 was also amended and the Wongatha Claim was accepted for registration on 10 February 2000.
  8. On 11 August 2003, as Docket Judge for the Cosmo proceeding, I granted leave to the Cosmo applicant to amend the Cosmo Form 1, ‘subject, and without prejudice, to all contentions of the respondents that the further amended application [was] invalid’. The current Cosmo Form 1, a fourth amended native title determination application, was filed in the Cosmo proceeding on 14 August 2003. The current Cosmo POC were filed on 2 September 2003, as amended by order made on 8 December 2003.
  9. The Cosmo applicant remains Harvey Murray, who claims to be authorised to make the application by all the persons who, according to their traditional laws and customs, ‘hold the common or group rights and interests comprising the particular native title claimed’.

(a) The Cosmo Claim group

  1. The Cosmo Claim group is identified in Schedule A to the Cosmo Form 1 as follows (the description in the Cosmo POC is identical, apart from different paragraph numbers):
The native title claim group, subject to paragraph 7, comprises those people:

who have a personal connection to the area covered by the application including through their own birth or the birth of their ancestors by which they claim the country; and
in respect of whom that claim is recognised by the native title claim group according to its traditional decision-making processes.
(a) The ancestors, referred to in paragraph 5(a), are:
The descendants, on a bilateral basis, of the ancestors described in paragraph 6 (a) include:
  1. The requirement of paragraph 5 (b) is not satisfied by any person who is a claimant in the WAG 6005/98 (Wongatha) claim when the current application was made.
  2. Individuals who assert a claim, in accordance with paragraph 5 above, accrue full native title rights and interests as their connection becomes real and meaningful by sharing in the taking of responsibility for the land and waters of the area covered by the application through learning about it and through extensive physical presence on it.’

The criteria of membership can therefore be summarily described as ‘personal connection including place of birth of self or of certain named ancestors, and recognition of the claimed connection by the Cosmo Claim group’. It will noted that para 5 does not state the nature of the required ‘personal connection’, but states that it includes the birth of the person or of the named ancestors, within the Cosmo Claim area. The naming of the 11 ancestors in para 6(a) seems to assume that they were all born within the Cosmo Claim area. The inclusory naming of the descendants in para 6(a) does not require an assumption that they were born within the Cosmo Claim area. There is the overriding requirement that the person’s claimed personal connection is recognised by the Cosmo Claim group.

  1. As noted at 1.7 [116] the Cosmo LIP is found in Dr Lee Sackett’s ‘Claimant Genealogies and Profiles’ dated August 2001 and filed on 3 September 2001. That Cosmo LIP listed, as at that time, 128 Cosmo claimants. Of these, 15 testified.
  2. In submissions the Cosmo applicant says that the Cosmo Claim group currently comprises individuals from three inter-linked extended families:

(a) the Murray, Bonney, Ross-Westlake and Nash families (‘the Murray Families’);

(b) the Westlake family; and

(c) the Barnes, Evans and Nelson families (‘the Nelson Families’).
The Cosmo applicant does not suggest, however, that these three inter-linked extended families exhaust the definition of the Cosmo Claim group. He acknowledges the possibility of individuals from other families being part of the group ‘if they can assert a claim to the Cosmo Newberry claim area and it is recognised in accordance with the traditional laws and customs’.

  1. Moreover, the Cosmo applicant submits that membership of one or other of the families mentioned does not equate to membership of the Cosmo Claim group, because members of the Cosmo Claim group are those persons who have chosen to assert a claim to membership (or, in the case of young children, have had a claim asserted on their behalf), and had the claims accepted by the other members of the group. However, in my opinion, the Cosmo Form 1 and the relevantly identical Cosmo POC do not require that a person make his or her claim of personal connection to the Cosmo Claim group. All that they require is that there be a claimed personal connection and that the Cosmo Claim group recognises it.
  2. The Cosmo applicant submits:
list of ancestors in Schedule A of the Cosmo [Form 1] serves to describe the antecedents of the current group members who claim through their antecedents’ connections to country. It does not define the Cosmo Newberry Claim group in perpetuity. For example, the next generation of Cosmo Newberry claimants may identify through the living upper generation and would describe themselves by reference to different antecedents. It is also not automatically the case that all those antecedents’ descendants would choose to assert a claim to Cosmo Newberry and nor is it the case that only their descendants could claim country (though a claim on any other basis would need to be grounded in a traditional and recognised link).’

I accept the State’s submission that the process as described is ‘uncertain, unpredictable and arbitrary’. It is a process which permits the members from time to time to change the membership criteria by recognising additional ancestors or withdrawing recognition of ancestors presently recognised.

  1. A salient feature of the Cosmo Claim is its insistence that the Cosmo Claim group is the exclusive adjudicator in respect of claims to hold country within the Cosmo Claim area – a matter considered in Ch 8.

(b) The Cosmo Claim area

  1. There are three notable features of the Cosmo Claim area. First, nearly all of the Cosmo Claim area consists of four Aboriginal Reserves and the Yamarna pastoral lease, the area’s external boundaries being composed of boundaries of the four Reserves. Second, the Cosmo Claim area is entirely within the Wongatha Claim area. Accordingly, as in the case of the Wongatha Claim, I am hearing and determining the Cosmo Claim in its entirety. Third, the north-western boundary of the Cosmo Claim area is also the south-eastern boundary of the MN (and, therefore, of the NK 2) Claim area: there is no overlap as between them.
  2. According to Schedule B to the Cosmo Form 1, the Cosmo Claim area comprises:

Schedule B to the Cosmo Form 1 also provides that, for the purposes of the application of ss 61A(4), 47A and 47B of the NTA, the application covers:

  1. According to Schedule B to the Cosmo Form 1, the four Aboriginal Reserves, 22032 (Cosmo West), 25050 (Cosmo South), 25051 (Cosmo North) and 20396 (Cosmo East), are vested in either the Aboriginal Affairs Planning Authority or the ALT. In addition, a part of Reserve 22032 is leased under a 99-year lease to the ‘Cosmo Newberry Aboriginal Corporation’ which, according to Schedule B, is ‘the lessee and manager of the 99 year lease from the State Minister for Indigenous Affairs and the Aboriginal Lands Trust.’ A copy of the map of the Cosmo Claim area annexed to the Cosmo Form 1 is Annexure D to these reasons.
  2. On 6 June 1973 the four Aboriginal Reserves were proclaimed under s 25 of the Aboriginal Affairs Planning Authority Act 1972 (WA) as reserved for ‘persons of Aboriginal descent’. By Gazette Notice of 29 June 1973, the reserve purpose was changed to ‘Use and Benefit of Aborigines’ under s 37 of the Land Act 1933 (WA). By Gazette notice of 3 August 1973, the Reserves were vested in the ALT under s 33 of the same Act for the same purpose.
  3. The Yamarna Pastoral Lease (3114/854) was granted on 17 June 1968 under s 114 of the Land Act 1933 (WA) for a term expiring on 30 June 2015. The original lessees were James Harry Kinnane Ewings, Kevin Kinnane Ewings and Ann Josephine Ewings. The lessees are now Yamarna Goldfields NL and Asarco Exploration Company Inc.
  4. The Cosmo applicant acknowledges that the boundaries of the Cosmo Claim area are artificial from a traditional perspective. He says that he has elected not to claim all of the area to which the Cosmo claimants have a traditional connection, preferring to follow the boundaries of the four Aboriginal Reserves. Thus, he excludes the site, Pilki, which is only just outside the Cosmo Claim area, even though it is, according to his testimony, a site that the Cosmo claimants ‘look after’. Mr Murray explained that it was necessary to ‘draw a line’, and that, after consultation, the Cosmo claimants decided to draw a line based on the Western land tenure system.
  5. I accept that a native title claim group is not required to apply for a determination in relation to nothing less than the whole of the area in respect of which it possesses native title rights and interests. The evidence does not identify, even approximately, a larger area with traditional boundaries of which the Cosmo Claim area forms part. The Cosmo applicant accepts that there are large parts of the Cosmo Claim area where there are no Dreaming tracks or sites.
  6. Subject to ss 47A, 47B and 228 of the NTA, Schedule B to the Cosmo Form 1 excludes certain areas from the Cosmo Claim, which I need not identify.

(c) The native title rights and interests claimed

  1. Schedule E to the Cosmo Form 1 is a four-page general description of the native title rights and interests claimed.
  2. Again the claim is put as one of communal or group rights and interests, not of individual rights and interests, for the purposes of ss 61 and 223(1) of the NTA.

(d) The Cosmo claimants’ connection to the Cosmo Claim area

  1. Schedule F to the Cosmo Form 1 is a seven and a half page description of the connection claimed by the Cosmo Claim group with the Cosmo Claim area; the factual basis on which it is said that there exist traditional laws and customs that give rise to the claimed native title; and the factual basis on which it is said that the members of the Cosmo Claim group continue to hold the native title in accordance with traditional laws and customs.
  2. In view of their length, I will not set out or annex the Cosmo Schedule E or Schedule F. The alleged connection with the Cosmo Claim area is said to be spiritual, physical, historical (customary), legal, economic and social. Of fundamental importance is said to be the Tjukurrpa (or ‘the Dreaming’) belief of the members of the Cosmo Claim group as people of the Western Desert.

2.6 THE MADUWONGGA CLAIM (WAG 76/97)

  1. I referred to aspects of the Maduwongga Claim at 1.2(f) [49]–[52] and [61]. The Maduwongga applicants are represented, not by a native title representative body, but by a private firm, Corser & Corser Lawyers. The formulation of the Maduwongga Claim over time has presented a picture of confusion.
  2. As appears from Annexure A to these reasons, the Maduwongga Claim area overlaps the Wongatha Claim area on the southwest of the latter. The Maduwongga Claim area includes Kalgoorlie and Coolgardie, which lie south of the southern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area and therefore outside the Wongatha/Maduwongga overlap. The overlap runs for a distance of about 200–250 km along the southern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area.
  3. Maduwongga application WC 94/3 was lodged with the NNTT on 19 April 1994 and accepted on 12 October 1995. It was the first application for a determination of title native to be filed in the Goldfields region. I will call it ‘Maduwongga 1’. The applicant was Marjorie May Strickland. Ms Strickland invited her sister, Anne Joyce Nudding, to be a co-applicant but Ms Nudding was hesitant, and said she felt that making a claim was a ‘new thing’ and would be a ‘massive blow to a lot of people’. The Maduwongga 1 Form 1 stated that ‘the other persons with whom the Applicants claims to hold title are all those persons who are Maduwongga peoples’.
  4. The Maduwongga Form 1 claimed ‘the right to exclusively occupy, use and enjoy the land under the traditional laws and customs observed by the applicant and other or [sic – of] the Maduwongga Peoples’. The area claimed was that shown as ‘Maduwongga’ on Tindale’s map, a copy of an extract from which was attached. A description of the area, also attached to the Form 1, was also taken from Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes (p 246). That description was:
From Pinjin on Lake Rebecca West to Mulline: from a few miles south of Menzies to Kalgoorlie, Coolgardie, Kanowna, Kurnalpi and Siberia.
suggest a protohistoric movement from the east displacing Kalamaia people west to beyond Bullabulling.language was called Kabal and it was understood as far west as Southern Cross. 9,000 square miles (23,400 square kilometres)’ (my emphasis)

Professor Tindale apparently thought that his ‘Maduwongga tribe’ had ‘migrated’ from the desert in the east, displacing the local Kalamaia.

  1. In 1995 a second Maduwongga application, WC 95/11 (‘Maduwongga 2’), was lodged with the NNTT, this time by both Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding as applicants, ‘assisted by the Giggie Association Inc’. The Maduwongga 2 Form 1 again stated that the application was made on behalf of ‘all those persons who are Maduwongga peoples’. Ms Nudding said that her sister and she discussed the matter over a year or two, and that she was persuaded to join her sister as co-applicant. As noted at 1.2(f) [49], Maduwongga 2 included the areas of certain pastoral leases which had been excluded from Maduwongga 1. In para A9, the Maduwongga applicants claimed:
right to exclusively possess, occupy, use and enjoy the land and waters under the traditional laws and customs observed by the Applicants and other Maduwongga Peoples, including hunting, gathering and fishing rights and interests.’

and the statement was added that:

Maduwongga peoples have occupied and continue to occupy the whole of the land and waters claimed and have been physically present upon the same continuously, from time to time.’

  1. It is not clear when Maduwongga 2 was lodged. In their final submissions the Maduwongga applicants give 6 April 1995 as the date, and an internal NNTT file note dated 18 April 1996 signed by the NT Registrar does, indeed, state that it was lodged on that date. However, a copy of the application passed by the NNTT to this Court on 8 July 1997 bears a date stamp suggesting a lodgement date of 2 June 1995. Moreover, the Form 1 included an affidavit of Ms Nudding made on 2 June 1995. However, Ms Nudding’s affidavit referred to an earlier affidavit of Ms Strickland made on 5 April 1995 in connection with the same (Maduwongga 2) application. It may be, therefore, that some documents were lodged with the NNTT in April 1995, perhaps on 6 April 1995, while others were lodged in June 1995.
  2. A third Maduwongga application, WC 98/20, was lodged with the NNTT on 8 April 1998 (‘Maduwongga 3’). The applicants were again Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding. This application extended the area claimed further to the south-east, as recounted at 1.2(f) [49] above. Like Maduwongga 1 and Maduwongga 2, Maduwongga 3 was expressed to be made on behalf of ‘all those persons who are Maduwongga peoples’. Paragraph A9 of the application was replete with references to ‘the Maduwongga peoples’. It included the same claim to exclusivity and statement concerning occupation as had been contained in para A9 in Maduwongga 2. Paragraph A9 also contained a new and lengthy statement commencing:
Maduwongga Peoples, including the Applicants are descendants of the indigenous inhabitants and have maintained their traditional connection with the Maduwongga 3 area continuously.’

and proceeded to claim rights and interests in 26 paragraphs. Paragraph A9 concluded:

Maduwongga Peoples identify with a common cultural heritage, including what they regard as the language, traditional law and customs and including bodies of religious law of their ancestors.
Applicants claim that native title in the area claimed herein, described as the Maduwongga 3 area, is held by the Maduwongga Peoples. The Maduwongga Peoples, including the Applicants, regard the land and waters claimed, described as the Maduwongga 3 area, as Maduwongga territory in accordance with Aboriginal tradition including Maduwongga laws and customs.Maduwongga Peoples, including the Applicants and their ancestors have maintained a traditional connection with the Maduwongga 3 area claimed from prior to and since British colonisation to the present time.Maduwongga Peoples, including the Applicants, have continued to acknowledge the laws and observe the customs based on the traditions of the Maduwongga Peoples whereby their traditional connection with the land has been maintained.traditional laws and customs inter alia relate to the native title rights and interests and inheritance, the transmission or acquisition of rights and interests on death or marriage, the transfer of rights and interests in land and the grouping of persons to possess rights and interests in land. There is an identified community of Maduwongga Peoples, the members of which are identified by one another as members of that community. These rights and interests are possessed by the Applicants and other Maduwongga Peoples and their ancestors, the indigenous inhabitants.Maduwongga Peoples, including the Applicants and their ancestors, have an organised society creating and sustaining rights and duties. They have been continuously present on the land and waters described as the Maduwongga 3 area.’

The numerous references to ‘Maduwongga Peoples’ and other references above might reasonably suggest a sizeable traditional grouping that extended over time and included, as some of its members, the two sisters, Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding, and their ancestors.

  1. On 3 July 1998, Carr J ordered that the first two Maduwongga applications (WC 94/3 (WAG 63/98) and WC 95/11 (WAG 76/97)) be consolidated and be conducted as one proceeding, having the Court number ‘WAG 76 of 1997 and 63 of 1998’.
  2. In a statement filed by the applicants in WAG 76/97 on 24 August 1998, pursuant to para 6 of directions made by Carr J on 15 September 1997, the Maduwongga applicants stated that the application was made on behalf of Ms Strickland, Ms Nudding and Albert Newland, the first two as biological descendants of Kitty Bluegum, and Mr Newland as a ‘Descendant of Kitty Bluegum (either biological and/or adopted son of Arthur Newland)’, together with their (all three’s) descendants, and also the descendants of Gertrude Morrison (deceased), as set out in Figure 3.4 of an anthropological report of McDonald Hales and Associates dated August 1998 (‘Dr McDonald’s report’). Arthur Newland was the biological son of Kitty Bluegum and biological father of Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding. Figure 3.4 showed the descendants of Gertrude Morrison to include Phillip O’Donoghue and Donald Ballinger, and the children and grandchildren of these two men.
  3. On 28 January 1999, the Maduwongga applicants filed in WAG 76/97 a notice of motion seeking an order that Maduwonggas 1, 2 and 3 be ‘combined’ and that the combined application take the form of an Amended Native Title Determination Claimant Application (Form 1) annexed to a supporting affidavit of Dianne Baruffi sworn 28 January 1999. Importantly, that Form 1, while continuing to designate Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding as applicants and stating that the claim was a combination of the claims in WC 94/3 (WAG 63/98), WC 95/11 (WAG 76/97) and WC 98/20 (WAG 6237/98), asserted that the application was now brought on behalf of ‘the Strickland/Nudding group’, rather than ‘the Maduwongga peoples’. Accordingly, the Maduwongga Claim group was to be substantially reduced in scope:
  4. This radical reduction in the Maduwongga Claim group from ‘the Maduwongga Peoples’ to ‘the Strickland/Nudding group’ was the first change to be made following the enactment of the Amending NTA. The Commonwealth submits that the substitution of the new reduced native title claim group was contrary to the NTA; that the Maduwongga applicants were not authorised to make the new application; and that the present Maduwongga Claim group, the Strickland/Nudding group, having the two Maduwongga applicants themselves as its apical ancestors, is not a group capable of holding native title (see 9.1 below).
  5. On 17 February 1999, RD Nicholson J ordered that the consolidation order made by Carr J on 3 July 1998 be revoked and that applications WAG 76/97 and WAG 63/98 be deconsolidated; that application WAG 76/97 be amended so as to be combined with and include applications WAG 63/98 and WAG 6237/98; that those three applications be combined and continue under application WAG 76/97; and that application WAG 76/97 be amended to take the form of Form 1 annexed to Ms Baruffi’s affidavit of 28 January 1999 mentioned above.
  6. No doubt pursuant to s 64(4) of the NTA, the Registrar of this Court gave a copy of that Form 1 to the NT Registrar. In the NNTT, the combined application (WAG 76/97) was given the number WC 99/9.
  7. Leave to amend the Maduwongga Form 1 further was sought by notices of motion dated 18 March 1999 and 6 April 1999. On 13 April 1999 the District Registrar directed that the Maduwongga application be amended to take the form of the Form 1 annexed to a further affidavit of Ms Baruffi, sworn and filed 7 April 1999, and that the Maduwongga applicants file and serve a fresh amended application incorporating all amendments within 14 days. Such a document was filed on 22 April 1999. It is this combined Maduwongga application as subsequently amended that is the Maduwongga Claim now before the Court. The combined Maduwongga Claim again stated that the claim was brought on behalf of the Strickland/Nudding group. Reference to the ‘Maduwongga’ or ‘Maduwongga Peoples’ was omitted, and reference was made, for example, to the ‘traditional laws and customs of the claim group’, now necessarily a reference to the traditional laws and customs of Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding and their biological descendants. For convenience, I continue to use the designation ‘Maduwongga’ to refer to this Claim, but it must be remembered that as from 17 February 1999, the Maduwongga Claim group is in fact the Strickland/Nudding group.
  8. Curiously, in a further statement filed by the Maduwongga applicants on 4 May 1999, pursuant to Carr J’s directions of 15 September 1997, the group membership was stated as being exactly the same as it had been in the statement filed on 24 August 1998 (see [236] above), notwithstanding the narrower definition of the Maduwongga group as the Strickland/Nudding group that had intervened in the amended Forms 1 of January/February and April 1999.

(a) The Maduwongga Claim group

  1. According to Dr McDonald’s report, written in August 1998, prior to the reduction in the Maduwongga Claim group of January/February 1999 down to the Strickland/Nudding group, the Maduwongga Claim group comprised 82 living persons, while the narrower Strickland/Nudding group can be seen from that report to have comprised only 20 living persons. The genealogy in the report shows Albert Newland as an adopted brother of Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding. In a Maduwongga LIP dated 24 April 2002 and filed in this present Wongatha proceeding on 26 April 2002, Albert Newland’s name no longer appears. This document lists 29 individuals as members of the Maduwongga Claim group, that is to say, of the Strickland/Nudding group. However, they include Albert Nudding, who is the husband of Ms Nudding. He is not a biological descendant even of Kitty Bluegum, and it is not suggested that he is ‘Maduwongga’. The 29 individuals also include the two fostered/adopted grandchildren of Ms Nudding. However, they do not include Christine Newland, who is a sibling of Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding, and, on one view, of Albert Newland too. The Maduwongga applicants now say that this document, which is the Maduwongga LIP on which they went to trial, is to be ‘ignored’. I discuss the problematical composition of the Maduwongga group further in Ch 9.
  2. This Maduwongga LIP divides the 29 persons named in it into two groups according to the basis of their membership of the Maduwongga Claim group. The first basis is:
cognatic descent from Kitty Bluegum and her father Johnny;
● conception and birth in Maduwongga country;● identification as Maduwongga & following the Wonggai way; and● continuing traditional connection to Maduwongga country.’

The second basis is:

identification as Maduwongga & following the Wonggai way; and
● continuing traditional connection to Maduwongga country.’
  1. The obvious question arises how to reconcile these bases of membership with the Maduwongga Form 1 which defines the Maduwongga Claim group simply as Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding and their biological descendants. The first basis refers to cognatic descent from ancestors Kitty Bluegum and her father Johnny, and introduces additional requirements, whereas the second basis does not refer to cognatic descent at all. The Strickland/Nudding group is descended from Kitty Bluegum and her father Johnny, and there is no scope for anyone else to be a member of the Maduwongga Claim group.
  2. On 11 August 2003, I granted the Maduwongga applicants leave to amend further the Maduwongga Form 1. The current Maduwongga Form 1 is found in a minute annexed to an affidavit of Marjorie May Strickland sworn 11 June 2003 and filed on 13 June 2003, which, on 11 August 2003, I ordered should stand as the further amended application in the Maduwongga proceeding (WAG 76/97). The amendments of August 2003 excluded from the areas the subject of certain tenures referred to in Ward HCA, and took up some drafting points arising out of Harrington Smith v Western Australia (No 5) at [12]–[17] and [28]. As well, however, the amendments divided the Maduwongga Claim area into Areas A and B so that different rights and interests were claimed in relation to those respective areas. Significantly, the rights and interests claimed in respect of Area A included the right to possess, occupy, use and enjoy the area as against the world, that is, the right to exclude the rest of the world, but that right, and certain other Area A rights, were not claimed in respect of Area B.
  3. In para A2 of this, the current Maduwongga Form 1, the Maduwongga applicants claim to be authorised to make the application by ‘the native title claim group’, meaning, necessarily, the Strickland/Nudding group. Schedule A to the Maduwongga Form 1 states:
claim is brought on behalf of Marjorie May Strickland and Anne Joyce Nudding and their biological descendants.’

  1. The various versions of the Maduwongga POC have also identified the Maduwongga Claim group differently. The POC dated 15 February 2002 (and the Maduwongga Opening Submissions dated 18 February 2002) put, as the basis of the Maduwongga Claim, that native title is derived from Kitty Bluegum and is held by all her descendants, but ‘[t]he members of the group are identified by one another as members of that group’. The POC filed on 15 November 2002 introduced four requirements for membership of the Maduwongga Claim group in addition to ‘descent from Maduwongga ancestors’. These are:
conception or birth in Maduwongga country; (2) identification as Maduwongga and following the Wonggai (in other words “Aboriginal”) way; (3) continuing traditional connection with Maduwongga country; and (4) recognition and acceptance by other members of the Maduwongga group’.

  1. In both the February 2002 and November 2002 POC, it is said that the identified members of the Maduwongga Claim group include Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding, their children and grandchildren.
  2. The Maduwongga applicants’ latest version of their POC was filed in the Wongatha proceeding (WAG 6005/98) on 15 December 2003. Paragraph 1 of that document states:
    1. The persons on behalf of whom Maduwongga native title determination application is made are as follows:
      • (a) The Maduwongga applicant group forms a group within the wider Wonggai grouping of the south-west section of the Western Desert cultural bloc. It is a cognatic descent group. The members of the group trace ancestry through a set of siblings, Arthur Newland, Eva Forrest and Violet Sullivan (both née Quinn) to Kitty Bluegum (aka Larrikin Kitty). Kitty Bluegum in turn links the group to the Maduwongga tribe or language group and to rights to country.
addition to the requirement of descent from Maduwongga ancestors, there are four criteria which are central for full, as opposed to potential membership of the Maduwongga group. They are (1) conception or birth in Maduwongga country; (2) identification as Maduwongga and following the Wonggai (in other words “Aboriginal”) way; (3) continuing traditional connection with Maduwongga country; and (4)  recognition and acceptance by other members of the Maduwongga group.

The Maduwongga Claim group (Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding and their biological descendants) is narrower than all persons descended cognatically from Kitty Bluegum.

(b) The Maduwongga Claim area

  1. Schedule B to the Maduwongga Form 1 identifies the area claimed by reference to a map and a description attached to the Form 1 (see [49] and [231]-[234]). Schedule B excludes certain areas falling within the external boundaries of the area claimed, but I will not identify them here.

(c) The native title rights and interests claimed

  1. Schedule E to the Maduwongga Form 1 identifies the native title rights and interests claimed by reference to ‘Area A’ and ‘Area B’ of the Maduwongga Claim area (see [245] above). ‘Area A’ is defined to comprise areas of unallocated Crown land; areas to which any one of ss 47, 47A and 47B of the NTA applies; and any other areas to which the non-extinguishment principle of s 238 of the NTA applies and in relation to which there has not been any prior extinguishment of native title. ‘Area B’ is defined as the remainder of the Maduwongga Claim area. The native title rights and interests claimed in relation to Area A (‘Area A rights’) are set out in 60 numbered paragraphs. The native title rights and interests claimed in relation to Area B (‘Area B rights’) are the Area A rights except for the six numbered 1, 12, 14, 30, 31 and 51 in the list.

(d) The factual basis of the Maduwongga Claim and the Maduwongga claimants’ connection to the Maduwongga Claim area

  1. Schedules F and G to the Maduwongga Form 1 are as follows:
F [see Act, s 62]
native title rights and interests claimed exist on the following factual basis:the native title group have an association with the area based on traditional laws which they acknowledge and traditional customs which they observe;the predecessors of the native title claim group had an association with the area from a time prior to the assertion of British sovereignty in relation to the area;the native title rights and interests are possessed under a body of traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed by the native title claim group and their predecessors; andthe native title claim group have continued to hold the native title in accordance with those traditional laws and customs, including laws and customs which vest land and waters in the native title claim group on the basis of:descent from ancestors connected with the area;conception in the area;birth in the area;traditional religious knowledge of the area;traditional knowledge of the creation and geography of the area;traditional knowledge of the resources of the area;knowledge of and participation in traditional ceremonies and rituals associated with the area.
G [see Act, s 62]
members of the native title claim group currently carry out the following activities in relation to the land and waters:hunting, gathering and fishing;moving about, living residing, erecting shelters and camping;conducting and engaging in cultural activities, ceremonies, rituals, meetings and teaching of, maintaining, conserving and protecting the significant and physical attributes of the area and places, works and objects within the area;taking resources from the area, including fauna, flora, soil, sand, stone, flint, clay, gravel, ochre water for use and consumption for food, shelter, healing, decoration, cultural, religious, ceremonial and ritual purposes and for manufacture and trade of objects, materials and goods, in the form of tools, weapons, clothing, shelter and decoration.’
all the other Claims before the Court, the Maduwongga Claim is put as one of communal or group rights and interests, not individual rights and interests, for the purposes of ss 61 and 223(1) of the NTA.

2.7 THE NK 1 CLAIM (WAG 6001/00) AND THE NK 2 CLAIM (WAG 6001/02)

  1. Aspects of these two claims were discussed at 1.2(g) [54]–[55], 1.2(h) [57]–[58] and [61] above.
  2. The NK 1 (WAG 6011/00) Form 1 was filed in the Court on 12 December 2000. The NK 2 (WAG 6001/02) Form 1 was filed in the Court on 13 June 2002. Neither Form 1 has been amended. The NK 1 applicants are Dolly Walker and her son Kado Muir. The NK 2 applicant is Dolly Walker.

(a) The NK 1 and NK 2 Claim areas

  1. The NK 1 Claim area is identified by a metes and bounds description in Schedule B to the application. As appears on Annexure A, the south-eastern boundary of the NK 1 Claim area is close to Leonora, and the area extends well north of the north-western boundary of the Wongatha Claim area. Within the Wongatha Claim area, the NK 1 Claim area overlaps the Koara and Wutha Claim areas.
  2. The NK 1 Claim area does not, however, overlap the MN (and, therefore, the NK 2) Claim area. The eastern boundary of the NK 1 Claim area coincides with the western boundary of the MN (and, therefore, the NK 2) Claim area. Because the MN and NK 2 Claim areas are identical, my observations at [144]–[148] above in relation to the MN Claim area apply, mutatis mutandis, to the NK 2 Claim area.

(b) The NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups

  1. The NK 1 Claim group is described in Schedule A to the NK 1 Form 1 as follows:
native title claim group are those persons described as Ngalia Kutjungkatja.

Ngalia Kutjungkatja claimant group consists of those persons with traditional and cultural associations to the claim area. The Ngalia Kutjungkatja claimant group can be described as Dolly Walker, Kado Muir, Maxine Beaman, Shirley Wonyabong and those persons with a traditional and cultural association to the claim area who identify solely with the Ngalia Kutjungkatja claimant group and who are accepted by the claimant group as members in accordance with the laws and customs of the native title claim group.’ (my emphasis)

Schedule O to the NK 1 Form 1 asserts that members of the NK 1 Claim group ‘are not’ included in any other overlapping application, and states that ‘[i]n the unlikely event’ that a member of the NK 1 group is named in another application, ‘then that other application is not authorised to represent or include that member of the [NK 1] claimant group in that application’. This assertion by Dolly Walker and Kado Muir, as NK 1 applicants, whatever its true meaning, could not be effective to deny authorisation as between a member of another claim group and the applicant for that group.

  1. According to the NK 1 LIP filed on 4 June 2002, there were then 95 NK 1 claimants. Three of them, Dolly Walker, her brother Paddy Walker, and her son Kado Muir, were called to give evidence for the NK 1 group. Other members of the NK 1 group also testified, but, they were also members of GLSC Claim groups, and were called by GLSC applicants.
  2. The NK 1 POC filed on 22 November 2002 described the NK 1 Claim group as follows:
The Applicants claim on behalf of the Native Title Claim Group known as Ngalia Kutjungkatja, in translation this means One Ngalia family. The claim group consists of the descendants of apical dreamtime ancestor WaruTjukurr.

The Ngalia Kutjungkatja are the Biological descendants (and their spouses in accordance with Ngalia tradition and custom) of Kunia (Dolly Walker’s father’s father) and his wife, Mayarru, and those persons adopted by those biological descendants in accordance with Ngalia tradition and custom.

In particular the applicant group consists of the children of Wogabu and Maraputa, being;

Mary MacArthur (deceased) and her descendants,
Walker (deceased) and his descendants,Walker his children and descendantsWalker, her children and descendants
claimant group also consists of the following people adopted by the Ngalia Kutjungkatja people and their families;

Shirley Wonyabong,
Elizabeth Wonyabong and familyHarvey Scadden andMaxine Beaman and family.
(known as Itjarri) refers to a traditional practice or custom followed by the Native Title Claim Group where a child is raised by a relative or someone without a biological relationship, either because they have been given away to them, or left in their care.’ (my emphasis)

  1. The NK 2 Claim group is described in the NK 2 Form 1 as follows:
native title claim group are those persons described at Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2.

Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2 claimant group consists of those persons with traditional and cultural associations to the claim area. The Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2 claimant group can be described as Dolly Walker, and those persons with a traditional and cultural association to the claim area who identify solely with the Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2 claimant group and who are accepted by the claimant group as members in accordance with the laws and customs of the native title claim group.’ (my emphasis)

In preparing the NK 2 Form 1, Dolly Walker appears to have copied the description of the NK 1 Claim group from the NK 1 Form 1, omitting only the references to her son, Kado Muir, Maxine Beaman and Shirley Wonyabong. Kado Muir and Maxine Beaman are also members of the MN group. Shirley Wonyabong is a member of only the NK 1 Claim group. Schedule O to the NK 2 Form 1 acknowledges that some members of the NK 2 Claim group may be included in overlapping applications, and states: ‘once this application has been lodged with the NNTT those people who are at present on other claims overlapping this application will take all necessary steps to cease being members of those other groups’. This was nothing more than a prediction by the NK 1 applicants.

  1. No NK 2 LIP has ever been filed. However, Dolly Walker, Kado Muir and Paddy Walker treated themselves and each other as NK 2 claimants, and all three of them testified.
  2. The NK 2 POC, also filed in November 2002, described the NK 2 Claim group in terms identical to the description of the NK 1 Claim group set out at [260] above, but omitting the last two paragraphs relating to adoption (those commencing ‘The claimant group also consists ...’ and ‘Adoption (known as Itjarri) ...’).
  3. Both the NK 1 and NK 2 Claims are communal or group claims, not individual claims, for the purposes of ss 61 and 223(1) of the NTA.
  4. Importantly, each of the NK 1 and NK 2 POCs contains the sentence immediately following the description of the Claim group, ‘For genealogy detailing other persons see Attachment One’. Attachment One was, in each case, the same 257-page document. It bears two cover pages, and is authored either by Peter Muir, the husband of Dolly Walker, on information supplied by her, or by both of them. One cover page gives the title as ‘Western Desert Ngalia Family of Mangkili and Beyond’, while the other gives the title as ‘Ngalia Kutjungkatja (One Big Ngalia Family)’. I will call this document, whose status is that it forms part of both the NK 1 and NK 2 POCs, ‘the Ngalia Family document’. It seems clear that both POCs were prepared without the benefit of legal advice, in the case of the NK 1 at a time after the GLSC had ceased to represent the NK 1 applicants (the GLSC has at no time represented Ms Walker as applicant in the NK 2 Claim).
  5. The Ngalia Family document has not been admitted into evidence, but constitutes a statement of the claims made by the NK 1 and NK 2 applicants. Mangkili is north of the Wongatha Claim area.
  6. Ms Walker, apparently without legal advice, lodged the NK 2 application on 13 June 2002, four days before the second tranche of the hearing commenced.
  7. Although both Ms Walker and Mr Muir testified, they have not appeared at directions hearings or made submissions.
  8. There appears to be no one who identifies ‘solely’ with the NK 1 or NK 2 Claim group: even the NK 2 applicant, Dolly Walker, is also an NK 1 applicant and claimant, and, even if unwillingly, an MN applicant and claimant.
  9. Neither the NK 1 nor the NK 2 application explains what constitutes a relevant ‘traditional and cultural association to the claim area’; what commitment or characteristic is required of persons who can be said to ‘identify solely with the ....claimant group’; how and in what circumstances acceptance by the claimant group as a member is to be granted or withheld; or the laws and customs of the Claim group in relation to membership. The State submits:
in the case of both Ngalia Kutjungkatja claims there is no express reference to a need for biological connection to an ancestral group and no express reference to affiliations arising from birth, growing up or the personal history of parents or earlier generations, the potential membership of both Ngalia Kutjungkatja groups appears to be a large population.’

This submission is based on the Form 1 descriptions. However, the POCs state, in each case, that the Claim group ‘consists of the descendants of apical dreamtime ancestor WaruTjukurr’. I do not understand how the outworking of the definition of the group in the POCs could give the larger Claim group identified in the Forms 1. The Form 1 descriptions do contain the limiting factors of identification solely with the particular (NK 1 or NK 2) Claim group, and recognition by that Claim group.

(c) The native title rights and interests claimed

  1. The NK 1 Form 1 and the NK 2 Form 1 describe the rights and interests claimed in identical terms, as follows:
the right to maintain, manage and protect places and/or areas of social, cultural and spiritual importance under traditional laws, customs and practices in the claim area;
a right to acknowledge, observe and maintain cultural and spiritual rituals, beliefs and practices, possess, occupy, use and enjoy, the claim area;a right to speak for and make decisions about the use and enjoyment of the claim area;a right to reside upon and otherwise to have access to the claim area;the right to control the access of others to the claim area;a right to use and enjoy the natural resources of, on, or within the claim area;the right to control the use and enjoyment of others of the natural resources of, on, or within the claim area;the right to trade in natural resources of the claim area;the right to receive a portion of any natural resources taken by others from the claim area;the right to maintain, protect and prevent the misuse of cultural knowledge associated with the claim area.’

Apparently these rights and interests are said to be those of the relevant NK Claim group alone, although Dolly Walker acknowledged that other people have rights in the NK 1 and NK 2 Claim areas, namely the Koara and Tjupan people.

  1. In the NK 1 and NK 2 POC, the rights and interests claimed are qualified in terms not found in the respective Forms 1. The respective POCs state:
native title rights and interests claimed are the rights and interests as against the whole world (subject to any native title rights and interests that may be shared with any other persons who establish that they are native title holders) in particular comprising [there is then set out, in each case, a list of specific rights, expressed in terms that do not correspond with the rights claimed in the Form 1]’

The terms in which the existence of ‘shared’ rights and interests are so acknowledged in the NK 1 and NK 2 POCs (but not in the NK 1 and NK 2 Forms 1) are to the effect that, while the existence of such rights and interests in others is not admitted, if they are proved to exist, the NK 1 and NK 2 claimants will then accept that determination and agree to share.

(d) Authorisation

  1. In both the NK 1 and NK 2 Forms 1, the applicants claim to be members of a native title claim group and to be authorised to make the application.
  2. The NK 1 application was accompanied by affidavits in a standard printed form sworn by Ms Walker and Mr Muir. However, they go no further than to set out the requirements of s 62 of the NTA. They do not satisfy the terms of s 62(1)(a)(iv) and (v) which require that an application be accompanied by an affidavit sworn by the applicant that the applicant is authorised by all the persons in the native title claim group to make the application and to deal with the matters arising in relation to it, and stating the basis on which the applicant is so authorised. A similar observation applies to the affidavit sworn by Ms Walker on 20 May 2002 in support of the NK 2 application.
  3. The NK 1 application contains the following statement in relation to authorisation:
applicant is a member of the Ngalia Kutjungkatja native title claim group and is authorised to make the application, and deal with matters arising in relation to it, by all the other persons in the native title claim group. The authorisation arises from the traditional laws and customs of the claimant group. In particular the applicants are qualified within the laws and customs of the claimant group as law persons with appropriate status and authority to speak for and make decisions about the land and waters on behalf of the claimant group. The applicants have attained the appropriate status and authority as a result of participating in gender specific ceremonies, conducting ritual activities, maintaining physical and cultural connection with the area claimed and otherwise demonstrating leadership qualities within the claimant group.’

  1. The NK 2 Form 1 contains an identical statement, but for the numeral ‘2’ appearing immediately after ‘Ngalia Kutjungkatja’.
  2. This passage indicates that Ms Walker and Mr Muir rely on a traditional process of decision-making as provided for in s 251B(a) of the NTA. But the statement does not indicate why only Ms Walker and Mr Muir (or, in the case of the NK 2 Claim, Ms Walker alone) are authorised to make the application. I address authorisation further in 10.1.

2.8 AMENDMENT MADE TO THE REGISTRATION TEST BY THE AMENDING NTA

  1. The Amending NTA amended the test to be applied by the NT Registrar to determine if a claimant application for determination of native title should be entered on the National Register of Native Title Claims. Registration gives, inter alia, the benefit of the ‘right to negotiate’ processes under Pt 2 Div 3 Subdiv P of the NTA. Section 29 requires government parties to give to ‘any registered native title claimant’ (defined in s 253 as a person or persons whose name or names appear in an entry on the Register as the applicant in relation to a claim to hold native title in relation to land or waters), notice of any future acts that may affect the area the subject of the claim. A registered native title claimant is a ‘native title party’ for the purpose of negotiations under Subdiv P, and of status to object to such future acts.
  2. If the NT Registrar is given a copy of a claimant application under s 63 or s 64(4), the NT Registrar must consider the claim made in the application in accordance with s 190A(1). The NT Registrar must accept the claim for registration if it satisfies all the conditions in ss 190B and 190C; otherwise, the NT Registrar must not accept the claim for registration: s 190A(6). Section 190C(3), introduced by the Amending NTA with effect from 30 September 1998, provides:
The Registrar must be satisfied that no person included in the native title claim group for the application (the current application) was a member of the native title claim group for any previous application, if:
the previous application covered the whole or part of the area covered by the current application; andan entry relating to the claim in the previous application was on the Register of Native Title Claims when the current application was made; andthe entry was made, or not removed, as a result of consideration of the previous application under section 190A.’ (emphasis included)
  1. After 30 September 1998, a claimant application had to satisfy the new registration test even if it had previously satisfied the registration test under the Old NTA, and even if it had in fact been registered. The new requirement had an immediate and dramatic effect on the numerous claims in the Goldfields region, in which there appear to have been many instances of claimants being on two or more overlapping claims. One solution suggesting itself was to combine the overlapping claims. A second was to redefine a claim group so as to exclude the problematical member or members. A third was, of course, simply to secure registration before the overlapping claim did.
  2. As has been seen above, there is evidence of the following of all three courses: the combining of claims; the express exclusion of persons who are on other claims and who, therefore, do not ‘identify solely’ with the claim in question; and the race to register.
  3. I note that the (combined) Wongatha Claim (WC 99/1) was registered by the NT Registrar on 26 February 1999, and that the (combined) Maduwongga Claim (WC 99/9) was eventually registered on 5 November 1999 (see Strickland; appeal dismissed in WA v Strickland).

2.9 A COMPARISON OF THE CRITERIA FOR MEMBERSHIP OF THE EIGHT CLAIM GROUPS

  1. The POC criteria for membership of the four GLSC Claim groups are identical. They are similar, to a certain extent, to the POC criteria for membership of the Cosmo Claim group.
  2. The POC criteria for membership of the Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups, on the other hand, while similar as between themselves, are different from those of the GLSC and Cosmo Claim groups.
  3. The criteria for membership of the GLSC and Cosmo Claim groups can be analysed in general terms as comprising (1) a connection (including through an ancestor) to the Claim area; and (2) recognition of the claimed connection by the Claim group. The required connection is described a little differently as between the GLSC and the Cosmo Claim groups. In the case of the GLSC Claim groups, it is either:

(a) that the person was born and grew up in the Claim area; or

(b) that the person traces (on an ill identified but apparently very liberal basis) his or her ancestry to a person whose ‘country’ is recognised by the Claim group as being located within the Claim area.
The person’s claim to connection is, however, subject to the overriding requirement that it be recognised by the GLSC Claim group in question. This requirement applies even to the ‘birth and growing up’ basis.

  1. In the case of the Cosmo Claim group, the connection is that the person has a ‘personal connection’ to the Claim area, including:

(a) birth of the person within the Claim area; and

(b) birth within the Claim area of an ancestor through whom the person claims the country (but the ancestors and the descendants are limited to those identified in the POC).

  1. The presence of the word ‘including’ signifies that it is left to the members of the Cosmo Claim group for the time being, whether a particular claimed ‘personal connection’ is to be recognized. This accords great power to the members of the Cosmo Claim group for the time being, and allows them to recognise, for example, a person who does not satisfy (a) or (b) and whose claimed personal connection might, for example, be limited to residence at the Cosmo Aboriginal Community in recent years.
  2. The Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 POCs identify descent from an apical ancestor as the Claim group’s defining feature. In the case of the Maduwongga Claim, it is cognatic descent from Kitty Bluegum and her father Johnny. In the case of the NK 1 and NK 2 Claims, it is descent from an apical Dreamtime ancestor, WaruTjukurr. The NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups are also defined as the biological descendants of Kunia (Dolly and Paddy Walker’s father’s father) and his wife Mayarru, and the spouses and adoptees of those biological descendants. Kunia is a descendant of WaruTjukurr.
  3. Notwithstanding what I have said in the preceding paragraph, the Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups, in the way they ran their cases, also attempted to show connections between members and their respective Claim areas. Accordingly, my reasoning in relation to the kind of ‘connections’ on which the GLSC and Cosmo Claim groups rely as generating rights and interests in land, apply also to the Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups, in so far as they rely on the same kinds of connections, and do not confine the basis of their Claims to descent from an apical ancestor.
  4. It will be noted that in accordance with the GLSC/Cosmo criteria, although the laws and customs that provide for the holding of the rights and interests must be pre-sovereignty laws and customs, the Claim group need not be linked to a group that had right and interests in the Claim area at sovereignty. The Claim group might, for example, at a particular time, consist exclusively of persons who were born on (and grew up in, in the case of the GLSC Claim groups) the Claim area. So, it is said that the Claim area itself provides the GLSC or Cosmo Claim group’s unifying feature. The fact that a person’s claim of connection is based on his or her ancestor’s connection to the Claim area is not to be equated with descent from an apical ancestor as the basis of group membership.
  5. Descent from an apical ancestor, on the other hand, does involve group continuity over time, the unifying feature of the Claim group being descent from the same ancestor. I conclude below, however, that descent from an apical ancestor is not a basis of a landholding unit according to traditional laws and customs of the Western Desert.
  6. In the above discussion, I have concentrated on the respective POCs’ statements of the criteria for membership of a Claim group. Other parts of the POCs and the way in which the cases were run and submissions were painted is a different picture in certain respects. For example, the Maduwongga applicants gave evidence directed to identifying their father’s and their ‘country’. But evidence directed to identifying what is a person’s country by reference to such matters as place of birth, growing up and other connections is irrelevant where reliance is placed simply on cognatic descent from an apical ancestor. It seems fair to say that all Claim groups led evidence directed to showing as many pathways of connection to country of the witnesses they called as possible, without close regard to the Claim group’s Form 1 or POC.

CHAPTER 3 - GENERAL ISSUES PERTAINING TO ALL CLAIMS
3.0 INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW

  1. My purpose here is to introduce certain issues that permeate these reasons for judgment.

(a) Lateness of the written record

  1. As appears in 3.7(a) below, the first European explorer entered the Wongatha Claim area in 1869. Over the years he was followed by others. However, it was only after the discovery of gold, at Coolgardie in 1892 and at Kalgoorlie in 1893, that there was a significant European presence. That presence spread rapidly, to the north and north-east, with the gold rush.
  2. These circumstances pose a particular difficulty for the Claim groups. They bear the onus of proving that the group rights and interests they claim derive from laws and customs as they existed at sovereignty, that is, at 1829. Lack of evidence in this respect tells against them, and in favour of those who oppose their Claims. Yet substantial written records relating to Aboriginal people in the Goldfields do not begin until the 1890s. Contrast the recent case of Bennell v Western Australia [2006] FCA 1243; (2006) 153 FCR 120 in which European settlement and accompanying written records occurred soon after sovereignty. Of course, it should not be assumed that if the Goldfields had been settled in 1829, a record of the local position at that time would necessarily have supported the present Claims: it may have defeated them. The point is simply that contemporaneous records do not exist, and any evidentiary vacuum works against the Claim groups.
  3. Since the evidence does not establish any important and relevant event between 1829 and the earliest European records relating to the Goldfields, I infer that the situation that existed immediately when the written record began was like that at sovereignty. As discussed at 3.1 below, however, there are constraints on the ‘retrospective inferences’ that can properly be drawn. It is, for example, one thing to infer from European observation of the presence of semi-nomadic Aboriginal people in the Wongatha Claim area in and after 1869 that semi-nomadic Aboriginal people were to be found in the Wongatha Claim area in 1829. It is another thing to infer that the latter were the ancestors of the people observed and would have ‘occupied’ the area where the former were observed.

(b) The difficulty of proving claims to land by various groupings of semi-nomadic people

  1. The indigenous people of the Western Desert led semi-nomadic lives. They roamed over large areas, determined primarily by the availability of water and food. Since animals also needed water, the location of water in pools, rockholes and ‘soaks’ was all important. Indeed, the Aboriginal word for water, ‘kapi’ (there are different spellings, such as ‘gabi’), was also used to refer to one’s ‘country’ in the sense of the main watering place to which one returned, particularly in time of drought. It is for this reason, that a preference has been expressed for ‘semi-nomadic’ rather than ‘nomadic’ (but I will often use ‘nomadic’ without the qualifier).
  2. The question arises, on what basis, if any, a sparsely populated, vast and arid area could be divided into areas of the kinds represented in the present case in which groups of the present kinds had group rights and interests. This is not to suggest that the indigenous people of the Western Desert did not have, through the Dreaming (Tjukurrpa), a close and religious relationship to the land. It is, however, to raise the question as to the basis of their pre-sovereignty groupings, and, in particular, as to how one particular group of such people, as distinct from another, had group rights and interests in relation to a particular area.
  3. More than one witness referred to the notion of territorial ‘boundaries’ as something foreign to Western Desert culture, and as something that the advent of native title had forced onto the indigenous people.

(c) The various Claim areas are large

  1. The largeness of the various claim areas poses a problem for such statements as ‘A was born in the Claim area’, or ‘B resided on the Claim area’. The speaker has a particular place or places in mind, but ‘the Claim area’ is an NTA construct. Inevitably, NTA considerations have affected many of the indigenous witnesses’ views of the world. It is necessary to give close attention to the indigenous testimony in order to ensure that it is properly understood. A particular problem of the present kind exists in relation to the Cosmo Claim area, because of the presence of the Cosmo Aboriginal Community in the westernmost part of that area. It is necessary to discern carefully the meaning of such statements as ‘I lived at Cosmo’ or ‘I know the Cosmo area’. Is the reference to the entire Cosmo Claim area or to the area of the Cosmo Aboriginal Community (formerly, at various times, the homestead of the Cosmo Station, a ration depot, and a mission) or to something in between?

(d) Post-sovereignty migration

  1. ‘Migration’ or ‘population shift’ from the harsh, often drought stricken interior to points of European settlement in the Goldfields is well established. Although there is evidence that initially some of the people returned periodically to the desert, and although there are questions whether those from the desert displaced the local Aboriginal people, the general proposition that over time there was a general draining of the desert in favour of the fringes of European settlement is not disputed.
  2. While claimants can point to ancestors who had various kinds of post-contact association with places within the Wongatha Claim area, I cannot infer, without more, that those ancestors’ own ancestors at sovereignty had connections to those same places. Indeed, in many cases there is positive evidence that the post-contact ancestors migrated to the outskirts of townships and to ration depots in the Goldfields in the closing years of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century, from places to the north, north-east and east of the Wongatha Claim area.
  3. Whatever the effect of pre-contact ‘traditional’ migration within the Western Desert (due to drought, for example) may have been under Western Desert laws and customs, migration to points of European contact because of certain attractions there is something quite different. I do not accept that the latter was an adaptation of the former.

(e) Basing a claim on a normative Western Desert Cultural Bloc (‘WDCB’) ‘society’

  1. The various Claim groups base their claims to group rights and interests on a normative system of the WDCB ‘society’. I have serious doubts over whether the WDCB is a society with a system of norms, as discussed in Yorta Yorta HCA. I have been prepared to proceed, however, on the assumption that it is. Moreover, I have proceeded on the basis that that society existed in 1829, and that its laws and customs have been continuously observed, at least at certain places within the Western Desert, since 1829.
  2. It is difficult to avoid the impression that the various applicants may have thought that these issues were concluded in their favour by De Rose FCAFC. They were not. They raise issues of fact to be determined on the evidence adduced in this case.
  3. The evidence on some of these matters was slight. There was, of course, uncontroverted expert evidence concerning the existence of a WDCB. There was also some evidence, given apparently adventitiously, of acknowledgement and observance of Western Desert laws and customs at such places within the Western Desert as Wiluna, Jigalong, Tjuntjuntarra, Warburton, Cundeelee and Coonana, all outside the Wongatha Claim area.
  4. My assumptions in favour of the Claim groups leave outstanding questions as to the content of the pre-sovereignty body or system of Western Desert laws and customs, and as to whether the respective Claim groups still acknowledge and observe it, allowing for adaptations. I answer the former question at 3.6(c)(2), and the latter question, Claim group by Claim group, in Chs 4-10.

(f) Dispute as to the western extent of the WDCB

  1. On any reckoning, the Wongatha Claim area is at the western extremity of the WDCB. The non-indigenous respondents contend that a substantial part of it, and, in particular, the part where mining and pastoral activity takes place, lies outside its the western boundary. Evidence and submissions were directed to the location of that boundary.
  2. Where was the western boundary of the WDCB in 1829? Where is the western boundary of the WDCB today? These questions need only be put to expose the virtual intractability of the issue. I have addressed the issue at 3.6(a)(b).

(g) Claim groups claiming group rights and interests

  1. I discussed at 2.9 the ‘multiple pathways of connection’ model underlying the four GLSC and Cosmo Claims, and the apical ancestor model underlying the Maduwongga and NK 1 and NK 2 Claims.
  2. The difference between the two models is not always clearly borne out. For example, notwithstanding the apical ancestor model in the Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 POCs, the evidence suggests that those Claims also rely on the ‘my country’ areas of individuals. Moreover, although the GLSC and Cosmo Claims are based on connections between the individual and the land, one of the connections relied on by some claimants is the fact that a particular ancestor of the claimant had ‘country’ in a particular area (this, however, is distinct from descent from an apical ancestor).
  3. What has emerged from the evidence is that each individual claims a ‘my country’ area based on one or more pathways of connection personal to him or her, such as, place of birth, place of growing up, place of birth of a parent or other relation, or the holding of ‘country’ by a parent, grandparent or other ancestor. Moreover, the individual’s bundle of rights and interests will not necessarily be the same as that of another individual.
  4. It may be thought that this common ground provides a sufficient basis on which at least the four GLSC and Cosmo applications should be dismissed. In fact, in my view, it does: see 3.6(c)(4) below. In addition, and as a separate ground of dismissal, the subject matter of the ‘my country’ claims made are areas defined by reference to multiple pathways of connection between the individual and land; but traditional Western Desert law and custom defined the ‘estate’ which the individual might ‘own’ by reference to Tjukurr sites and tracks, and the connection between the individual and an area so defined (see 3.6(c)(3) below).
  5. The GLSC and Cosmo Claim groups, and less clearly so, the Maduwongga and NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups, comprise aggregations of individuals and the Claim areas comprise aggregations of their individual ‘my country’ areas. In my view, a claim by such a group to hold group rights and interests in the total area cannot be sustained under the NTA as explained in Yorta Yorta HCA.
  6. This important point calls for elaboration, and is discussed in detail at 3.6(c)(4). Each individual in the Wongatha Claim group, for example, has a ‘my country’ area, which represents only a small part of the vast Wongatha Claim area. There will be parts of that Claim area of which the individual has no knowledge and to which he or she professes no connection.
  7. The position was made clear in the course of opening submissions by senior counsel for the GLSC Claim groups. He said that I may find it appropriate, at the end of the day and in the light of the evidence, to divide up the Wongatha Claim area into five ‘Determination areas’ as shown on a map which was admitted into evidence, and which is Annexure E to these reasons for judgment. The proposed determination areas, senior counsel said, might be found to be shared as follows:

In substance, this was an invitation to me to do as the claimants had attempted to do – to constitute groups and areas based on the ‘my country’ entitlements of individuals.

  1. From time to time, the present issue has been addressed in different ways. Usually it is said that Claim group A has group rights and interests in Claim area A, but acknowledged that particular individuals within overlapping Claim group B also have rights and interests in the A/B overlap. At other times Claim group A acknowledges that Claim group B, like Claim group A itself, may have group rights and interests in the A/B overlap, and says that it is an internal matter for the respective Claim groups to determine which individuals within them are entitled to enjoy rights and interests in the A/B overlap, and that I need not concern myself with this issue. Generally speaking, it is put in the former way.
  2. I accept that it should not be assumed that all members of a group holding group rights and interests have identical rights and interests inter se, and that some may have, in respect of particular parts of a claim area, nothing more than nominal rights and interests arising from their membership of the Claim group. Nonetheless, in my opinion if a group claim is to succeed, the group must be shown to have group rights and interests in the first place.
  3. I do not think it consistent with Yorta Yorta HCA for Claim groups and Claim areas to be constituted as they have been here. Rather, it is required that a landowning group be unified, and its area be identified, by reference to traditional (pre-sovereignty) laws and customs.
  4. Exceptionally, at least according to their respective POCs, the basis of the Maduwongga Claim group’s claim is cognatic descent from an apical ancestor, Kitty Bluegum, and that of the NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups is descent from an apical ancestor, WaruTjukurr. I conclude in Chs 9 and 10, however, that this a ‘tribe’ or ‘clan’ model is not supported by the expert evidence of traditional Western Desert laws and customs.

(h) Overlapping and competing claims

  1. It is only the Wongatha and Cosmo Claims that I am determining in their entirety. I am determining the other overlapping Claims, only in relation to those parts of their respective Claim areas that overlap the Wongatha Claim area.
  2. Evidence was admitted in relation to connections to places within those other Claim areas (MN, Koara, Wutha, Maduwongga, NK 1, NK 2) but outside the Wongatha Claim area. As noted above, however, the Claim areas do not have an existence according to traditional laws and customs. It follows that the establishment of individual ‘my country’ areas in a non-overlap part of a Claim area, does not establish rights and interests in the overlap.

(i) Continued acknowledgement and observance by a group

  1. As already noted, I deal with, but do not resolve (see 3.6(c)(5) [976] ff below), the question of whether the Claim groups continue to acknowledge and observe the traditional laws and customs of the WDCB in the sixth section (.6) of each of Chs 5-10, that deal with the respective individual Claims, and in the seventh section (.7) of Ch 4 on the Wongtha Claim (unfortunately, the section numbers within Ch 4 after 4.4 are displaced by one digit because of the inclusion in that chapter alone (as 4.4) of a section entitled ‘Meaning of “communal”, “group”, and “individual” and relationship between those terms’).
  2. What does it mean to say that a claim group acknowledges and observes laws and customs? What proportion, if any, of the group’s members must be shown to do so? What inferences can appropriately be drawn from the testimony given by individuals concerning their own acknowledgement and observance, as to acknowledgement and observance by the group in general? Must it appear that the witnesses are a representative cross-section of the group?
  3. Acknowledgement and observance by a claim group raises difficult questions of fact and degree. Much depends on the particular law or custom being considered – some behaviour involves only a single actor (eg refraining from marrying a person of a wrong skin group), while other behaviour involves multiple actors (eg corroborees, funerals).
  4. Generally speaking, the majority of indigenous witnesses were of the older generation, and their testimony was often related to their experiences when they were children. This is a generalisation: the Cosmo applicant, for example, called several young Cosmo claimants to testify. Moreover, there were some witnesses aged in their 20s, 30s and 40s from other Claim groups.
  5. In Yorta Yorta HCA at [47] (joint judgment), the High Court said that the system of norms in question must have had ‘vitality’ since sovereignty. There is a difficult question as to what this requires in circumstances in which the laws and customs belonged to semi-nomadic people who now live sedentary lifestyles in towns or Aboriginal communities.
  6. Knowledge of a law or custom is not the same as acknowledgement or observance of it. Perhaps too much can be made of the distinction between ‘acknowledgement’ and ‘observance’, but acknowledgement must be of the law as a law (usually, an acknowledgement of it as rightly imposing obligations or conferring rights), while observance of a custom signifies intentionally acting in conformity with it. It follows that one can know of a law (or custom) without acknowledging it, and one can acknowledge it, without observing it. I discuss these matters further at 3.6(c)(5) [935] ff.
  7. The evidence given had various degrees of relevance to the question of the current acknowledgment and observance of a body or system of laws and customs. Avoidance of the use of the names of deceased people, in-law avoidance, not marrying people within certain skin groups, would be clearly illustrations of observance.
  8. But other conduct is equivocal. Examples are residence within a Claim area and hunting. Are these activities, when engaged in today, attributable to the exercise of a traditional right?
  9. I suggest that the answer is ‘not necessarily’. The point was made succinctly by Gleeson CJ in the following well-known passage from Mason v Tritton (1994) 34 NSWLR 572 at 574:
is an activity which is so natural to people who occupy, or visit, coastal regions, that some care needs to be exercised in passing from an observation that people have engaged in that activity to an assertion that they are members of a class who have exercised some form of right pursuant to a system of rules recognised by the common law.’

  1. I have no difficulty in regarding the changes from residence in wiltjas (Aboriginal bough shelters) to residence in houses, from hunting on foot with spears to the use of motorised transport and rifles, and from the use of sharp stones to razor blades in the ceremony of male initiation, as adaptations. However, whether residence within a Claim area and hunting by an individual are probative of a standard or norm will require close attention to the reasons why the individual resides in the Claim area or hunts. I discuss this question further at 3.6(c)(5)[937]ff.
  2. The fact that the expression ‘native title rights and interests’ is defined in s 223(2) of the NTA to include ‘hunting, gathering or fishing, rights and interests’ is not inconsistent with what I have said above. Whether any of such rights and interests are included in the bundle of rights and interests in a particular case will depend on the evidence in that case.

(j) Authorisation a problem for some groups

  1. The non-indigenous respondents challenge the authorisation of every Claim except the MN Claim (which was lodged prior to the enactment of the authorisation requirement by the Amending NTA, and was not amended subsequently). Authorisation is addressed in the first section (.1) of each of Chs 4 to 10, that deal with the respective individual Claims.

3.1 ONUS OF PROOF IN RESPECT OF VARIOUS ISSUES

  1. Prior to the enactment of the Amending NTA in 1998, s 82 of the NTA obliged the Court to ‘pursue the objective of providing a mechanism of determination that is fair, just, economical, informal and prompt’ (subs (1)); required the Court to ‘take account of the cultural and customary concerns of Aboriginal peoples and Torres Strait Islanders’ (subs (2)); and provided that the Court was ‘not bound by technicalities, legal forms or rules of evidence’ (subs (3)) (my emphasis).
  2. Section 82 of the NTA now provides:
The Federal Court is bound by the rules of evidence, except to the extent that the Court otherwise orders.

In conducting its proceedings, the Court may take account of the cultural and customary concerns of Aboriginal peoples and Torres Strait Islanders, but not so as to prejudice unduly any other party to the proceedings.’

  1. In amending s 82 to provide that the Court is bound by the rules of evidence, except to the extent that the Court otherwise orders, Parliament may have narrowed the potential basis for the drawing of inferences about past practices (see Yorta Yorta HCA at [81] (joint judgment)), and so made a claim group’s task of establishing native title more difficult. There is, however, no escaping the provision, as the High Court recognised in Yorta Yorta HCA at [80] (joint judgment):
may be accepted that demonstrating the content of ... traditional law and custom may very well present difficult problems of proof. But the difficulty of the forensic task which may confront claimants does not alter the requirements of the statutory provision. In many cases, perhaps most, claimants will invite the Court to infer, from evidence led at trial, the content of traditional law and custom at times earlier than those described in the evidence. Much will, therefore, turn on what evidence is led to found the drawing of such an inference and that is affected by the provisions of the Native Title Act.’

  1. The GLSC applicants referred to:
as if these considerations give some latitude in the application of s 82(1). They do not. The judicial observations cited must be understood in the context of the form of s 82 with reference to which they were made, and the circumstances giving rise to the making of them. In any event, s 82(2) is not concerned with the rules of evidence, but with the way in which proceedings are conducted.
  1. The onus of proving the existence (including the continued existence, ie non-extinguishment) of native title rests on applicants: Ward FCAFC at [117]; Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria [2001] FCA 45; (2001) 110 FCR 244 at [159]; De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J at [8]; Daniel v Western Australia [2003] FCA 666 at [146]–[148] (‘Daniel’); Neowarra at [431]; Coe v Commonwealth [1993] HCA 42; (1993) 118 ALR 193 (HCA) at 206. In saying this, I am referring to both the ultimate burden and the evidentiary burden in respect of all the elements of native title, subject to one qualification: in relation to extinguishment, a respondent bears an evidentiary burden of proving the existence of its title and of the rights exercisable under it, while the burden of proving that those rights are not inconsistent with the claimed native title rights and interests, rests on the applicants: Daniel at [148].
  2. The standard of proof is the civil standard – the balance of probabilities: Evidence Act 1995 (Cth) (‘the Evidence Act’) s 140(1), and the definition of ‘civil proceeding’ in that Act’s Dictionary.
  3. The applicants submit that it is well established as a matter of law that courts should infer the ‘existence and content of traditional laws and customs, rights and interests, and connection with the claimed area, back to ... sovereignty’. I agree. In Gumana v Northern Territory [2005] FCA 50; (2005) 141 FCR 457 at [194]–[202] Selway J referred to the common law authorities relating to the proof of customs since time immemorial. However, the shorter the period that has to be covered by an inference of retrospective continuance, the better. In the present case, the acknowledgment and observance of pre-sovereignty laws and customs may have been affected by events since European settlement in, say, the early 1890s: including the migration from the desert to the towns and settlements of the Goldfield; the abandonment of the nomadic life in the desert; and the dominance of the non-Aboriginal culture. The point is that where, as here, the task is to ascertain what the pre-sovereignty body of laws and customs was, I prefer to look first for the earliest available evidence of laws and customs as they existed after first contact. Admittedly, in some cases, the earliest available record may have been made long after first contact.
  4. The proper drawing of inferences depends on the application of logic and human experience to the facts that are proved by admissible evidence. Upon analysis, I am asked to draw two inferences here:

The inference of attribution is discussed below at 3.6(c)(5) [948] ff.

  1. Wigmore on Evidence, 3rd ed, vol 2, [437], describes the inference of retrospective continuance:
the existence of an object, condition, quality, or tendency at a given time is in issue, the prior existence of it is in human experience some indication of its probable persistence or continuance at the later period.

degree of probability of this continuance depends on the chances of intervening circumstances having occurred to bring the existence to an end. The possibility of such circumstances will depend almost entirely on the nature of the specific thing whose existence is in issue and the particular circumstances affecting it in the case in hand. That a soap-bubble was in existence half-an-hour ago affords no inference at all that it is in existence now; that Mt. Everest was in existence ten years ago is strong evidence that it exists yet; whether the fact of a tree’s existence a year ago will indicate its continued existence today will vary according to the nature of the tree and the conditions of life in the region. So far, then, as the interval of time is concerned, no fixed rule can be laid down; the nature of the thing and the circumstances of the particular case must control.

considerations affect the use of subsequent existence as evidence of existence at the time in issue. Here the disturbing contingency is that some circumstance operating in the interval may have been the source of the subsequent existence, and the propriety of the inference will depend on the likelihood of such intervening circumstances having occurred and been the true origin. On landing at New York it can hardly be inferred that the steamer at the next dock has been there for a week; but it may usually be inferred that the dock has been there for some years; while the particular circumstances of appearance and the like will in the latter instance affect the length of time to which the inference could be carried back. Here, as with prior indications, the interval of time to which the inference will be allowable must depend upon the nature of the thing and the circumstances of the particular case.

opponent ... may always attempt to explain away the effect of the evidence by showing that in the meantime other circumstances have occurred to raise a probability of change instead of continuance.’

  1. In the present case, what has been observed at and since first contact is the presence and activities of Aboriginal people in the Wongatha Claim area (and the signs, such as the remains of camp fires, of such presence and activities). Before we can infer that the presence and activity observed at and since first contact is a continuation of pre-sovereignty presence and activity, it is necessary to be more specific about what it is that has been observed. For example, was the observation of ‘Aboriginal people’ generally or of ‘Aboriginal people belonging to a certain group’? When we say that Aboriginal people were seen in the Wongatha Claim area, do we mean ‘passing through’ or ‘camped’ and, if camped, for how long? Where, in the vast Wongatha Claim area, were they seen, and what conclusions, if any, can be drawn from their being seen at one place about their presence elsewhere in that area?
  2. In relation to a practice or activity, the permissible drawing of inferences requires careful consideration of the practice or activity, the frequency or rarity of its occurrence as observed, the circumstances of earlier times in so far as they are known, and the general probabilities. It is easy to infer that observed hunting and use of rockholes as a source of water was also taking place in what is now the Wongatha Claim area in the past. It is altogether a different thing to infer from a single European observation of camping in wiltjas or of ceremonial activity at a particular place, that camping in wiltjas or ceremonial activity occurred at the very same place at sovereignty and continued there over the intervening period, a fortiori by ancestors of the people observed. More evidence would be required before that inference could safely be drawn.
  3. What is the length of time over which inferences are to be drawn? The expression ‘first contact’ can cause difficulty. As previously noted, the first European contact with any Aboriginal people within the Wongatha Claim area occurred in 1869, 40 years after sovereignty. However, John Forrest’s ‘contact’ in 1869 consisted of a series of relatively brief encounters hampered by language. More meaningful contact did not occur until the establishment of prospectors’ camps and towns as part of the gold rush in the 1890s. Thus, European awareness and observation of indigenous activities and behaviour did not come all of a sudden in 1869: it developed over the succeeding decades. The case, therefore, does not simply present the question of whether activities and behaviour about which evidence was given by indigenous witnesses or observed by Europeans should be taken to have existed 40 years earlier. Rather, if there was evidence of a particular practice within the Wongatha Claim area in 1900, the question would be whether I should infer that that practice was being followed 71 years earlier.
  4. Another problem is that of migration or ‘population shift’ from the desert to the Goldfields centres after European settlement. I have no difficulty in inferring from the fact that the early explorers and others observed indigenous people at various places within the Wongatha Claim area, that indigenous people were also to be found at places within that area at sovereignty. However, I do not infer, without further evidence, that all of the ancestors of all of the Wongatha claimants lived in the Wongatha Claim area at sovereignty. I assume from the largeness of the Wongatha Claim area, that some of them may well have, but there is positive evidence that ancestors of many of the Wongatha claimants came from parts of the Western Desert to the north, north-east and east of the Wongatha Claim area after European settlement.
  5. I would require evidence addressing the long term association of indigenous groupings within the Western Desert with particular areas, and the stability of those groupings and associations over time, before I would infer, if asked to do so, that a situation in these respects which existed in say the early twentieth century had existed in 1829.
  6. There is a conundrum. Those who observed, recorded and analysed were Europeans, and were, therefore, to varying degrees, part of the intrusion and disturbance. The dislocation gathered pace as settlement progressed – and as the number of alien observers increased. To state the obvious, there were no pre-contact European recorders, and the post-contact (in particular, post-settlement) recorders could document only a situation already disturbed, to an extent that depended on the date and place of the observations, as a result of the European influence. This fact has particular relevance to the issue of population movement from the desert in the north, north-east and east to places of European contact.
  7. Clearly, there would be many obstacles to the drawing of an inference that an ancestor group of a particular Claim group before the Court ‘occupied’ ‘the Wongatha Claim area’, or an identifiable part of it, at sovereignty.
  8. Another issue of proof concerns the GLSC applicant submission that I should accept a level of generality in relation to ‘the precise composition’ at any given date of the GLSC Claim groups, or as to the geographic coverage of hunting and foraging activities. They also submit that they are not required to identify precisely those who hold particular rights and interests in relation to particular areas of land, and that the intramural allocation of rights is a matter for traditional laws and customs, with which the Court need not be concerned.
  9. It is not necessary for a Claim group to be able to name individually all its members. Having regard to the fluctuating membership that one would usually expect to be a characteristic of a group holding group rights and interests, it will often be impossible to name them all. Moreover, even if it were possible to do so as at a particular time, the list of names would soon become outdated.
  10. Section 225(a) of the NTA, requires, however, that it be possible to determine who are the persons, or each group of persons, holding the group rights comprising the native title. It must be possible to state criteria according to which any particular individual can be determined to fall within or outside the group. In Attorney-General (NT) v Ward (2003) [2003] FCAFC 283; 134 FCR 16 at [14]- [15], a Full Court of this Court indicated that it was not prepared to make an order in terms which did not amount to an exhaustive description of the persons who held native title.

3.2 THE EXTENT TO WHICH THE RESPECTIVE CLAIM GROUPS ARE CONFINED TO THEIR CASE AS PUT IN THE FORM 1, IN COUNSEL’S OPENING AND AS PRESENTED AT THE HEARING

  1. The non-indigenous respondents argue that the applicants and overlapping respondent Claim groups are confined to their case as put in the Form 1, in counsel’s opening, and as presented at the hearing This, they say, is based on the general rule that parties are not allowed to move outside the issues revealed at the close of their pleadings, and that issues not raised in pleadings are not before the Court (citing Banque Comerciale SA (in liq) v Akhil Holdings Ltd [1990] HCA 11; (1990) 169 CLR 279 at 286-87).
  2. On the other hand, the GLSC applicants seem to suggest that they (and, it would follow, the other overlapping Claim groups) are not so confined, subject, they say, only to considerations of ‘fairness and practical efficiency in the management of the hearing’.
  3. As noted earlier, as between a Form 1 and POC, the Form 1 is dominant and the POC should be consistent with it: Harrington-Smith v Western Australia (No 5) at [56]; and see my discussion earlier at 2.1(b) [129]-[130]. Neither document is a ‘pleading’ for the purpose of the FCRs: see the definition of ‘pleading’ in O1 r 4.
  4. An important purpose of the Form 1 is to state the determination sought. In this respect, it is akin to the Court’s ordinary form of application which must state the relief claimed.
  5. I do not accept that all departures from a Form 1, from counsel’s opening, or from the way in which a case was presented at the hearing, are impermissible. The permissibility of any particular variance depends on the prohibition in s 64 of the NTA of an amendment enlarging the area claimed, and on natural justice considerations. It is undisputed that I am at liberty to make a determination involving native title rights and interests less extensive than those claimed.
  6. I do not accept, however, the GLSC applicants’ submission that I should make any determination of native title that I might find supported by the evidence, even though it lies outside the relevant Form 1.
  7. The jurisdiction of the Court depends on s 19 of the Federal Court of Australia Act 1976 (Cth), and ss 13(1), 61(1), 62 and 81 of the NTA. Subject to the question of authorisation, the respondents do not submit that the Court lacks jurisdiction to make a determination of native title.
  8. The various Forms 1 have alerted the respondents to the fact that the respective Claim groups identified in the Forms 1 are claiming group rights and interests over the respective Claim areas identified in the Forms 1. There is no current application for leave to amend.
  9. Departures from a Form 1 involve questions of degree, and, generally speaking, cannot be ruled upon hypothetically. There are, however, two particular kinds of departure deserving mention. They are both so different from the Claims before the Court that it would not be open to the Court to make a determination in accordance with either of them. The first is a determination of individual rights and interests in respect of individual claimants in relation to their ‘my country’ areas. The second is a determination of group rights and interests in which both the area claimed and the group composition would be based on constellations of Tjukurr sites or tracks as in De Rose (see [510]-[512] below). I imply nothing about the likelihood of success of either of these two hypothetical kinds of claim.
  10. It is not useful to embark upon further discussion of the range of the determinations that the Court might be able to make on the applications before it.

3.3 RELEVANCE AND IMPORTANCE OF LAY EVIDENCE

(a) The lay evidence generally

  1. Evidence on the claimants’ connection to parts of the Wongatha Claim area was given by 93 indigenous witnesses at various locations in the Goldfields (see Annexure C for a list of the witnesses). All except one of these witnesses testified orally. That one, Philip West, was unable to attend Court. By consent, his statement was read onto the transcript and admitted as his testimony. Five additional indigenous witnesses gave evidence only on the issue of extinguishment. As I do not reach the issue of extinguishment, these five additional witnesses can be put to one side.
  2. As already noted at 1.7 [117], only 86 of the 93 indigenous witnesses are listed as claimants on an LIP. According to their LIP listings, the 86 can be said to have been called on behalf of the following:

GLSC Claim groups 66 witnesses

Cosmo Claim group 15 witnesses

Maduwongga Claim group 2 witnesses

NK 1 Claim group

NK 2 Claim group 3 witnesses

----------------

86 witnesses

=========

  1. As I indicated at 1.7 [117], some witnesses’ names appear on more than one LIP. For example, according to the LIPs, some witnesses are both MN and Cosmo claimants (apparently they claim country in both of these contiguous but non-overlapping Claim areas), and the three persons who are both NK 1 and NK 2 claimants who testified, are also LIP listed MN claimants (but are not included in the above figure of 66 GLSC witnesses). As appears at [117], there were a further 10 LIP listed NK 1 claimants who testified, but were called on behalf of other Claim groups. The NK 1 applicants, Dolly Walker and her son Kado Muir, and the NK 2 applicant, Dolly Walker, were not legally represented on the hearing, and the only NK 1 and NK 2 claimants they called were themselves and Dolly Walker’s brother, Paddy Walker.
  2. The indigenous testimony on connection covered 16,928 pages of transcript (no deduction being made for such matters as rulings on evidence, hearings of motions and the giving of procedural directions).
  3. With one exception, the remaining testimony was expert testimony or was related to extinguishment, and was given in Perth. The exception was the testimony of the lay witness, Margaret Morgan. Like the indigenous witnesses on connection, Ms Morgan testified in the Goldfields (her evidence occupies 207 pages of transcript).
  4. Each indigenous witness’s testimony addressed the following overlapping matters:
    1. the witness’s genealogical and family connections and the general course of the witness’s life, including parentage, childhood, education, work, places of residence, marriage and offspring;
    2. the claim which the witness made to be a member of a particular Aboriginal group and to have ‘country’ under Aboriginal law and tradition;
    3. particular traditional practices engaged in by the witness or by others, whether today or in the past, cultural knowledge and beliefs, and the intergenerational transmission of such practices, knowledge and beliefs.
  5. Because of the extent of the indigenous evidence, I made extensive notes of it from the transcript, but then decided, for my own purposes, to set out, witness by witness, my summary paraphrase, expressed in the first person, of the witness’s testimony. The summary paraphrases, arranged in alphabetical sequence by the witnesses’ names, appear in Annexure F. Interpolations of my own, such as of alternative names or spellings, appear in square brackets. Material in round brackets is derived from the testimony. For convenience, I have also included in Annexure F the evidence of Margaret Morgan.
  6. Annexure F does not contain findings of fact: they are contained in the text of these reasons, which stand alone. However, a person may wish to read Annexure F in order to obtain an insight into the nature of the underlying testimony.
  7. The following practices, knowledge areas, and belief systems were covered in testimony, according to the GLSC submissions:

1A. Residence in the relevant GLSC Claim area (other than at the Mission)

1B. Residence at the Mission

2. Travelling and camping in the Wongatha Claim area

3. Hunting in the Wongatha Claim area

4. Bush tucker and medicine

5. Use of natural resources

6. Ceremonies and law business

7. Caring for country and protection of sites

8. Language

9. Use of ngurra/ngurrara and other similar terms

10. Avoidance places (pika ngurlu and similar concepts)

11. Tjukurr (Dreamings)

12. Skins and kinship practices

13. Preparation, cooking and distribution of meat

14. Burial and other associated practices

15. Transmission of rights, interests and country

  1. In their submissions, the Cosmo applicants and the Maduwongga applicants used different headings, which will appear in Chs 8 and 9, respectively. There were no NK 1 or NK 2 submissions.
  2. In order to understand the indigenous testimony, it is necessary to know the locations of the many places referred to by them. However, it is not practicable for me to interpolate the locations of all the places referred to in these reasons.

(b) Men’s Restricted Evidence

  1. Because of its culturally sensitive subject matter, part of the lay evidence was given in gender-restricted session, male only or female only, pursuant to orders of the Court. In the case of ‘Men’s Restricted Evidence’, only initiated Aboriginal men and non-Aboriginal men were permitted to be present. In the case of ‘Women’s Restricted Evidence’, only women and I were present. In each case a régime was established by the orders pursuant to which the transcript of the testimony was recorded by a man or woman, as the case might be, and an order for confidentiality was made in respect of the transcript; the parties were to attempt to agree on those parts of the transcript that were to be ‘de-restricted’; and the parties were to attempt to agree on a public statement as to the overall effect of the part of the transcript that remained restricted. The accounts of the restricted evidence that I give in chapters dealing with the respective Claims, are the result of the agreements reached.
  2. The following witnesses gave Men’s Restricted Evidence:
Witness

Kado Muir

Anthony Harris

Kalman Murphy
Anthony Harris

Patrick Edwards

Patrick Edwards *
FB
Danny Harris

Kalman Murphy
Claim group

MN, NK 1 and NK 2

Wongatha

MN and NK 1
Wongatha

Wongatha

Wongatha
MN and NK 1
Wongatha

MN and NK 1
Place where
evidence given

Nyukali

Kalgoorlie

Station Creek

Golden Cliff

Cox’s Find/
Murphy Hills

Kalgoorlie
Date when
evidence given

26 March 2002

4 July 2002

18 November 2002

19 November 2002

19 November 2002

28 November 2002
Transcript pages

2541-2556

5754-5772

10554-10605

10606-10627

10628-10661

11934-11972

* Patrick Edwards’ evidence was further evidence relating to Golden Cliff.

  1. As the table indicates, Wongatha, MN, and NK 1 claimants testified in restricted session. With respect to NK 2, I note that at the time when Kado Muir testified, the NK 2 Claim had not been instituted by his mother. No Koara, Wutha, Cosmo or Maduwongga male claimant gave evidence in a restricted session.
  2. Except for Cox’s Find/Murphy Hills, the sites were around Leonora and Laverton (at the hearing venue in Kalgoorlie, Anthony Harris gave ‘spontaneous’ evidence concerning the law ground at Leonora, and Kalman Murphy was cross-examined on evidence he had previously given on site). No restricted evidence was given in relation to places elsewhere within the Wongatha Claim area. At one stage it was proposed that members of the Wongatha and Cosmo Claim groups would give evidence in relation to Minnie Creek (Pirlpirr). Minnie Creek is universally acknowledged to be one of the most important men’s sites within the Wongatha Claim area. In the event, no such evidence was led.
  3. Except in the case of the evidence given in Kalgoorlie (as to which the position is not known), at least one other wati was present while the witness testified. Kado Muir explained that the presence of other watis was required when anything was to be said to non-watis about restricted aspects of men’s law, to ensure that the speaker did not ‘overstep the mark’. He said: ‘It wouldn’t be right for me to stand here and talk about such highly sensitive knowledge without other men [meaning other watis] present’. I accept his evidence. I have no doubt that the sacredness of men’s stories and sites is respected among all the Claim groups, and that the prohibition against divulging ‘wati-only’ knowledge is observed.
  4. Kalman Murphy was a witness in his twenties, as was Anthony Harris; Patrick Edwards was a witness in his thirties. However, senior watis such as Paddy Walker, Johnny Phillips, FB, Barney Morrison and MW were variously on site when the three witnesses relayed the stories.
  5. As noted at [378] above, the evidence that Anthony Harris gave on 4 July 2002 in Kalgoorlie was given in an impromptu restricted evidence session, and related to the law ground at Leonora. The evidence that was foreshadowed was to relate to ‘current ceremonial use of the law ground at Leonora’, but, as the evidence turned out, it did not demonstrate this, that is the current practising or conducting of ceremonies or rituals, including any relating to male initiation.
  6. In the case of the Nyukali, Station Creek and Golden Cliff sites, the witnesses displayed knowledge of stories associated with the sites. However, in relation to Cox’s Find/Murphy Hills, the evidence was not useful. The intended witness, Kalman Murphy, was apparently detained elsewhere and did not give evidence. In his place, FB and Danny Harris were asked to tell what they knew of the site, but FB said only that he had been to the place once a long time ago. Dan Harris gave brief evidence of having visited the site twice, but this proved to be within six months prior to the hearing, in the presence of an anthropologist.
  7. I will address the men’s restricted evidence and whether it suggests continued acknowledgment and observance of the law by a Claim group in the chapter assigned to the relevant Claim groups. However, for the reason mentioned in the last paragraph, I will not say anything further concerning the Cox’s Find/Murphy Hills evidence.

(c) Women’s Restricted Evidence

  1. Women’s Restricted Evidence was given on two occasions: on 26 March 2002 by Dolly Walker at the Makarra site on Clover Downs Station, and on 12 July 2002 at Miilka, Mithilpithii and Thurdoo Pool on Weebo Station.
  2. As with the Men’s Restricted Evidence, I will address this evidence and whether it suggests continued acknowledgment and observance of the law by a Claim group in the chapter assigned to the relevant Claim groups.

(d) Issues with respect to lay evidence

  1. The importance of the indigenous evidence in an application for a determination of native title was accepted by all parties who referred to acknowledgments of its importance in the authorities: see Yarmirr v Northern Territories (No 2) (1998) 82 FCR 533 (Olney J) at 560; De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J at [351]; Attorney-General (NT) v Maurice [1986] HCA 80; (1986) 161 CLR 475 at 492 (Deane J); and Ejai v Commonwealth [1993] WASC 1744 (Unreported, Owen J, 18 March 1994) at 9. Nevertheless, some issues deserve mention.
  2. The word ‘claim’ and its derivatives gave rise to difficulty. Witnesses were asked what area they claimed as their country and why they claimed it. The intention was to direct attention to places or areas ‘claimed’ under traditional Aboriginal law and custom. But some witnesses answered by reference to a Claim area, when it was clear that there were vast parts of that area in which they did not claim to have any rights or interests under traditional law and custom. This difficulty was but one illustration of a more general one: the impact that the NTA and associated practices and procedures have had upon the claimants’ knowledge and understanding.
  3. Second, in the GLSC Appendices, the GLSC applicants list, on more than 2,000 pages, extracts from the transcript of the indigenous evidence, organised under topic headings. The non-indigenous respondents made many criticisms of these Appendices. On occasion, a passage of transcript set out does not support the proposition for which it is cited, or gives a false impression of the witness’s testimony in the absence of context. Sometimes, too, editorial omissions from the quoted transcript passage are not indicated. It is difficult to avoid the impression that a computer program has been used to collect all references in the transcript in which a particular subject is mentioned. The GLSC applicants have also often cited, as evidence that a particular Claim group continues to acknowledge and observe traditional laws and customs, evidence purporting to show that a member of a different Claim group does so.
  4. I have, however, also encountered numerous misstatements by the non-indigenous respondents of the effect of the indigenous testimony. Statements of the kind: ‘There was no evidence of...,’ for example, were often found to be inaccurate. The non-indigenous respondents also cited extracts of indigenous testimony that, shorn of relevant context, are misleading.
  5. Criticisms are also levied at the Cosmo submissions and their annexures touching the indigenous evidence. The State submits:
value of the summaries of evidence prepared and relied upon by the Cosmo Newberry respondents is, like those relied upon by the GLSC, compromised by the absence of a clear indication of what elements of behaviour should be focused upon, and what is to be concluded from that behaviour.’

I agree.

  1. I do not regard it as my task to do the parties’ work for them, or to address each of their numerous citations of indigenous testimony. I have impressions of the overall effect of the indigenous evidence on various topics and have made many checks of my impressions against the transcript.
  2. A particular comment by the State on the Cosmo submissions deserves mention. In those submissions are to be found statements along the lines:

(a) a witness or group of witnesses did not testify about a particular matter;

(b) he, she or they did not do so because of a culturally based reluctance;

(c) the Court should proceed as if the witness or witnesses had testified on the matter in a manner which supported the Cosmo Claim.


Two examples may be given. At [350](b) of his submissions, the Cosmo applicant states:

Justine Westlake says she doesn’t know whether people would get into big trouble for going into sacred areas (Justine Westlake, T8889 10-20), this does not necessarily mean she has no knowledge of these things, but rather she is simply not the appropriate person to talk about them publicly.’

I have no difficulty with the proposition that there may be more than one reason why Justine Westlake said that she did not know something. I do not, however, accept that her statement that she did not know something should be treated as equivalent to a statement, ‘I know the answer to your question but am not the appropriate person to talk about it publicly’.

  1. The second example concerns what the Cosmo submissions describe as ‘the relative lack of evidence given about men’s knowledge of restricted areas’. The sweeping submission is made:
was due to the great reluctance of Western Desert men to discuss restricted matters in the Court proceedings, but it does not mean that they do not observe ritual obligations within the Cosmo Newberry claim area. Inferences must be made by their general conduct, through what statements the men were prepared to make and that Dr Sackett obviously held sufficient knowledge to inform both the Site Register and a restricted site register that was subpoenaed but not tendered due to the wishes of the Cosmo Newberry claimants.’

I do not infer that ‘the relative lack of evidence given about men’s knowledge of restricted areas’ in the case of the Cosmo Claim, was ‘due to the great reluctance of Western Desert men to discuss restricted matters in the Court proceedings’. It was always open to counsel to seek an order that particular evidence be given in a gender restricted (men only or women only) session. The GLSC applicants sought and obtained such orders. The Cosmo applicant did not do so. I therefore proceed, in relation to the Cosmo Claim, on the basis that there is no testimony that could have been given in such a session but not in a public hearing.

  1. In any event, what would be the result of such an inference? It would be only that some unidentified man or men could have given some unidentified evidence about some unidentified ‘restricted matters’.

3.4 THE PROPER ROLE OF EXPERT EVIDENCE

  1. The non-indigenous respondents reminded me of the criteria for the admissibility and role of expert opinion evidence. They referred, in particular, to Makita (Australia) Pty Ltd v Sprowles [2001] NSWCA 305; (2001) 52 NSWLR 705 at [59]–[86] (Heydon JA), and to my own judgments in Allstate Life Insurance Co v ANZ (No 6) (1996) 64 FCR 79 at 83–84 and Harrington-Smith v Western Australia (No 7) at [20]. I need not embark upon a general discussion of the rules governing the admissibility of expert opinion evidence.

Anthropologists’ notes as evidence of facts

  1. The GLSC applicants referred, in general terms, to the establishment of facts from recordings made by anthropologists. Group 6A submits that their notes of what claimants told them should not be accepted as proof of the facts represented, whether the notes are in their field notebooks or in their reports. Group 6A submits that there is no evidence as to why the facts could not have been proved by the testimony of the informant. Further, it submits that there are many instances where the facts as recorded have been shown to be wrong or inconsistent with the oral testimony of the indigenous witnesses, and gives 24 alleged instances. Inconsistency may go to the weight to be accorded to the recorded statements, or to the oral testimony, or to both, but does not go to admissibility.
  2. The anthropologists’ notes appear to have been made carefully and systematically. In the case of an ultimate true inconsistency, the witness’s sworn testimony would ordinarily prevail as against his or her out-of-court statement to the anthropologist. But true conflict will be rare, and, even then, other evidence before the Court may demonstrate the out-of-court statement to be the correct or more reliable version after all.
  3. The parties’ submissions on the present issue did not refer to s 60 of the Evidence Act. For a recent discussion of the section, see the Australian Law Reform Commission’s Discussion Paper, Review of the Uniform Evidence Acts (ALRC DP 69) at [7.51]-[7.142]. Section 60 operates of its own force to exclude the application of the hearsay rule, subject to any order made under s 135 or 136 of the Evidence Act, where the conditions of its operation are satisfied, although there always remains the question of weight. Acceptance of Group 6A’s submission may be inconsistent with s 60. It is not profitable to spend further time on this issue in the absence of submissions that a particular representation of fact made to an anthropologist should or should not be accepted as evidence of the fact intended to be asserted by the representation.
  4. A difficulty which beset the indigenous testimony was that many indigenous witnesses were not articulate in English. Even the testimony of tertiary-educated and articulate witnesses sometimes presents difficulties in a case. The problem is all the greater in a case such as the present one, in which witnesses who have only a basic education in the English language, have to attempt to convey to a non-Aboriginal person, Aboriginal beliefs, concepts and cultural features.
  5. No doubt the problem just described was experienced by the anthropologists when they made notes of what they were told. But by reason of their experience and training and a degree of familiarity with Aboriginal language, they are better equipped than I am to understand the significance of what an indigenous person is saying. On the other hand, on the hearing, there was opportunity to explore and clarify the witnesses’ intention, and, with some exceptions that I have noted elsewhere, I was generally able, I believe, to grasp each witness’s intention.

State’s failure to lead anthropological evidence

  1. The State retained Professor Kenneth Maddock to give anthropological evidence. He provided a report dated 13 December 2001. Professor Maddock died on 2 June 2003. That was after he had observed the giving of much of the evidence in the 65 hearing days that had occurred down to that time, and after the Court had, on 20 January 2003, given directions for the experts to confer. I accept that the State intended to call Professor Maddock. The Cosmo applicant observes that the State failed to call an alternative expert, and suggests that the State had available to it the advice of Professor Sansom, who, he asserts, was seated in Court behind the State’s legal representatives while the other anthropologists testified.
  2. The State responds that the Cosmo applicant’s ‘speculation’ in relation to Professor Sansom is wrong; that the State had no arrangement with him in relation to any of these proceedings or any other native title claim in the Goldfields region and had not approached him with a view to making such an arrangement; that his presence in Court from time to time was not at the State’s request; and that the State’s understanding is that he would not have been available to assist it if he had been approached.
  3. I draw no inference adverse to the State by reason of its failure to call an anthropologist in place of the late Professor Maddock.

3.5 EXPERT TESTIMONY IN GENERAL

  1. After they had provided their reports, including their responsive reports, the experts within the same discipline, pursuant to a direction of the Court, conferred and produced a joint report on their points of agreement and disagreement (naturally, this did not apply to the one and only archaeologist called, Professor Peter Veth). Except in the case of the linguists, who conferred by telephone, a Deputy Registrar of the Court attended the conferences and assisted in production of the reports.
  2. On the hearing, witnesses with the same discipline were sworn in immediate succession and occupied the witness box together. Their reports were tendered. Each witness was invited to make an opening statement of his or her position on the issues in dispute. Then there was an opportunity for the witnesses to question each other. Next each witness was invited to make a statement of his or her position in the light of what had transpired. Finally, each witness was cross-examined and re-examined in the conventional way. The greater part, by far, of each expert witness’s testimony is to be found in his or her reports, cross-examination and re-examination. The utility of the joint reports was diminished because of their brevity and generality, and their relative importance was reduced because of the extensiveness of the experts’ written and oral testimony.
  3. I set out below the text of the joint reports. In the case of the anthropologists, the fact that not all attended the conference also reduced the value of the report. The reports are not to be read as statutes. The experts’ oral testimony revealed that the generalisations expressed in them masked points of disagreement. The reports did, however, like any out-of-court statement, record what a participant had been prepared to subscribe to at the time.
  4. If a participant departed from the joint report in oral testimony, the inconsistency is to be taken into account like any other inconsistency between an expert witness’s sworn testimony and an out-of-court statement. It makes no difference that the conference was held, and the report prepared, pursuant to a court direction. The reports are not pleadings.
  5. The following is an introduction to the expert evidence. Aspects of that evidence are taken up later in this chapter and in subsequent chapters dealing with the eight Claims. Since Professor Veth was the only archaeologist called, and his testimony was, in substance, uncontroversial, I have dealt with it in more detail here than I have the testimony of the other expert witnesses.

(a) Weight of expert anthropological evidence

  1. The following parties led evidence from the following anthropologists, all of whom wrote reports which were admitted as exhibits:

Wongatha applicants: Dr Sandra Pannell and Mr Daniel Vachon

(‘Pannell/Vachon’)

MN applicants: Mr Daniel Vachon and Mr Daniel de Gand

(‘Vachon/de Gand’)

Wutha and Koara applicants: Mr Kim Barber

Cosmo applicant: Dr Lee Sackett

Maduwongga applicants: Dr Edward McDonald

State: Professor Ken Maddock

Group 6A: Dr Ron Brunton


Except for the late Professor Maddock (see [401]–[403] above), all of the anthropologists were cross-examined at length.

  1. The anthropologists who attended the pre–hearing conference on 23 and 24 June 2003 were Mr Vachon, Mr Barber, Dr Sackett and Dr Brunton. Unfortunately, Dr Pannell, Dr McDonald and Mr de Gand did not attend.
  2. The result of the conference was a joint report, the body of which was as follows:
The Wongatha claim area as part of the Western Cultural Bloc

Extent of the Western Desert
experts agree that the Western and South Western boundaries of the Western Desert are not definable based on the historical ethnographic sources.
The relations between people who might be claimed as Western Desert or non Western Desert were not necessarily qualitatively different from relations that are intra Western Desert or intra non Western Desert as there are likely to have been cultural continuities between those who appear on both sides of Berndt’s line in the 1959 article. [‘the Berndt line’ is discussed at 3.6(a)(b) [630] ff].

Characteristics of the Western Desert
was agreed that none of the following characteristics are unique to the Western Desert but taken together and given regional variation, it is possible to identify traditional Western Desert cultures and societies:
  1. Tjukurrpa – the overarching concept of the dreaming.
  2. Particular Mythological sites, Dreamings, Tracks and associated Rituals. Some of these rituals are regional in character such as male initiation.
  3. Social structure wherein there are multiple pathways of connection. Despite some ethnographic accounts, the model of land owning patrilineal clans does not apply to the Western Desert.
  4. No tribal organisation in the sense of Tindale’s usage.
  5. Particular marriage rules and marriage practices.
  6. No patrimoieties. Paucity of kinship terms. Stress on generational divisions. Section system widespread though not universal.
  7. Widespread movement by the indigenous occupiers.
Local Organisation in the Western Desert

Language Names
Agree that there is conflicting anthropological and historical evidence regarding the relationship between a language name and territory.
Society – see also a) above
Agree that “Wongatha” is a term that is applied by some to a geographical area but not all people thought of as connected to that area identify as being Wongatha.
Clans
Agree that clans are not present in the Western Desert; see also a) (ii) above.
Bands and RangeEstates
that it is a term for a certain type of relationship between certain groups or individuals who have a relationship to certain tracts of land whether bounded or unbounded. There is some primary evidence that there may be an indigenous term for the group involved in this relationship.
as to the manner in which proprietorial rights are exercised.

that an individual can hunt and forage widely, not restricted to one’s own country, but disagree on the basis on which people who express a connection to land in the claim region but not the claim area itself can access the land and resources in the claim area.

on the types of inferences that may be drawn from the use of these terms.

Aboriginal Occupation, Land Use and Movement in the Western Desert

Agree that succession may not be an appropriate term to describe processes in the claim area where there is a multiple basis of affiliation to country and other factors.

that migration is not dependent on a tribal model.

that the long distance movement resulting in the permanent alteration in one’s range may have occurred in the region of the claim area before sovereignty. Permanent alterations in one’s range may be facilitated by shared traditions connected to the dreaming.

that there was a reduction in population in the claim area after European contact, but disagree as to extent, time and consequences.

The nature of rights and interests in the Western Desert

Agree that according to traditional laws and customs initiated men have rights to country that are not available to uninitiated persons.

that in the claim area there is evidence from some of the claimants that traditionally based proprietary rights are exercised, but disagree as to the geographical extent of the exercise of these rights and disagree about whether these rights have been continually exercised since sovereignty by some of the claimants.

that in respect of the region of the claim area the legitimate traditional bases of connection to country can include birth and growing up, connection through parents and grandparents and certain kinds of knowledge

on whether the invocation of these bases of connection have been continually applied since the time of sovereignty for all the claimants and/or their forbearers in all parts of the claim area.

  1. Continuity of Traditional Laws and Customs
that in some parts of the claim area a traditionally based transfer of knowledge may have taken place.

that within some parts of the claim area there is evidence of the maintenance of traditionally based responsibilities to country but disagree as to what is encompassed by these responsibilities and their geographical extent.

that there has been continuity in occupation and use in some parts of the claim area by the claimants and their forbearers since sovereignty.

that the primary and secondary evidence supports the view that in the region of the claim area where the section system [is] employed it is not a basis by which connection to land can be established or rights and interests can be acquired. However the section system was an important consideration in traditional marriages and facilitated interaction among a wide network of individuals.

  1. Composition of the Wongatha Claimant Group
was a blank at this point in the joint report]

  1. Overlapping Claims
overlapping claims do not represent tribal divisions in the Tindale sense and they do not appear to represent cultural divisions.’

As can be seen, there were many areas of disagreement, and the agreed matters were expressed at a level of great generality.

  1. I will address the anthropological evidence, including this joint report, when dealing with particular issues.
  2. Attacks were made on the testimony of Mr Vachon, Dr Brunton and Dr Pannell on the ground of bias. In the case of Mr Vachon and Dr Brunton the attack was based on their previous writings, but in the case of Dr Pannell, it was based on her testimony.

Bias – Mr Vachon

  1. Mr Vachon was cross-examined in relation to:

In summary, Mr Vachon said of his strong support for the Pitjantjatjara, that, at the time he was ‘young and enthusiastic’ and ‘saw [himself] as an advocate’. Asked whether he still has a ‘strong personal commitment’ to seeing recognition of land rights for Aboriginal people, he said that his commitment has ‘been modified considerably’, and that he now regards himself as ‘being an expert in these sorts of matters’, and accepts that he has certain obligations in that regard. He agreed that throughout his professional life as an anthropologist, he has been involved in assisting Aboriginal people either in their political struggle for land rights or in pursuing claims under the Aboriginal Land Rights Act 1976 (NT) or under the NTA. He said that while he still has ‘political views’, which it is ‘often times difficult to ignore’, he is conscious of the need to be vigilant and believes that he is vigilant.

  1. No doubt Mr Vachon hopes that the Wongatha and MN applicants, both of whom, through the GLSC, retained him on behalf of their respective Claim groups, succeed. I do not know to what extent a hope of that kind would be based on Mr Vachon’s political beliefs, or on an expert’s understandable desire to see his evidence accepted. Perhaps all experts desire to see their evidence accepted, and derive a degree of satisfaction when it is.
  2. Ultimately, my impression of Mr Vachon is that he attempted to form and express his opinions free of bias. In particular, he was ready to make concessions – often the hallmark of an independent witness in whom the Court can be confident.

Bias – Dr Brunton

  1. Dr Brunton was cross-examined at great length by reference to things he wrote following and concerning the High Court’s decision in Mabo (No 2) in June 1992. He wrote, in November 1992, some five months after that decision:
Paddy McGuinness [a columnist] has written, the High Court is now refusing to “follow precedent unless it feels like it”, thus creating a situation where we are “in a lawless condition as far as the interpretations of our Constitution are concerned”.’

Like Mr Vachon, Dr Brunton also wished to distance himself, to some extent, from his earlier views. Asked whether this passage still expressed his opinion, he said ‘not fully’, and added that he had changed his view. He acknowledged that in fact he had no idea at all as to the principles according to which the High Court decides whether to depart from its own precedents. Asked how he justified what he wrote, Dr Brunton could only say, ‘it was a document I wrote at the time. It was my views at the time’.

  1. Dr Brunton agreed with the cross-examiner that he had contributed on many occasions to Quadrant, but disagreed that Quadrant had run a series of articles attacking various initiatives in Aboriginal or indigenous policies in Australia.
  2. Dr Brunton sought to explain his November 1992 statement as ‘a political criticism’, but this characterisation does not justify the making of a statement that ‘the High Court is now refusing to “follow precedent unless it feels like it”’, by a person who asks to be accepted by a court as a careful and unbiased expert witness, striving for dispassionate objectivity in thought and language.
  3. Dr Brunton stated in his November 1992 article that research suggested that it was extremely unlikely that any mainland Aboriginal group could meet the requirements for establishing native title as set out by the High Court, because it seemed impossible to establish whether contemporary claimants were legitimate successors to the people occupying land in 1788 or 1829. I see no indication of bias in the holding or expression of that view. Nonetheless, Dr Brunton said that he has modified this view too, while acknowledging that he still thinks that such difficulties exist .
  4. In his article he also referred to the High Court’s being ‘unwilling to protect the settled law in a de jure sense [he said he meant ‘legal sense’]’. He agreed that one possible implication is that he thought that the High Court was ‘on an agenda of its own acting irrespective of the law to frame laws for what it perceived to be in Australia’s benefit’. The passage in question continued:
[the settled law] may still be “protected” in mainland Australia, at least in a de facto sense. This will be due to the virtual impossibility of providing the kind of evidence that would be necessary for specific cases to succeed, unless, of course an avenging High Court ... .’

Dr Brunton agreed that by ‘avenging’, he meant ‘[attempting] to bring about a restitution for past injustices’. Again, he said he was ‘making a political point’, but that in the light of the way in which native title proceedings have been conducted, he has modified this early post-Mabo view. In particular, he said he no longer holds the view that trial courts cannot be trusted to deal with oral history.

  1. Dr Brunton agreed that in 1992 his position was that recognition of native title was ‘paternalistic’; that everyone, Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal, was a loser because of it; that it was a misguided attempt to atone for admitted injustices of the past; and that he had an ideologically founded position opposed to native title and the associated initiatives introduced as matters of policy and law in Australia. He said that his views have changed; that he supports ‘Aboriginal land rights’; that he can understand why Aboriginal people make native title claims; and that he thinks it a deficiency that land in respect of which native title exists cannot be converted to alienable tenure.
  2. The cross-examiner also took Dr Brunton to articles he had written since 1992, all of which expressed views in various ways critical of Australia’s native title system.
  3. Counsel for Group 6A submits:
Brunton was cross-examined a deal about bias ... Dr Brunton has expressed views as to the Mabo decision, the role of the High Court and other matters. They are no different to views publicly expressed by (inter alia) Sir Harry Gibbs, Heydon J, the Hon. Tim Fisher. In respect of the comments regarding Mabo they appear to be little different to the view of Dawson J in dissent in that case. It would have been thought obvious that this does not preclude a witness from expressing an expert opinion on a matter within his expertise, anymore than Mr Vachon’s attendance at various rallies would preclude him.’

The submission does not identify the other views ‘publicly expressed’, and, in any event, they would be presently irrelevant.

  1. It is one thing to express an opinion that a High Court decision is out of accord with an earlier course of authority, or to express concern over the practical effects a decision will have; it is another thing for a person professing to have the dispassionate objectivity, self restraint and self-discipline of an expert witness, to attack a court in intemperate terms (‘unless it feels like it’, ‘lawless condition’, ‘avenging High Court’) from an overtly political platform.
  2. It is unfortunate that Dr Brunton’s curriculum vitae lists many articles which he now explains as having merely made political points. An article that does no more than this goes no way towards establishing that the person has ‘specialised knowledge based on the person’s training, study or experience’ (Evidence Act s 79) or to inspire confidence.
  3. Ultimately, however, my impression is that, like Mr Vachon, Dr Brunton was aware of his duty to the Court as an expert witness and attempted to discharge that duty conscientiously. Like Mr Vachon, he was ready to make concessions. His reports demonstrated a careful regard for factual material and citation of sources, which I found helpful, and which suggests the application of true expertise in a disciplined way.
  4. In the result, the various aspects of the expert testimony of Dr Brunton, like those of Mr Vachon’s testimony, stand or fall on their own merits.

Bias – Dr Pannell

  1. Group 6A submits that Dr Pannell was biased in favour of the Wongatha claimants. Counsel does not submit that her evidence should be disregarded, but urges me to treat it with great caution.
  2. Aspects of Dr Pannell’s evidence did give me some cause for concern. She persisted in using questions as an opportunity to expatiate; was, generally speaking, unwilling to make concessions, at least in terms of the question asked; and at one point insisted that she was using the words ‘possible’ and ‘probable’ as synonyms somewhat similarly, Dr Brunton resisted a suggestion that his use of the expression ‘nothing to suggest’ should be altered to ‘very little to suggest’, in circumstances in which it plainly should have been). The following submission by counsel for Group 6A is an exaggeration but makes the point:
rigour with which she analysed conclusions of earlier ethnographers and anthropologists is in stark contrast to the seemingly mindless acceptance of anything stated to her by a claimant.’

I refer to certain problematic aspects of Dr Pannell’s testimony at 3.6(a)(b) [584] ff, 3.6(c)(1) [715], and elsewhere below. However, I have come to the conclusion that I should not make a general discount for bias, but should examine Dr Pannell’s testimony on its merits. As well, it must be recognised that there is sometimes a dissonance between a cross-examiner’s language and the subtle nuances of anthropological discourse, which, I think, was often the reason why Dr Pannell declined to answer a question without qualification.

Anthropologists’ genealogies

  1. In Ward v Western Australia (1998) 159 ALR 483 (FCA) at 79, Lee J stated that the preparation of genealogies, involving the distilling of information from a broad context of ethnographic material, entailed the application of the skill and expertise of anthropologists. The genealogies in evidence incorporate amendments that the anthropologists made in the light of the indigenous testimony. Like his Honour, I am satisfied as to their general reliability.
  2. The forms of the various genealogies suggested carefulness in the gathering, assembling and presentation of the data. In any event, I do not understand there to be any issue as to my reliance on them, except as to any specific instances which were the subject of evidence (an example is the controversy on the Maduwongga Claim (see Ch 9) over whether Albert Newland was the son, biological or adopted, of Arthur Newland).

(b) Weight of expert historical evidence

  1. In Harrington-Smith v Western Australia (No 7) at [10], I referred to the distinction between expert opinion evidence, expert non-opinion evidence, non-expert opinion evidence, and (implicitly) non-expert non-opinion evidence. I noted that the various experts’ reports were tendered only as expert opinion evidence. I also remarked ([40]-[42]) on the difficulty of applying the concept of ‘opinion’ to much of the reports of the two historians, which consisted of analysis, synthesis and summary of factual material. This is not to say that an expert may not present, in an organised and more readily accessible form, a haphazard collection of factual data: Potts v Miller [1940] HCA 43; (1940) 64 CLR 282 at 301-305 (Dixon J); Spassked Pty Ltd v Federal Commissioner of Taxation (No 2) (2002) 49 ATR 642 at [13]-[14] (Lindgren J); Australian Securities and Investments Commission v Rich [2005] NSWSC 149; (2005) 53 ACSR 110 at [297] (Austin J); Jango v Northern Territory (No 4) (2004) 214 ALR 608 at [27]-[31] (Sackville J); Gumana v Northern Territory at [156] (Selway J). It is, however, necessary that the primary materials be in evidence, unless the parties agree (and the Court accepts) that the expert’s statement of their effect is to be admitted into evidence without them. The distinction between such a statement and expert opinion can be a difficult one: (‘Harrington-Smith v Western Australia (No 7)’) at [40].
  2. The GLSC applicants led evidence from Craig Muller, and the State led evidence from Chris Stronach. In both cases the evidence was put forward as expert evidence able to be given by historians. Each provided principal and supplementary reports.
  3. Mr Muller’s report is divided into five parts, the first four being divided into eighteen chapters. Part One (Chs 1-3) concerns the earliest European awareness of an Aboriginal presence in the Wongatha Claim area. Part Two (Chs 4-11) considers the history of Aboriginal people who lived in the Wongatha Claim area from the arrival of Europeans to 1970. In Ch 8, Mr Muller lists European reports of Aboriginal ceremonies and gatherings in the Wongatha Claim area over the period from 1869–1967. Part Three (Chs 12-16) considers the impact of government policies and practices on Aboriginal people in the Wongatha Claim area. Part Four (Chs 17-18) examines two important events of recent times through which Aboriginal people in the Wongatha Claim area expressed concerns over their cultural heritage and claim to land: the ‘Weebo stones’ episode in the early 1970s (Ch 17), and the 1984 Seaman Land Inquiry (Ch 18). Part Five is a brief summary.
  4. Mr Muller’s report has two appendices. Appendix One contains Aboriginal population figures for various parts of the Wongatha Claim area at different times. Appendix Two is a chronological listing of European sightings and observations of Aboriginal people and activities in the Wongatha Claim area from 31 May 1869 to September 1981.
  5. Although Mr Stronach’s principal report contained comments on Mr Muller’s report, and on historical evidence in other expert reports, in general it was an independent report.
  6. The post-conference joint report of Muller and Stronach was as follows:
Analysis of historic sources
The existence of ‘distinct Aboriginal groups’ in the claim area
Changes to ‘Aboriginal culture and the Aboriginal way of life’
Camping around towns
Reliance on European Food
‘Migration’ into the claim area
  1. Primary historical materials in evidence include extracts from:
  2. The historical evidence will be affected by the biases and competencies of the early European observers and recorders. In their report concerning the MN Claim, Vachon/de Gand state:
are mindful of the many difficulties inherent in taking largely unpublished material and attempting a detailed reconstruction of Aboriginal occupation and movement. This is especially so for the general region of the [Wongatha/MN] Overlap where the archival record is poor and uneven. For the most part all we have for the early period are scattered details and unsystematic observations about individual Aboriginal men and women as they happen to come into the purview of Europeans. The ever-present danger is a tendency to downplay that which was not written down. And yet, to privilege the European archive, including the ethnographic literature, carries its own risks: for what has been written is influenced by the way it was produced. For early and later ethnographers, amateur and professional, they were also constrained by language difficulties and presuppositions, as well as tight research time-frames, poor mobility, and a lack of information on the location and description of indigenous places away from the few towns, mines and homesteads. For these reasons we have tried to proceed cautiously in our inferences and conclusions.’
  1. I accept that the early records made by European amateur and professional ethnographers are limited by the ethnocentric views of the writers and by the limits on their understanding of the language and culture of those about whom they wrote: see Daniel at [149] where RD Nicholson J recognised this point.

Mr Muller

  1. Groups 5B/5F make a detailed attack on the qualifications and testimony of Mr Muller. He was cross-examined in relation to his experience. His work in relation to Australian Aboriginal history has been substantially confined to the period since 1997, during most of which he has been employed full time by the GLSC in the preparation of his reports for this proceeding. He had no academic training in Australian history except at high school. The State submits that while there was a good deal of controversy over the completeness of the research of both historians, overall there was significant agreement in their descriptions of the past. I agree. The Cosmo applicant submits that Mr Muller should be preferred to Mr Stronach, especially on the early explorers. Mr Stronach dealt with them only briefly, no doubt because he did not take issue with Mr Muller’s account.
  2. Mr Muller was criticised by Group 5B/5F for not having examined in any detail material produced by the anthropologists, Daisy Bates, Professors Norman B Tindale and AP Elkin, and Professor RM and Dr CH Berndt. The reason he gave in his report is that ‘[t]his is not the author’s area of expertise, and other experts have examined this material’. In cross-examination, he said he had been instructed, in effect, to ‘stand clear’ of anthropological material, which, he understood, would be addressed by others retained by the GLSC. The GLSC submission in reply suggest that this was an appropriate stance for a non-anthropologist to take.
  3. I agree that it was appropriate for Mr Muller to refrain from expressing opinions on matters calling for anthropological expertise, and from agreeing or disagreeing with the opinions of anthropologists on such matters. On the other hand, it would have been appropriate for him to refer to recordings of contemporaneous factual observations found in the reports of the early anthropologists.
  4. Mr Muller did, however, present in his report what would be considered anthropological information on ‘tribal’ groups and boundaries, I should exercise some caution before accepting any opinion expressed by Mr Muller on this subject. In any event, that issue was the subject of so much anthropological testimony that anything said by Mr Muller in relation to it would be unlikely to make any difference.

Petronella Vaarzon-Morel

  1. The Cosmo applicant commissioned a report dated August 2001 but filed April 2003 by Petronella Vaarzon-Morel, who described herself in her report as an anthropologist with training in ethnohistory. She was not called and her report was not admitted into evidence. The Cosmo applicant asks me to read her report as a submission or ‘aide mémoire’ summarising historical material that is in evidence. As the Vaarzon-Morel report is Annexure 5 to the Cosmo submissions, and the text of the Cosmo applicants’ submissions refer to specific parts of it, I will have regard to it as a submission or aide-mémoire.

(c) Weight of other expert evidence

(1) Linguists

  1. Dr Mark Clendon, called by the GLSC applicants, provided reports as did Dr Bruce Sommer, called by the State. They conferred on 26 June 2003 over the telephone. Their report on their conference was as follows:
of Agreement
  1. That the applicants’ language – insofar as it is attested – is indisputably of a Western Desert type.
  2. The laminal/dental feature of articulation confirms the identification of the claimants’ [sic] speech variety as being from the south west of the Western Desert language bloc.
  3. That the name ‘Wongatha’ is correctly derived from a Western Desert root wangka ‘speech, word, story, language’.
  4. That the laminal/dental feature of articulation – while now recorded as predominantly laminal – once differentiated Wangkatha from Wangkatja as speech varieties, but this difference, among others, has since been largely erased through time.
of Disagreement
  1. That early writers recorded varieties of what is now called Wongatha in the general area does not establish connection with the specific claim area.
  2. That the anthropological and linguistic literature since the 1930s attest that there have been conspicuous changes in Western Desert patterns of culture and language, including the large-scale migration or population movement of Western Desert local descent groups.
  3. That the contemporary linguistic situation among the claimants reflects advanced stages in the language death or loss of their respective dialects.
  4. That the name ‘Wongatha’ has been appropriated as a cover term for the four (and perhaps more) discrete Western dialects identified in the applicants’ Linguistic Report as being spoken by their surviving elders.’
  5. Indigenous language spoken within the Wongatha Claim area is in a state of decline and has been for a number of years, having yielded to the culturally dominant English. The linguists agreed that it was not possible to reconstruct the linguistic situation within the Wongatha Claim area and nearby, as it existed prior to European contact.
  6. Dr Clendon interviewed claimants who were selected for him by the GLSC or by Dr Pannell or Mr Vachon, or suggested to him by other claimants. The selection criterion was apparently ‘how well they spoke’. His assessment of the claimants’ knowledge of Aboriginal language was made by reference to those GLSC claimants who had greater language knowledge.
  7. Dr Clendon interviewed in comparison to the total numbers of claimants in the Claim groups:

(a) Wongatha – 9 claimants (the Wongatha LIP lists 820);

(b) MN – 4 claimants (the MN LIP lists 279);

(c) Koara – 2 claimants (the Koara LIP lists 162);

(d) Wutha – 3 claimants (the Wutha LIP lists 178).

In substance, Dr Clendon agreed that the people he interviewed could not be regarded as representative of their Claim group, although he explained that his purpose was not to form conclusions about the Claim group, but about language as it was once spoken. The narrative of each interview is short. The longest, that of Paddy Walker, comprised only three pages. Many of the others are of less than a page and comprise only word lists.

  1. Dr Clendon did not investigate the territorial provenance of his informants. He said that apart from distinct varieties such as ‘Walyen’, his informants always referred to their language as ‘Wangkayi’, which, he agreed, simply meant ‘Aboriginal language’. He had been instructed to consider whether there were any Aboriginal languages associated with the Wongatha Claim area, but said he understood this to mean simply that he was to look at Aboriginal languages spoken by the GLSC claimants.
  2. Another matter which Dr Clendon did not investigate was the impact of the Mount Margaret Mission. A large number of the claimants he interviewed had spent their childhood there. He accepted that the Mission possibly had a strong influence on the way they came to speak (because children from different dialectal groups lived together), but questioned why the Mission would have had an impact on its own, when there were more general demographic changes in the whole region over a much longer period.
  3. Dr Clendon dealt with the significance of the names of the four GLSC Claim groups. He said that names by which people were identified were often mistaken by Europeans for ‘tribal’ names, when actually they were ‘isoglosses’ - words which had their own meaning, but which, because they were used by people in a particular geographical area, became identifiers of the users. So, wangka meant ‘speech, word, story, language’. The suffix ‘tha’ and ‘tja’ converts the wangka from an abstract noun into a concrete, human one. ‘Koara’ (kuwarra) was an interjection, meaning ‘wait’, that was used in the Goldfields region. ‘Wutha’ referred to an edible tuber or bush potato, and was selected as the name of the Wutha Claim group because the name ‘Tjupan’ had already been taken for another claim group. ‘Wutha’ is therefore in a different category from ‘Wongatha’, ‘Koara’ and ‘Tjupan’, in that it was not previously used by Aboriginal people to refer to Aboriginal people. This observation applies to ‘Cosmo Newberry’. ‘Mantjintjarra’ comes from ‘mantjirni’, meaning ‘to pick up, take, get’, the suffix ‘tjarra’ signifying ‘(those) having (the verb) mantjirni (“get”)’. ‘Ngalia’ is possibly the most elusive of the Claim names, according to Dr Clendon.
  4. Dr Clendon explained that the words mentioned were used in particular regions. It is common ground between the linguists that the language spoken by the GLSC claimants, in so far as it is spoken by them today, is of a Western Desert type, and that the members of the respective GLSC Claim groups are not distinguished on linguistic grounds.
  5. Dr Sommer, the linguist called by the State, said that there was very little on which he disagreed with Clendon, and accepted that ‘in terms of the details of the language’, Dr Clendon was in a better position to comment than he was. He agreed that ‘Wongatha’ is a label that is indexical of the people in the area of the Wongatha Claim area and further afield to the north-east, towards, and perhaps including, Warburton (T15938).
  6. I will address language at 3.6(f) [1024] ff, and in the chapters dealing with the eight Claims (Chs 4-10).

(2) Ethnobotanist

  1. The GLSC applicants called an ‘ethnobotanist’, Arpad Kalotas. Two of his four reports were admitted into evidence, his two supplementary reports being available to be used as submissions.
  2. Of his first report, the Wongatha Report, Mr Kalotas said:
research was undertaken into the nature and extent of indigenous environmental knowledge and land use documented in the Wongatha Claim area, and surrounding bioregions...
was undertaken with Wongatha claimants to document existing knowledge, and use of resources, and record examples of contemporary land use. The researcher undertook two major periods of research involving fieldtrips with Wongatha claimants ... to areas north ... and south of Laverton.’

Mr Kalotas’s report relating to the MN, Koara and Wutha Claim groups was prepared similarly, with the qualification that he undertook merely interviews and no field work with Wutha claimants.

  1. Mr Kalotas’s objective was to compare the Wongatha claimants’ environmental and ecological knowledge (particularly, their knowledge of flora and fauna) with that documented in the historical record.
  2. Unfortunately, although Mr Kalotas has expertise, I attach little weight to his evidence for the following reasons:
  3. First, Mr Kalotas put himself forward as a ‘botanist ethnographer’ or ‘ethnobotanist’, but zoology is outside his area of expertise. Therefore, to the extent that he expresses opinions relating to fauna, they must be disregarded.
  4. Second, Mr Kalotas’s relied on only a tiny proportion of the claimants as informants: he spoke to 12 out of 820 Wongatha claimants (as ever, I am using the figures from the LIPs); four out of 279 MN claimants, two of whom (Dolly Walker and Kado Muir) are also associated with the NK 1 Claim (95 claimants) and the NK 2 Claim; three of the 162 Koara claimants; and four of the 178 Wutha claimants.
  5. Third, Mr Kalotas’s informants were apparently selected for him by the anthropologists retained by the GLSC. He agreed that the sample was not random, and that random sampling would have been preferable. For all we know, the informants chosen for him may have been the most knowledgeable GLSC claimants. He agreed that his report was to be read as referring only to the knowledge of his informants.
  6. Fourth, Mr Kalotas could not say that, for example, all 12 of his Wongatha informants knew all of the matters attributed to them in his report: he said he would need to re-interview them with ‘full interviews’ in order to find out how the knowledge was distributed between them.
  7. Mr Kalotas followed the same methodology in relation to the MN, Koara and Wutha claimants, and therefore the same criticisms can be made.
  8. An indication of the problematic nature of Mr Kalotas’s evidence is that he had assumed that any indigenous word used by a Wongatha claimant must be a ‘Wongatha’ word. But, he is not a linguist and does not know whether a word is connected with the Wongatha Claim area or is sourced from elsewhere.
  9. Finally, some of Mr Kalotas’s conclusions were based on observations made far outside the Wongatha Claim area. For example, his conclusions as to indigenous knowledge of mammals was based on field work carried out at Uluru (Ayers Rock). At most, this would show that the particular informant was using a Western Desert word.
  10. I accept the substance of the following submission by Groups 5B/5F, except that I would substitute ‘little weight’ for ‘no weight’, and question the reference to hearsay statements:
is submitted that these reports are unreliable and should be given no weight. The reports go beyond the expertise (both in respect of linguistics and zoology) of the witness and are based on an unrepresentative sample and on hearsay statements of witnesses. It is not possible to identify which witness was aware of a name, and it is entirely possible only one person was aware ...’

(3) Archaeologist

  1. There was no challenge to Professor Peter Veth’s qualifications as an archaeologist. Professor Veth holds a First Class Honours Degree in Anthropology (specialising in Archaeology) and a Doctorate of Philosophy (in Archaeology) awarded with Special Congratulations, both of the University of Western Australia. He is Director of Research at the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders Studies (AIATSIS), and formerly Chair of Archaeology at James Cook University.
  2. Professor Veth testified, based on his consultation of a wide range of published and unpublished sources and inspection of sites in the Wongatha Claim area, that Aboriginal people have been present in that area since long before sovereignty (in fact from at least approximately 23,500 BP). This is not in dispute.
  3. But this area of common ground leaves more difficult questions untouched. Who were the indigenous people who were in the Wongatha Claim area at sovereignty and who were there at various times since? To what group or groups, if any, did they belong? Are those groups related to the various Claim groups before the Court? Of what Aboriginal society or societies, if any, were those groups a part? Fundamental to the present Claims is the question whether there are group rights and interests in relation to the land and waters of the Wongatha Claim area which are (today) possessed by any of the Claim groups under laws that were acknowledged and customs that were observed at sovereignty, of and by a then existing society in the same area.
  4. Professor Veth provided two reports, one for the Wongatha Claim, and one for the MN, Wutha, and Koara Claims.
  5. In the Wongatha report, Professor Veth considered three main classes of evidence of use and occupation before and since sovereignty. First, he reviewed unpublished consultancy reports, including some seven of which he was the author or co-author, and which were written to address the requirements of the Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972 (WA) (‘the Heritage Act’), over approximately the last 20 years. He also reviewed published research papers, monographs and books, and unpublished theses, papers and reports.
  6. The second class of evidence consisted of site records held by the Western Australian Aboriginal Affairs Department, now the Department of Indigenous Affairs, pursuant to ss 37 and 38 of the Heritage Act (these records are referred to as the ‘Sites Register’). In his Wongatha report, Professor Veth stated that as of 3 March 2001, there were 1053 sites on the Sites Register for the Wongatha Claim area.
  7. The third class of archaeological evidence considered by Professor Veth consisted of field work that he conducted late February and March 2001 on 36 sites within the Wongatha Claim area, specifically for the purpose of preparing his report. He was accompanied at all times by a GLSC Project Officer and Wongatha applicant, Leo Thomas. Professor Veth also commented on a further four sites recorded by a GLSC Project Officer and claimant, but not visited by Professor Veth.
  8. Some criticisms were made of Professor Veth’s methodology with respect to the second class of evidence, although I do not think they are fundamental:
  9. First, Professor Veth conceded that a number of the sites in fact lay outside the Wongatha Claim area, including some that were hundreds of kilometers north of Wiluna. These were, however, comparatively few, and, according to Professor Veth’s map (see below at [485]), still within the Western Desert. Professor Veth said that they provided a ‘regional perspective’ that is required, especially in relation to people who employed high ‘levels of mobility’ for sustenance. I accept the explanation.
  10. Second, he based his assessment of the sites recorded in the Sites Register on a document prepared by a Mr Morse, for the GLSC, yet Mr Morse did not testify; Mr Morse’s document was not put into evidence; and the Department’s files, which underlay the entries in the Sites Register, were not tendered in evidence either. Professor Veth did, however, examine at least one third of the files, and was himself the recorder of ‘a good number’ of the sites over 20 years and of approximately 50 heritage surveys.
  11. The non-indigenous respondents raise the following concerns in submissions in relation to the third class of Professor Veth’s evidence – his fieldwork.
  12. First, none of the sites he visited for the Wongatha report were west of a line linking Kalgoorlie and Leonora (see the discussion of the western boundary of the WDCB at 3.6(a)(b) below). Professor Veth stated in his report that the sites that had been registered in the Sites Register were concentrated in the ‘areas of mineralisation lying within the western third of the Wongatha Claim’. He explained that it was the ‘impact-oriented’ nature of the surveys that explained the focus in the Sites Register on the areas of mineralisation. It appears clear that Professor Veth concentrated his field work on sites not already recorded, and that would explain why he did not generally visit sites in the western portion of the Claim area.
  13. Second, some of the archaeological evidence could have a non-Aboriginal source. Professor Veth accepted that ‘the history of Aboriginal occupation post-contact is a shared history ... [a history] shared with Afghan camel herders, with prospectors, with a whole range of other parties who occupy and work the land ...’, and that some of the archaeological evidence, such as bottles and pieces of scrap metal, cannot be affirmatively attributed to use of the site or the material by an Aboriginal person, as distinct from, say, a camel herder or a prospector. However, he rejected the suggestion that speculation was involved, saying that he had been ‘extremely conservative’, and had rejected probably 80 percent of what he had regarded as equivocal.
  14. Most of my comments above in relation to Professor Veth’s Sites Register and field work apply, with appropriate changes were applicable, to the MN/Koara/Wutha report. In that report, the Professor again referred to the 1053 sites on the Sites Register for the Wongatha Claim, although it is not clear how many sites he considered also lay within the MN/Wutha/Koara Claim areas, that is, within the respective overlaps. He also states that he conducted field work at 23 sites, which, he suggested, were relevant to the Wongatha/MN overlap. Most of them appear to be also within the Wongatha/Wutha overlap and possibly one or two are within the Wongatha/Koara overlap.

Professor Veth’s conclusions

  1. In section 8 of his Wongatha report, headed ‘Inferences About Group Identity in Occupation Before and After Sovereignty’, Professor Veth expressed his conclusions as follows (for convenience of reference, I have inserted five paragraph numbers):
The patterning and contents of a range of categories of sites within the claim have been argued to be consistent with a Western Desert cultural adaptation. These consistencies, as summarised above, include:

(a) The spatial patterning of sites on the landscape, the variability noted from small ephemeral campsites to major aggregation locales and the apparently large scale of residential mobility and movement evidenced;
(b) The categories of formal implements used and discarded by occupants of a range of pre- and post-contact habitation sites;(c) The form and distribution of numerous stone arrangements in both the mundane and ceremonial spheres;(d) The styles, graphic vocabulary and modes of execution of both engraved and painted art motifs;(e) The suite of dietary remains and residues recovered from archaeological sites; and(f) The mode of construction of traditional and transitional habitation structures.
It has been concluded that there are demonstrable continuities in such patterns at sovereignty and that essential elements of this land-use pattern also continued later after contact despite the apparent shift towards tethering at centres of European activity.

There is no archaeological evidence to indicate that a different Aboriginal group was in occupation before and after Sovereignty.

It is reasonable to conclude on the basis of the examination of all of the archaeological evidence identified in this report that the group that was in occupation of the claim area before the date of sovereignty was the same group in residence after that date.

This group displays many of the attributes of Western Desert culture, as these have been agreed upon in numerous archaeological, ethnoarchaeological and anthropological sources.’

  1. The same conclusions can be found in Professor Veth’s MN/Wutha/Koara Report with one exception: para (d) in his Wongatha Report (‘The styles, graphic vocabulary and modes of execution of both engraved and painted art motifs’) was not included in his MN/Wutha/Koara Report. Professor Veth explained that the omission was due to the fact that he did not have evidence of art in the Wongatha/MN overlap from his survey, rather than to any difference between the overlap group and the group in the Wongatha area.
  2. Professor Veth included in his Wongatha report the following map, which, according to the legend, showed the ‘Approximate boundary of the Western Desert’.

2007_3100.jpg

It is important to appreciate five aspects of Professor Veth’s evidence.

  1. First, Professor Veth’s archaeological evidence does not enable him to distinguish between signs of the ancestors of the Wongatha, MN, Wutha and Koara claimants. For example, at Professor Veth’s Field Site 29, a granite dome east of Harrington Well, some 80 km south-east of Laverton, Professor Veth observed a motif composed of concentric arcs, executed by a pecking and scoring technique, which he said was reminiscent of ‘Western Desert’ designs that have been recorded to the east and north-east of the Wongatha Claim area. Nor was he in a position to distinguish between evidence of the presence of the ancestors of the claimants (regarded as a whole) and evidence of the presence of other Aboriginal groups. Accordingly, his reference to ‘group’ in his conclusions (see [483] above) is apt to give rise to difficulty, unless the word is understood to refer to nothing more than people exhibiting features consistent with Western Desert culture. I do not accept that the archaeological evidence shows the presence of a group in any other sense. Moreover, I do not understand Professor Veth or any Claim group before the Court to suggest that it does.
  2. Second, Professor Veth uses the term ‘occupation’ to refer to ‘repeated visitations’ consistent with a semi-nomadic existence. He said: ‘I think with a group that is semi-nomadic or obviously moves its residences, by definition that will be visitation’. He added, however, that the archaeological evidence can and does show that some locales were characterised by ‘a fairly intensive occupation’ while others ‘reflect ephemeral, fleeting or episodic occupation’. His evidence was that sites are favoured according to their water sources, economic resources (such as timber, economic plant species, fauna and stone) and optimal location. He said that the evidence was consistent with the flexible and mobile forms of social organisation characteristic of the Western Desert.
  3. Third, visitation is not necessarily by the same individuals. All that can be said from the archaeological material record is that the visitors were Western Desert people.
  4. Fourth, the State submits that in so far as attributes of Western Desert culture have been disclosed, ‘the evidence falls short of eliminating the possibility that the matters observed are relics of a culture other than Western Desert culture’. Groups 5B/5F submit that, at best, ‘some parts of the claim area may have been used by people who may exhibit some characteristics of a [Western Desert] tradition at some times’.
  5. Professor Veth is careful, and one would think properly so, not to state that the evidence excludes the possibility of the presence of persons of a generally non-WDCB culture, who, nonetheless, exhibit some characteristics of the WDCB. The boundaries of a cultural bloc are not bright lines (see 3.6(a)(b)). Professor Veth does not address the possibility that some or all of the WDCB characteristics may also have been characteristics of neighbouring groups, in particular, to the west. I would expect there to be a shading zone in which the archaeological evidence would be equivocal as between ‘WDCB’ and ‘non-WDCB’.
  6. Fifth, Professor Veth states that, following European contact, ‘there is definitely a focusing and a tethering on pastoral and mining areas’. In his Wongatha Report, Professor Veth added a reference to ‘missionary and government (well, police and ration) centres’. However, this does not mean that there was no continuity in land use patterns between pre-contact and post-contact sites. There was. In fact, about 90 percent of the sites Professor Veth visited that had post-contact material also had pre-contact material.
  7. Professor Veth said that the larger sites, those he assumed to be aggregations of sites or sites of greater permanency, particularly in the areas close to Leonora, Laverton, Mulga Queen and other mining and pastoral centres, including places to the east, had both pre-contact and post-contact material. What changed was not the location of sites but the pattern of use of them. There was a shift to greater residential permanency at European sites. Professor Veth does not deny that there are some sites which do not have pre-contact material remains. The example he gives is Flowers Well, where water was obtained from a bore – not a pre-contact phenomenon.
  8. On the basis of Professor Veth’s evidence I find that:

(a) the same sites continued to be used following sovereignty, although, following contact/settlement, European materials appeared and there was a shift to greater residential permanency;

(b) in more recent times, sites near towns and European settlements seem to have been visited more often than more remote sites seem to have been;

(c) it is impossible to know the identity, including group identity, of the Aboriginal persons who were present at the sites visited, before sovereignty or since sovereignty, other than that they exhibited many characteristics consistent with the presence of Western Desert people;

(d) on the archaeological evidence there is no basis for distinguishing between the different GLSC claimant groups or between them as a whole and any other people, as the persons to whose visitations the archaeological record points.

3.6 THE WESTERN DESERT CULTURAL BLOC (WDCB)

(aa) General

(1) Origin of the expression and concept

  1. The expression ‘Western Desert Bloc’ derives from a seminal article by Professor RM Berndt, the eminent anthropologist and foundation Professor of Anthropology at the University of Western Australia. The article is ‘The Concept of “the Tribe” in the Western Desert of Australia’, Oceania, vol 30, no 2, 1959 (‘Berndt 1959’).
  2. Berndt was not, however, the first anthropologist to discuss the cultural, social and linguistic similarities of the people of the Western Desert. Professor AP Elkin, Professor of Anthropology at the University of Sydney, had used the term ‘Western Group of South Australian tribes’ in his article ‘The Social Organisation of the South Australian Tribes’, Oceania, vol 2, no 1, 1931 (‘Elkin 1931’) p 60 ff. In that article, he identified two groups of “tribes” found in the vast dry area of the Northern Territory, Queensland, South Australia and Western Australia: an eastern or ‘Lakes’ group, and a western group. He said that the western group included ‘tribes in the south-western corner of Central Australia and in the south-east of Western Australia’. He called that group ‘the western group of South Australian tribes’ (ibid pp 50, 60–61). He said that the group was ‘characterised by a remarkable unity of language, mythology and social organisation’ (ibid p 60). As noted above, Professor Berndt was later to designate the same people the WDCB.
  3. Professor Elkin stated that ‘dialects of the hordes now working towards Laverton from the desert country on the east and south-east of that town [Laverton] differ little from those heard in the Ooldea district ...’ (ibid pp 61-2); and see his book, The Australian Aborigines: How to Understand Them (2nd ed, Angus and Robertson, Sydney/London, 1943) (‘Elkin’s book’) p 64 ff. Elkin does not seem to describe the western group as the ‘Aluridja’ in his 1931 article, but he applied that term to the entire region in his later article, ‘Kinship in South Australia’, Oceania, vol 10, no 2, 1939 (‘Elkin 1939’) p 204.
  4. In 1974, Professor Robert Tonkinson also commented on the WDCB, describing it in the following terms, in The Jigalong Mob: Aboriginal Victors of the Desert Crusade (Cummings Publishing, Menlo Park, 1974) (‘Tonkinson, The Jigalong Mob’) p 16:
with the physiographic and climatic commonalities of the Western Desert are its uniformities as a cultural bloc (...). Its Aboriginal inhabitants speak a common language with dialectical variations and share a similar basic social organization, relationship to the natural environment, religion, mythology, and artistic expression. The relatively homogeneous nature of Western Desert culture is evident from the available literature, and recent ethnoarchaeological findings suggest that, technologically at least, cultural continuities have existed in this area from several thousand years ago to the present (...).

traveler who is familiar with Western Desert culture and who speaks one of its dialects will notice obvious similarities among widely separated groups of Aborigines within the cultural bloc. I traveled extensively in the area and could make myself understood everywhere using the dialect I had learned. I encountered many identical kinship terms in use, and although they did not always connote the same classes of relatives in different areas, they formed part of the same type of social organization. Also many of the rituals and associated ancestral beings were substantially the same in areas hundreds of miles apart. The regular contact between contiguous Aboriginal groups in the Western Desert that has always been a feature of the area ensures a steady flow of information and objects. This cultural transmission reinforces the Aborigines’ awareness of their common interests and helps give the Western Desert its markedly homogenous countenance.’ (my emphasis)

  1. The WDCB concept is now well accepted, although there is debate as to its characteristics and their regional variability, and, as this case shows, its geographical extent.

(2) De Rose


De Rose and the WDCB as the relevant ‘society’

  1. The WDCB assumed particular importance in this case following the decision of the Full Court of this Court in De Rose FCAFC, on 16 December 2003. All six legally represented Claim groups (Wongatha, MN, Koara, Wutha, Cosmo and Maduwongga) came to base their claims on the existence of the ‘WDCB society’ (see Wongatha POC para 4 as also adopted by the MN, Koara and Wutha claimants; Cosmo POC para 17; Maduwongga POC para 1(a)). They had previously referred to the WDCB and to Western Desert laws and customs, but the concept of a WDCB society seems to be rooted in De Rose. While the NK 1 and NK 2 claimants (who were not legally represented and did not make submissions) did not refer to the WDCB in their Forms 1 or POCs, references can be found to the ‘Western Desert’ in the Ngalia Family document. I regard the NK 1 and NK 2 applicants also as relying on a ‘WDCB society’.
  2. Because the Claim groups rely so heavily on De Rose, I will discuss that case at some length. I note, however, that I must decide the present case on the evidence before me, not on the evidence that was before the trial judge in De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J, and that I am not bound by the findings of fact made by his Honour or by the Full Court in that case.
  3. I have, in fact, found to be more applicable to the facts of the present Claims, the following passage from another Full Court judgment in the more recent case of Northern Territory v Alyawarr, Kaytetye, Warumungu, Wakaya Native Title Claim Group [2005] FCAFC 135; (2005) 145 FCR 442 at [80]:
..., the society identified as the repository of the traditional laws and customs is a cultural bloc whose members are dispersed in groups over a large arid or semi-arid area an inference of communal ownership of native title rights and interests derived from its laws and customs may be difficult if not impossible to draw. In De Rose v South Australia (No 2) [2005] FCAFC 110 the Court held that a native title determination could be made in favour of individuals or small groups who held native title rights under the traditional laws and customs of a society or community of which they are part. That was identified as the Western Desert Bloc. It was not necessary that the native title holders constituted a society or community in their own right. Each case will, of course, depend upon its own facts.’ (my emphasis.)

facts in De Rose
  1. In De Rose, the application for a determination of native title related to three pastoral leases known as Agnes Creek (450 miles2), Paxton Bluff North (66 miles2) and Paxton Bluff South (134 miles2), known together as De Rose Hill Station, and located in the far north-west of South Australia.
  2. The appellants’ Outline of Facts and Contentions at trial sought to place the appellants within the larger ‘Western Desert Bloc’ (De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J at [33]). I treat this expression as synonymous with the WDCB. The Full Court observed in De Rose FCAFC ([32]):
claimant group was not described as the Yankunytjatjara people, but a group within [the WDCB] the members of which adhered to the same set of rules that prevailed throughout [the WDCB]. Their case was that there are groups within [the WDCB] connected by language, myth and the environment.’

  1. O’Loughlin J noted ([38]) that the applicants’ case was more specifically that (1) the claim group comprised all those individual Aboriginal people who were Nguraritja (‘traditional owners’), and who were connected with the claim area, and (2) that the Nguraritja were part of the greater Western Desert culture. His Honour observed that there was no claim on behalf of ‘the entire Yankunytjatjara people’, although the claim area was and always had been ‘Yankunytjatjara country’ (ibid).
  2. His Honour adopted ([99]) expert linguistic evidence that Nguraritja meant a person who ‘belongs to a place, traditional owner, custodian (from ngurara plus – (i)tja “of, from”)’, and that the Nguraritja were thus the persons having rights and responsibilities in relation to land. He said ([100]) that the concept of Nguraritja related to particular places, not to a larger area which included those places, but that while this meant that a person was not Nguraritja for the whole of De Rose Hill Station, equally it did not signify that the role of Nguraritja was limited to narrow locations (mere points). For example, a person could be Nguraritja for a creek or a part of a creek. Moreover, his Honour noted at [100]: ‘the Aboriginal concept of territory is a “constellation” of locations, often along a Dreaming track for which those who are Nguraritja have responsibility.’
  3. The Full Court stated ([41]):
to the appellants’ case, the Western Desert Bloc community was the community under whose traditional laws and customs Nguraritja for the claim area derived their native title rights and interests. The Western Desert Bloc community included a number of Aboriginal peoples from the Western Desert region, who spoke different languages or dialects but shared a system of rules. The appellants, so it was contended, were descendants, according to traditional laws and customs, of the Aboriginal peoples who inhabited the Western Desert region, and were Nguraritja in relation to the claim area, at sovereignty.’

Distinguishing De Rose

  1. It is convenient to note at once certain differences between De Rose and the present Claims, in order, of course, to show why the conclusion in De Rose that native title existed does not dictate the same result in the present case.
  2. First, the claim area in De Rose was 650 miles2 (1683.5 km2), a small fraction of the size of the smallest of the present Claim areas. In itself the difference may be immaterial. However, it is relevant to the ‘constellation’ of sites aspect of De Rose, which is not the basis of the present Claims. As well, it is relevant to such matters as regional variations in laws and customs, dialectal differences, and membership of overlapping Claim groups – problematic issues that have beset the present case but had no relevance to a claim area as small as that in De Rose.
  3. Second, the claimants in De Rose were defined differently, because the starting point in De Rose was responsibility for Dreaming sites. None of the present Claims are made on this religious basis. Only one witness in the present case mentioned Nguraritja. Janice Scott, who said that the people who speak for the country called ngurra are called Nguraritja. She said that if the Nguraritja for a ngurra are still alive, their role is to ‘look after’ and ‘care for’ it and to ‘speak for everybody that lives on the land, take care of everybody that’s on it’. Janice Scott seems to accept the possibility that for some ngurras, presumably within the Wongatha Claim area, there may be no Nguraritja surviving. As will be seen in 4.7(a)(b) [1569] ff, the word ngurra has been used with various meanings by the other witnesses. The most common meaning has been the ‘my country’ area of an individual, although the word has also been used to refer to a temporary camp. Neither Janice Scott nor any other witness used ngurra to refer to a constellation of dreaming tracks of sites. Janice Scott at least had in mind an area on which people lived or might live. She had just been speaking of country between Tjuntjuntjarra and Rawlinson and also about her grandmother’s and grandfather’s country out Blackstone way.
  4. Professor RM Berndt referred to Nguraritja as nuraidja (or camp ‘owner’) (Berndt 1959 p 101). There was evidence in the present case that wati or ‘initiated men’ or simply ‘men’ (meaning initiated males) have special responsibilities in relation to men’s sites not shared by others (although it is not only the wati within a particular Claim group who have those responsibilities in relation to sites within the Claim area). This concept has in common with the idea present in De Rose of custodianship, or traditional ownership of sacred sites. Certain Cosmo witnesses referred to ngurarrangka also with a meaning akin to ‘traditional owners’, but the Cosmo Claim group and Claim area were not defined by reference to a constellation of Dreaming sites or tracks either.
  5. Third, and most importantly, in De Rose the claim area was, as implied above, defined indirectly by reference to a constellation of Dreaming sites or tracks. The primary judge said ([115]) that the witnesses:
their territory as radiating outwards in a flexible manner, depending on seasonal conditions and other factors, from a number of important sites (generally water points) that were, most often, associated with, and connected by the Tjukurpa.’

The present Claim areas are not defined in this way, and are not part of larger areas defined in this way. The applicants in De Rose claimed the area of a pastoral station, but that was within an apparently slightly larger territory described in the passage quoted above. A claim need not be made over the entire area in relation to which the rights and interests are said to exist: see Yarmirr HCA at [78] (joint judgment); De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J at [198], [203]-[204], [908]. Ordinarily, however, one might reasonably expect that proof of the basis of the rights and interests in a claim area will entail proof of the basis of them in the larger area within which the claim area falls, as in De Rose. Proof of that kind has not been placed before the Court here.

  1. Fourth, in De Rose, the anthropologists considered De Rose Hill Station to be clearly within the WDCB area, but there is a substantial issue as to whether the western part of the Wongatha Claim area is within the WDCB area (see 3.6(a)(b) [540] ff below) .
  2. Fifth, there are many factual matters that were either not in dispute in De Rose, or that were the subject of findings by the primary judge that were not challenged on appeal. Before me, on the other hand, the various Claim groups are put to proof of virtually all elements of their Claims (it is not in contest that unidentified Aboriginal people, who were of a Western Desert adaptation, were to be found within the Wongatha Claim area at sovereignty).
  3. Sixth, of the 26 witnesses in De Rose, six gave very extensive and detailed evidence of knowledge of the five main Tjukurrpa or Dreamings that passed through De Rose Hill Station (see De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J at [52]-[74]) and overall, the 26 witnesses showed ([572]-[887]) a more extensive knowledge of sites and tracks than did most of the 93 witnesses before me. Moreover, compared to De Rose in which the claimants’ knowledge of Dreasming sites and tracks lay at the heart of the case, in the present case the claimants’ knowledge of Dreaming sites and tracks was only one small part of the evidence relied on to establish acknowledgement and observance of traditional laws and customs by the various Claim groups.
  4. Seventh, in at least the GLSC and Cosmo Claims, the claims are made by individuals, on the basis of multiple pathways of connection, to ‘my country’ areas, unique to the individual, and not necessarily overlapping, contiguous or even neighbouring. (As noted earlier, the Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 Claims are made by groups defined by reference to apical ancestors, although the evidence led in support of those Claims also suggested claims based on the ‘my country’ areas of individuals.) In De Rose, on the other hand, the claim was based on the claimants’ status as Nguraritja for neighbouring Dreaming sites, although the means by which one could become Nguraritja for those sites were some of those that have been referred to as the pathways of connection to ‘my country’ areas in the present case: birth on De Rose Hill Station; a long term physical association with it; birth of ancestors on it; and geographical and religious knowledge of it; to which was to be added recognition by the other Nguraritja (De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J at [562]).

Findings in De Rose with respect to the WDCB

  1. A proper understanding of De Rose FCAFC demands some discussion of the findings and areas of common ground in that case, with respect to the WDCB generally. In De Rose FCAFC, the Full Court noted ([42]) that O’Loughlin J had made no findings as to the limits, geographic or social, of the WDCB, but that all parties on the appeal referred to Berndt 1959. As their Honours said ([43]), Professor Berndt, had estimated that the population of the Western Desert prior to European contact may have been 18,000 persons, living and moving over an area of some 250,000 miles2 (about 650,000 km2). By this estimation, the Wongatha Claim area’s 159,048 km2 represents about 24.46 percent of the WDCB (or 12.3 percent if we use Robert Tonkinson’s estimate in Tonkinson, The Jigalong Mob p 13, that the WDCB covers at least 500,000 miles2 or 1,295,000 km2). In Berndt 1959, Professor Berndt estimated that the population of the Western Desert, at the time he was writing, was less than 3200. He identified a number of dialects spoken in the region including Pitjantjatjara, Antikirinya and Yankunytjatjara. He expressed the view (referred to by the Full Court at [43]) that, ‘[d]iagrammatically the whole of the Western Desert could be seen as a series of overlapping interactory zones or as small communities’.
  2. O’Loughlin J found that archaeological remains within the claim area were those of Western Desert Aboriginals, but the evidence did not identify who they were, or whether they were Yankunytjatjara, Antikirinya or Pitjantjatjara (cf Professor Veth’s conclusions in the present case discussed at [483] ff.
  3. His Honour found that many of the Aboriginal witnesses traced their origins to Pitjantjatjara country, well to the west of the claim area, and, indeed, that the personal histories of the claimants showed that most of them were either Pitjantjatjara people or had a Pitjantjatjara parent or grandparent. The primary judge ([190]) referred to migratory movements from the west to the east, saying that drought was one reason and looking for wives was another. His Honour rejected a submission by the respondents that recent migration into the claim area defeated the claim, because, according to the Full Court ([46]):
substance, he accepted that territorial shifts and population movements, together with associated changes to traditional laws and customs, had occurred as part of the acknowledgment and observance of pre-sovereignty and post sovereignty traditional laws and customs of the peoples who formed part of the [WDCB]. Relevantly for present purposes, his Honour also accepted that the Pitjantjatjara, Yankunytjatjara and Antikirinya peoples were part of that Bloc’..

That is to say, the movements were from and to places within the Western Desert.

  1. That has been virtually entirely so in the present case too. The migration with which his Honour was concerned was, however, different from the migration that has occurred from the desert in the north, north-east and east, to centres of European presence within the Goldfields. The migration issue is discussed at 3.6(a)(b) and will arise from time to time in my discussion of the individual Claims. In my view, it is not established that where, as has occurred, indigenous people came out of the desert to live on the fringes of European towns and settlements or near ration stations, because of the benefits, notably food and water, available to them there, they acquired rights and interests in the new area. It does not matter that drought was also a factor, or that the centre of European settlement and the place that they had left were both within the Western Desert.
  2. O’Loughlin J accepted ([316]) that it was not necessary for native title claimants to establish strict biological descent back to sovereignty. He also accepted ([345]), in a finding which the Full Court described ([54]) as ‘important’, that the traditional laws and customs that once applied to the claim area were essentially the same as those of the Western Desert region. His Honour did not accept, however, that the applicants had only to show descent from Western Desert people who followed traditional laws and customs. He said ([345]) that although the claimants did not have to prove biological descent from the pre-sovereignty occupiers, there had to be ‘some continuity – even though it might be through migration, marriage or even tribal dispute – between those who formerly occupied the land at sovereignty and the present claimants’. His Honour found ([346]) that the requisite degree of continuity existed, because the connection between the claimants and the pre-sovereignty (Western Desert) occupants was ‘achieved through a process of incorporation that reflected the pattern of migratory movements’. He concluded that a large majority of the claimants were either recent migrants to the claim area from the west or were descended from migrants from the west ([376]).
  3. The Full Court emphasised ([230]) that the traditional (pre-sovereignty) laws and customs on which the appellants had relied before his Honour were those of the WDCB, and at [236] that there had been no suggestion that the WDCB ‘society’ had ceased to exist between European settlement and the trial; or that the appellants, ‘whether or not they constituted a discrete social, communal or political group, were not members of that society’; and there had been no challenge to the primary judge’s finding at [102] that the traditional laws and customs asserted by the appellants were essentially the same as those that existed throughout the Western Desert region.
  4. The Full Court also noted at [236] that it was not necessary for the appellants to show that they had biological or other links with the particular group who held native title over the claim area at sovereignty, other than those links required by traditional laws and customs to establish that a person had acquired the status of Nguraritja for the claim area.
  5. Their Honours then posed what they described as the ‘critical question’ ([237]):
the appellants possessed rights and interests in the claim area under the traditional laws acknowledged and customs observed of the Western Desert Bloc. If by those traditional laws and customs the appellants had sufficient links to the original native title holders as to acquire the status of Nguraritja for the claim area, that would be enough, provided that they retained, by those laws and customs, a connection with the claim area.’

  1. In relation to the issue of population shifts, the Full Court concluded ([240]) that on a fair reading, although not explicitly, his Honour had found ‘the population shifts that occurred in the early to mid-twentieth century [into the claim area] were recognised by, or were in accordance with, the traditional laws and customs of the [WDCB], in the sense that newcomers could become Nguraritja for the claim area, depending on the circumstances’. Their Honours found support for this finding in the testimony of Aboriginal witnesses (discussed at [255]–[259]).
  2. The ground on which the appellants succeeded was that his Honour had erred in deciding that they failed because they had not proved that they retained a connection to the claim area by traditional laws and customs acknowledged and observed by them, sufficient to satisfy s 223(1)(b) of the NTA. Their Honours referred to ([273]) the primary judge’s emphasis on ‘the absence of evidence pointing to the presence, at least in recent times, of what he described (at [901]) as a social, communal or political organisation on or near the claim area or (at [913]) as a cohesive community or group’. In this regard, the Full Court stated ([275]-[276]):
was no part of the present appellants’ case, as ultimately presented, that they, or any other persons who might be Nguraritja for the claim area, constituted a discrete cohesive society or community at any given time. As the primary judge recognised, their claim was that they possessed native title rights and interests by virtue of their status as Nguraritja for the claim area under the system of laws and customs they shared with other Aboriginal people of the Western Desert Bloc. The normative system on which they relied was that acknowledged and observed throughout the Western Desert region.

order to succeed, the appellants had to show, among other things, that at sovereignty the traditional laws and customs of the Western Desert Bloc provided for those who were Nguraritja to possess rights and interests in relation to land. They also had to show that Western Desert Bloc society has had a “continuous existence and vitality since sovereignty”: Yorta Yorta (HC) at [47].’

  1. The Full Court ([277]) distinguished Yorta Yorta HCA on the basis that, on the primary judge’s findings, the traditional laws and customs of the Yorta Yorta community had not been acknowledged and observed substantially uninterrupted since sovereignty ([277]). The primary judge in that case (Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria [1998] FCA 1606) had found that the claimants and their ancestors had not continued to acknowledge and observe traditional laws and customs in relation to the land of their forebears, and that before the end of the nineteenth century their ancestors had ceased to occupy their traditional lands in accordance with their traditional laws and customs. In contrast, and as noted above at [522], their Honours observed ([278]) that in De Rose, it did not appear that the respondents had contended at trial:

The importance of these matters not being in issue is obvious.

  1. After quoting the observations which the Full Court made at [278] (referred to at [527] above), the State, submits that in these proceedings, virtually all of the factual premises advanced by the Claim groups are disputed. It submits that the evidence has failed to establish that the WDCB laws and customs constitute a ‘normative system’ under which rights and interests of the kind described in the various Forms 1 are possessed in the respective Claim areas. As well, it submits that no Claim group has established that as a group it acknowledges and observes such laws and customs, even if the latter constitute a normative system.
  2. The Full Court in De Rose FCAFC further stated ([279]):
it were necessary to go back to the evidence, there is ample support for the proposition that, whatever the degree of acknowledgment or observance of traditional laws and customs by the appellants themselves, Western Desert society has continued to exist since sovereignty and the traditional laws and customs of that society have continued substantially uninterrupted throughout that period. [Their Honours referred to anthropological evidence in support.]

  1. Their Honours said ([281]) that this conclusion did not mean that the appellants were relieved of the obligation to prove that they had continued to acknowledge and observe the traditional laws and customs of the WDCB, and that they possessed rights and interests under those laws and customs. It did mean, however, that ‘the appellants’ claim [did] not encounter the obstacle upon which the claim of the Yorta Yorta people foundered’.
  2. The Full Court stated ([283]) that the primary judge’s finding to the effect that the appellants did not constitute, or were not part of, a social, communal or political organisation on or near the claim area, could not properly adversely affect their claim, and that to the extent that his Honour had thought otherwise, he had erred.

De Rose (No 2) FCAFC

  1. Having allowed the appeal, the same Full Court, subsequently in De Rose (No 2) FCAFC, determined that native title existed in the claim area.
  2. Of present interest in De Rose (No 2) FCAFC is their Honours’ discussion ([27]–[44]) of the meaning of the expression ‘communal, group or individual rights and interests’, as that expression appears in s 223(1) of the NTA.
  3. It will be recalled that in Yorta Yorta HCA, the joint judgment stated ([49]) that in the present context:
is to be understood as a body of persons united in and by its acknowledgment and observance of a body of law and customs.’

and in a footnote to this passage, their Honours said they had chosen the word ‘society’ rather than ‘community’, in order to emphasise the close relationship between the identification of the group and the identification of its laws and customs. The implication is that, otherwise, ‘community’ would have done as well.

  1. All eight Claims before the Court are claims by groups to hold group rights and interests. They are claims of rights and interests which inhere in a group of fluctuating membership. In my opinion, enjoyment of those rights and interests, by an individual depends upon that individual’s being a member of the group.
  2. In my view, which is consistent with [27]-[44] of the Full Court’s judgment in De Rose (No 2) FCAFC, the expression ‘communal, group or individual rights or interests’ reflects a taxonomy. The ‘community’ is the ‘society’ which sustains the traditional laws and customs in question, and is therefore the largest possible right or interest owning entity (eg the Meriam People in Mabo (No 2)). At the other extreme is the individual. Any right or interest owning entity lying between the individual and the community is a ‘group’. A group may be numerically small, as in De Rose, or numerically large, as in the case of the Wongatha Claim group. On the other hand, a numerically small or large number of individuals may all hold only individual rights and interests. Everything depends on the content of the traditional laws and customs. Many, perhaps most, or even all, groups will have a fluctuating membership. Again, all depends on how the group is identified by the traditional laws and customs. In the case of group rights and interests, the individual members of the group (claimants) have rights and interests by reason of that membership. Their rights and interests will not, however, necessarily be identical. A member may have ‘active’ or ‘productive’ rights and interests only in a particular area, and his or her rights and interests in the remainder will then be only ‘nominal’, ‘residual’ or ‘theoretical’. As ever, the governing consideration is the traditional laws and customs. But the individual’s rights and interests will always arise from his or her membership of the group; they will not arise directly and without group mediation, from the laws and customs of the society.
  3. In De Rose (No 2) FCAFC, their Honours stated the position ([39]-[40], [44]) in a manner which, I believe, is consistent with what I have said in the preceding paragraph:
The distinction between group and individual rights and interests (to the extent it matters) is perhaps more difficult to identify. An example of group rights and interests may be those held by a subset of a wider community, the traditional laws and customs of which determine who has interests in particular sites or areas. The members of the subset may or may not themselves be an identifiable community, but their rights and interests are determined by the traditional laws and customs observed by the wider community. The members of the subset might be expected, under the traditional laws and customs, to share common characteristics in relation to certain land or waters, such as rights and responsibilities as the custodians of particular sites. Ordinarily, it might be expected that the “group” holding native title rights and interests would have a fluctuating membership, the composition of which would be determined by the relevant body of traditional laws acknowledged and customs observed.

A person holding individual native title rights and interests, by contrast, may not necessarily share common characteristics, in relation to land or waters, with other members of that community under the relevant body of traditional laws and customs. Unless the traditional laws and customs provide for the individual rights and interests to be transmitted to other community members, they presumably will terminate upon the death of the holder.

...
If it is necessary to classify the rights and interests claimed by the appellants in the present case, they are best regarded as group rights and interests, rather than individual rights and interests. It is true that the appellants do not claim to be a discrete or functioning community and that the normative system on which they rely for their rights and interests is that of the wider Western Desert Bloc. But the appellants claim to be Nguraritja for the claim area and, by virtue of that status, they have common rights and responsibilities under the laws and customs of the Western Desert Bloc in relation to the claim area (although not necessarily in relation to precisely the same sites or tracks). Moreover, the appellants claim on behalf of all people who are Nguraritja for the claim area. The composition of that class will vary from time to time depending upon who can satisfy the rules identified by the primary judge for identifying Nguraritja (De Rose (FC) at [37]-[40], [58]-[61]). On the appellants’ case, native title rights and interests over the claim area will not cease on the death of the last survivor among them.’

The present Claims are also group claims advanced by the respective applicants on behalf of groups having the memberships identified in the respective Forms 1 on the basis of the membership criteria identified in the respective POCs.

  1. The question is whether it is established that traditional laws and customs of the WDCB society provide for group rights and interests to be possessed by the various groups of claimants in the respective Claim areas. As will appear, I think, it has not been.
  2. I accept that the WDCB existed at sovereignty and that it still exists. The joint report of the anthropologists who participated in the conference appears to have assumed as much. But virtually everything else touching the WDCB is in issue: whether it is a society united by the acknowledgment and observance of laws and customs; its characteristics; its geographical extent; and whether the respective Claim groups continue to acknowledge its body of traditional laws and customs.

(a)(b) Geographical extent and migration/Geographical coincidence; Claim areas and the WDCB

(1) Introduction

  1. There has been a lively issue as to the western extent of the WDCB. The point of the debate is that if any of the Claim areas or parts of any of them lie west of the WDCB area, the Claims, or the Claims insofar as they relate to overlaps, must fail to that extent, since all Claims are put as dependent on the WDCB ‘society’. The onus of establishing how far west that area extends, or, more accurately, that the Claim areas are within it, rests on the respective Claim groups.
  2. On any reckoning, the Wongatha Claim area is at the western periphery of the Western Desert. The report on the anthropologists’ conference expressed the agreement of the participants that the Western and South Western boundaries of the Western Desert are ‘not definable based on the historical ethnographic sources’. So be it, but everyone agrees that it does not extend west to the coast.
  3. It is also agreed that there are cultural continuities and that the WDCB is not distinguished by sharp boundaries. The anthropologists’ joint report states that ‘[t]he relations between people who might be claimed as Western Desert or non Western Desert were not necessarily qualitatively different from relations that are intra-Western Desert or intra-non-Western Desert, as there are likely to have been cultural continuities between those who appear on both sides of Berndt’s line in the 1959 article’. I discuss the Berndt line at [630] ff – it is one possible line that has been suggested as the western boundary of the WDCB.
  4. The difficulty of the present question is obvious. I am proceeding on the basis that the WDCB is a ‘society’ that existed in 1829 and continues to exist. A society is not a territory. However, the name WDCB suggests a relationship with the Western Desert. It is difficult enough to know precisely where the Western Desert begins and ends. It is even more difficult to know precisely where the geographical area occupied by the ‘body of persons united in and by its acknowledgment and observance of a body of law and customs’ (Yorta Yorta HCA at [49]) known as the WDCB, begins and ends. Finally, it is most difficult of all to know precisely where that area began and ended in 1829 and at various times since then. There have been population shifts since first contact, and, in particular, since settlement. Did the ‘migrants’ take the western boundary of the WDCB to the west with them? Or, did they leave the area of the WDCB for places west of it? Again, did they simply move from one place within the WDCB area to another place within that area?
  5. Such questions may provide the subject of endless anthropological debate. Before me, the anthropologists have seized upon various parts of the historical record, including the field notes and other writings of earlier anthropologists who studied the Aboriginal people of Western Australia, South Australia and the Northern Territory, with a view to showing that the western boundary of the WDCB was further to the west or to the east, that is to say, that indigenous people at one place or another were or were not part of the WDCB society.
  6. It is not in dispute that that part of the Wongatha Claim area east of a line running roughly north-south incorporating the western boundary of the Cosmo Claim area is within the area of the WDCB. That line would place the eastern one half to two thirds of the Wongatha Claim area within the area of the WDCB. It would include within the area of the WDCB the whole of the Cosmo Claim area and such further places within the Wongatha Claim area as Empress Spring, Lake Wells, Burtville, Coglia Well, Lake Minigwal and Lake Rason.
  7. It is the area west of that north-south line over which there has been controversy. The first major centre to be encountered west of that line is Laverton. In controversy, therefore, are nearly all of the pastoral stations and mining areas within the Wongatha Claim area, and, in addition to Laverton itself, such places as Mount Margaret, Leonora, Menzies, and Lakes Carey, Raeside and Marmion and most of Lake Rebecca.
  8. My task is to determine whether the various Claim groups have discharged the onus of proving the ingredients of their claims according to the civil standard of the balance of probabilities. The present ingredient is that traditional laws and customs of the WDCB society gave group rights and interests in the area in dispute to the present Claim groups.
  9. I will not refer to all of the evidence on the western extent of the WDCB area. Obviously, the boundary will not be a bright line. The present question is one of almost intractable difficulty. The conclusion that I have reached is that the WDCB progressively dissipates commencing at about the line running roughly north-south along and incorporating the western boundary of the Cosmo Claim area (the Berndt line, which I discuss at [630] below, is not very different), and finishing at a line which may be described as the ‘Menzies-Lake Darlot line’. Accordingly, my conclusion is that the part of the Wongatha Claim area west of the Menzies-Lake Darlot line is, and at all material times was, outside the WDCB area.
  10. The result is that the Wongatha Claim, and all the Claims that overlap it, fail to the extent, if at all, that they claim land and waters west of the Menzies-Lake Darlot line.

(2) The impact of migration on the western boundary of the WDCB

  1. The issue of ‘migration’ or ‘progressive population shift’ arises in various contexts. The first, referred to above, concerns the question of any consequential westward shifting of the western boundary of the WDCB since first contact.
  2. A second issue as to migration is whether the movement of the claimants or their ancestors into the Wongatha Claim area from the Spinifex to the north, north-east and east, has the consequence that the Claim groups cannot establish rights and interests in the Wongatha Claim area founded on pre-sovereignty laws and customs.
  3. A third issue, which is really an aspect of the second, concerns intra-Western Desert migration. Did the traditional laws and customs of the WDCB allow for intra-Western Desert migration, so that Western Desert people could acquire rights and interests in their new location? If so, in what circumstances was this allowed under those traditional laws and customs, and does an adaptation of the rule apply where the migration is to a centre of European settlement, such as Laverton or Mount Margaret?
  4. I will address, in chronological sequence, the published writings of anthropologists generally on the topic of the extent of the WDCB and migration, before turning to the reports and testimony of the anthropologists in this case. For convenience and chronological sequencing purposes, however, I will begin with a non-anthropologist, David Sanderson McDonald (it is also convenient to include his comments not strictly relevant to the present issue of geographical extent). Moreover, I will take the liberty of giving background information introducing the various anthropologists whose writings on the Western Desert have featured in the case.

(3) Geographical extent/migration – anthropological writings
(i) David Sanderson McDonald

  1. David Sanderson McDonald was born in New South Wales in 1881 of Scottish parents whom he followed to the Western Australian Goldfields in 1895. In his old age, this Murrin Murrin resident, wrote of his first contact with the indigenous people in the Goldfields, in a typed ‘autobiography’ or collection of ‘reminiscences’. He wrote that through ‘Basil’ as interpreter he learnt much about the ‘Wongi’, who, he said, were not as nomadic as some writers would have one believe. He continued:
various tribes such as roamed the goldfields areas, Kabul of the Coolgardie area, Mulba of Norseman, Wongi of Pindinni and Edjudina each had their own section of country mapped out and their home ground would be at the most permanent water supply. These would be gnamma holes, soaks or rockholes. After rains, when creeks, otherwise dry, would have plenty of water, they’d move to the chosen place and hunt for whatever game that would be in that area and in season collect various seeds such as grass, mulga and Murrin-Murrin.’ (my emphasis)

Pindinni (or ‘Pindinnie’) and Edjudina are both in the Wongatha Claim area, Pindinni near Yundamindra and Edjudina south of Laverton, just north of Lake Rebecca (near the old Yarri Battery), in the southern part of the Wongatha Claim area. In fact, ‘Pindinni Soak’ is just west of Yundamindra Station, and the Yundamindra homestead was about 84 km from Edjudina homestead.

  1. According to Mr McDonald, ‘Wongi’ was ‘the name of the native tribe who roamed [the Murrin Murrin] area, their home ground being Pindinnie, meaning flat country. They were referred to as the Pindinnie tribe...’. A literal interpretation is that the same ‘tribe’ bears both the name ‘Wongi’ and the name ‘Pindinnie’.
  2. Mr McDonald wrote:
Wongi were split into four tribes, one at Pindinni with a type of auxiliary out east in Spinifex country, ...another at Edjadoo, also with an auxiliary in the Spinifex.’

is little difference in the language or lingo of these friendly tribes.’

Mr McDonald also wrote of the initiation of boys into manhood (see 3.6(c)(2) [817] below). Male initiation took place within the Western Desert, but we do not know that it did not take place immediately to the west of its western boundary.

  1. Again, Mr McDonald associates the ‘Wongi’ with the place Pindinni, but also with the place Edjadoo (cf Edjudina mentioned above). In stating that he was writing exclusively of the Wongi, Mr McDonald seems to have been anxious to distinguish between the Wongi and other Aboriginal people.
  2. In an interview for the Kalgoorlie Miner in 1959, Mr McDonald stated that, although the missionaries referred to everyone as ‘Wongi’, there were six ‘distinct’ tribes in the eastern and North-Eastern Goldfields, including the ‘Lindi Wongi’ of the Pindinnie region, the Edjudoo Wongi of the Edjudina district, the Yilda of Darlot-Wiluna, and the ‘Wongudda’ from the east and northeast of Laverton. As to the additional two tribes, Mr McDonald may have had in mind the two auxiliaries or the Kabul and the Mulba.
  3. While Mr McDonald’s description of Aboriginal practices are important, I do not place much weight on his understanding of the Aboriginal terms that he mentions, such as ‘Wongi’. Mr McDonald was not an anthropologist or linguist, and did not use anthropological or linguistic terms in technical senses. I have encountered enough meanings of such words as ‘Wongatha’, ‘Wangkayi’, ‘Wongaii’, ‘Wongi’, and ‘Wongudda’, to make me cautious before being confident that I understand the meaning they are being used to convey, even when I am fully seized of the context in which they are used. Finally, as will be noted elsewhere, the nomenclature by which groups of Aboriginal people identified each other presents a confused picture, which remained confused when put into written form by the early recorders.
  4. Perhaps Mr McDonald was using the word ‘Wongi’ with the meaning that a number of the indigenous witnesses said ‘Wongatha’ and ‘Wangkayi’ bore: ‘Aboriginal person’ (see 4.6(a) [1331] ff. In favour of this view is the distinction he drew between the ‘Wongi’ and the ‘Wongudda’ whom he placed east and north-east of Laverton. Against it is the fact that he deprecated the missionaries’ labelling of everyone as ‘Wongi’ and emphasised that he was writing exclusively of the Wongi.
  5. As noted above, Mr McDonald placed east and north-east of Laverton a ‘distinct tribe’, ‘the Wongudda’. It is noteworthy that when the missionary Rod Schenk went to Laverton in 1921, he found that the Aboriginal people there called themselves ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wongutha’ (see [1116] below).

(ii) Daisy Bates

  1. Daisy Bates worked for the Western Australian Government from 1904 to 1912. Her knowledge of Aboriginal laws and customs in the Goldfields was acquired in part from two informants: Kenneth Young at Duketon, and Constable John Dodd, stationed at Kookynie. From 1905 to 1906, she corresponded with the surveyor-anthropologist, RH Mathews, about the material she had received from Young and others.
  2. Kenneth Young, who lived around Duketon, reported to both RH Mathews and Daisy Bates in about 1905 that the people there had no tribal name for themselves, and only say that they are ‘Wongada’, which, he said, was the generic term for ‘mankind’ or ‘all blackfellows’. Young placed the people around Duketon as occupying an area from Lake Darlot in the west, north of Laverton (25 miles to around Cox’s Find) to north of Duketon (40-50 miles), across to east of Lake Wells.
  3. Constable John Dodd, who was stationed at the Kookynie police station, provided information to Daisy Bates in 1910, in which he referred to ‘Magging’, the ‘King of the Pindinnie tribe’ being ‘at Leonora with the greater portion of his tribe’, and to his later being at Menzies. In his correspondence in 1910 with Daisy Bates, Constable Dodd identified ‘tribal districts’, but Pannell/Vachon state, and the contrary does not seem to be suggested, that the names he provided were in fact ‘section terms’.
  4. Daisy Bates visited the Goldfields in August 1908 and recorded genealogies and some vocabulary. In September 1908 she spent a week interviewing inmates of Rottnest Island prison, which she had previously visited in 1906. After the Government terminated her employment and returned her manuscript to her, Daisy Bates lived for a time on Rottnest Island.
  5. In 1911 or 1912, while on Rottnest, Bates interviewed Tjurada (there are other spellings, including Turata and Thurada) a 30-35 five year old man who came from north-east of Laverton. Daisy Bates recorded much information provided by him, including a detailed vocabulary, a site map, a pedigree for him and his wife Wanda, and details he gave relating to initiation, totems, kinship terminology, and the names of neighbouring groups. Tjurada told Daisy Bates that he belonged to the Barduwonga (sometimes Bardu wonga).
  6. Daisy Bates’s voluminous papers were acquired by the National Library of Australia in 1941. Daisy Bates wrote the manuscript of the book, The Native Tribes of Western Australia, but it was not published prior to her death in 1951. In 1985, this work, edited by Isobel White, was published by the National Library of Australia, Canberra (‘Bates, Native Tribes’). Daisy Bates had seen her more ‘popular’ work, The Passing of the Aborigines: A Lifetime Spent Among the Natives of Australia (Murray, London), published in 1938.
  7. In evidence are certain extracts from Daisy Bates’s typed and handwritten material. Her notes are often chaotic. The Cosmo applicant traces links from certain Cosmo claimants back to Tjurada’s brother (see Ch 8).
  8. Bates referred to other ‘tribes’ adjoining the Barduwonga, such as, the Mardia Wonga the Manjinji Wonga and the Ditu Wonga. However, sometimes different names are applied to the same people. For example, Bates twice referred to the Barduwonga as Marduwonga. According to Dr Sackett, in another instance she wrote ‘Barduwonga, Ngooyumburrong or Munjinja wonga’, as alternative names for the same people.
  9. Of the Barduwonga, Daisy Bates’s notes state:
Barduwonga are the southeastern neighbours of the Ngaiawonga and are located in the spinifex country north and northeast of Laverton. ....

principal springs, soaks, etc., on Turada’s father’s country were Mardailga, Yilurn, Yinolu, and Burduradda, all of which were in spinifex country and were permanent waters. The names of 70 other pools and camping places of the Barduwonga were supplied by Turada.’ (my emphasis)

Bates then gave the names and locations, by reference to compass directions, of ‘[t]he tribes adjoining the Barduwonga and with whom they held friendly intercourse’.

  1. In handwriting, Daisy Bates listed ten Aboriginal names under the heading:
Points radiating from Yinolu, Turada’s Tribal Territory’

Following this, she wrote:

points form a semi-circle round the district of the Barduwonga. No names for any western points appear to be known. Communication is held with the tribes in the above directions, but not apparently with tribes to the westward.’ (my emphasis)

Much is sought to be made of this statement by the non-indigenous respondents, who submit that it shows that the western boundary of the WDCB area does not lie west of the present Cosmo Claim area.

  1. The Cosmo Claim area is north-east of Laverton, and some of the sites identified by Daisy Bates are within it, such as Yilurn, which is site 4.2 on the Cosmo Site Map.
  2. The passage quoted suggests that Tjurada showed no interest in, or knowledge of, places to the west of his country. Communication was held with ‘tribes’ north-east, east and south of Laverton, but apparently not west of it. In Daisy Bates’s list of the tribes adjoining the Barduwonga, none lay in a westerly direction but ranged in an arc from north-east to south.
  3. The non-indigenous respondents suggest that the lack of communication between the Barduwonga and people to their west is an early indication that the WDCB may not have extended west of the Barduwonga area, being ‘the spinifex country north and north-east of Laverton’, to quote Bates (see [570] above).

(iii) Professor AP Elkin

  1. Professor A P Elkin’s concept of the ‘Aluridja’ was discussed at 3.6(a)(a) [497].
  2. In November of 1930, Professor Elkin travelled to the Goldfields region and spent nearly three weeks at the Mount Margaret Mission. The visit was spurred by observations he had made during his research in the far south-west of South Australia beginning in February 1930, into the social organisation of the remaining ‘tribes’ of South Australia. His research took him to many Aboriginal camps, including the camp at Ooldea. He discovered that the small local Aboriginal population there had originated from the north, in the direction of the Everard Ranges. From what he was told, he thought it likely that indigenous people were migrating westwards from the far west of South Australia and adjacent parts of Western Australia, and would be found in the Mount Margaret and Laverton district.
  3. Professor Elkin described his research and conclusions in Elkin 1931, ‘Cult Totemism and Mythology in Northern South Australia,’ Oceania, vol 5, no 2, 1934, pp 171-192 (‘Elkin 1934’) and other writings, including Elkin’s book. In ‘Kinship in South Australia,’ Oceania, vol 10, no 3, 1940, pp 295-349 (‘Elkin 1940’), Elkin produced the following map (p 295):

2007_3101.jpg


As can be seen, Professor Elkin placed the MANDJINDJA where Bates had placed the Barduwonga: northeast of Laverton, broadly speaking between Laverton and Warburton. As a result of the explanation Elkin gave of his use of parentheses, Dr Sackett accepts that the name [BARDU] on the map, was not a local alternative for MANDJINDJA.

  1. In Elkin 1931, Professor Elkin concluded that his ‘inferences’ as to migration were correct. He recorded that of more than 200 ‘blacks’ he saw in the Mount Margaret and Laverton district, only one, ‘Melbourne Jack’, belonged to ‘the original local tribe’, all the others having ‘come in from the east and north-east, that is, from about the South Australian border and the Warburton and other ranges’ (Elkin 1931 p 48).
  2. In Elkin’s book, Professor Elkin wrote to a similar effect (p 25):
natives of the Warburton Ranges ... are making in towards the Laverton-Mount Margaret district, taking the place of the local tribes which have almost ceased to exist. In this way, through migration and separation, differences of dialects and social organization arise such as we find characterizing the various groups speaking similar dialects in western South Australia.’ (my emphasis)

In the later fully revised edition of Elkin’s book in the 1970s, the author substituted the words ‘have moved in’ for ‘are making in’, as if to imply that the migration was complete. Accordingly, Professor Elkin was saying, not only that migration had occurred, but that the Aboriginal people from the Warburton Ranges had displaced the previous ‘local tribe’ of the Laverton/Mount Margaret District.

  1. The non-indigenous respondents rely on what Elkin wrote in Elkin 1931 and Elkin’s book, for the proposition that there was migration from the desert in the east, which displaced the original inhabitants and made it impossible to say whether they had been of the WDCB. To express the point differently, the fact that the new arrivals at Mount Margaret and Laverton acknowledged and observed Western Desert laws and customs tells us nothing as to whether those whom they displaced had done so, let alone whether those who were in the area in 1829 had done so.
  2. Pannell/Vachon attack Professor Elkin’s conclusions. They show that, according to his own field notes, which they have subjected to close critical scrutiny, he was incorrect in saying that Melbourne Jack was the last survivor of the Laverton mob left in the Mount Margaret district. A second person they identify is Peter Tindardee (Meredith), father of a Wongatha claimant, Edith Meredith. Dr Brunton accepts that Pannell/Vachon are correct in this respect.
  3. Pannell/Vachon also suggest that since Elkin was present at the Mission at ‘the onset of the Christmas period’ when corroborees were held, ‘possibly’ people had come in from the east for this purpose. Dr Brunton contends that Pannell/Vachon draw too much from this.
  4. Of course, the earlier anthropologists were fallible and no doubt made mistakes. However, it should not be assumed that they overlooked anything they failed to mention. They had the benefit, which the expert witnesses did not have, of having met and spoken to the indigenous people.
  5. Pannell/Vachon gave as one reason for resisting production under subpoena of their own notebooks that others reading their notes would be liable to misunderstand them and be led into error. Yet, Dr Pannell would not agree that a trained anthropologist, Professor Elkin, making his own observations face to face with the Aboriginal people in 1930, would be in a better position to draw inferences and conclusions from what he was told than she was, reading his notebooks 70 years later.
  6. Dr Pannell was cross-examined about an omission from her own field notes, which she was able to explain and on which she elaborated in the witness box. She then agreed with the cross-examiner that the episode showed the danger of trying to draw conclusions simply from an anthropologist’s field notes.
  7. Dr Pannell agreed that she and Mr Vachon, in their report, embraced certain aspects of Professor Elkin’s work and rejected others. It was put to her that the aspects accepted were those consistent with ‘the Wongatha case’ that she wished to present, and that those rejected were inconsistent with it. Dr Pannell disagreed, and gave as an example ‘Elkin’s reference to conception Dreamings or totems’. This would lead one to expect that she was somehow acknowledging that Professor Elkin’s reference to them was inconsistent with the Wongatha claimants’ case. She said that conception Dreamings were not widespread among the claimants. However, when asked if she accepted that there had been a cessation among the Wongatha claimants of traditional belief involving conception totems, she answered:
that there’s some regional variation throughout the Western Desert. And what we find is that, while Elkin identifies some of the key elements of the Western Desert, there are other elements that are practised or not practised.’

Shortly afterwards she said:

Wongatha material seems to be inconsistent with Elkin, but that also can be explained in terms of the kind of regional variation we get through the Western Desert.’

So, Dr Pannell’s reference to conception Dreamings proves not useful in countering the proposition that she accepted favourable aspects and rejected unfavourable aspects of Elkin.

  1. The cross-examiner pressed Dr Pannell as to whether she saw inconsistency between the account of the Wongatha society in the present respect that she and Mr Vachon gave in their report, and Professor Elkin’s conclusions about the existence of conception Dreamings in the Western Desert. She referred to three different meanings of the word ‘inconsistent’. Ultimately, Dr Pannell would only say that there was a ‘difference’ between what Elkin recorded for the Western Desert, and what she and Mr Vachon recorded for the Wongatha claimants in respect of the topic of conception Dreamings or totems.
  2. I have described this part of the cross-examination of Dr Pannell at some length to illustrate a problem I had with her evidence. It seems to be impossible, on her view, ever to find inconsistency or cessation, because the notion of regional variation will always come to the rescue. That is to say, Dr Pannell does not seem to be able to countenance a position in which traditional laws and customs, allowing for any independently proved regional variations, are first defined without reference to the statements and behaviour of the Wongatha claimants, and then the question is asked whether their statements and behaviour are consistent with acknowledgement and observance of those laws and customs.
  3. If Dr Pannell’s position is that it is impossible to know what laws and customs were being acknowledged and observed in the Wongatha Claim area at sovereignty, so be it. That would pose problems of a different kind for the various Claim groups – a failure to discharge the onus of proof in relation to an essential element of their claims.
  4. Professor Elkin recorded that the ‘homes’ of some of the people in the Mount Margaret and Laverton district were 21 camps (or waterholes) away, that is, three weeks’ walking, which he explained might be anything from 250-350 miles. He continued (Elkin 1931 p 49):
kind of country in which they live and travel can be estimated from the fact that one never asks the name of a person’s camp or nura, but of his water, kapi. Man is tied from his birth to his death to the rockholes and soaks, and to the tracks between them, and so too were the heroes of mythology.

few of the natives of Mt. Margaret had any knowledge of English. They belonged to the Mandjindja tribe from the Warburton Range district, and also to some hordes more to the east and south east (Kagara) of the Mission, whose language is almost the same as the dialects met with at Ooldea, namely, the Mula, Wongaii and Ngalia. ...

conversations with natives at Karonie and Ooldea on the return journey [from the Laverton/Mt Margaret district to Ooldea via Karonie] confirmed my inference that as the natives on the fringe of white settlement die out, others from further in come to take their places, and, in time, lose the desire to return to their own comparatively inhospitable desert country.’

  1. Professor Elkin’s field work in 1930 convinced him that depopulation of the north-western corner of South Australia in favour of areas of European settlement was far advanced. He identified the causes as being ‘on the one hand, the low rainfall and poverty of the country, and on the other hand, the comparative attractiveness of life in proximity to white settlement’ (Elkin 1931 p 46). Elkin also stated (Elkin 1939 p 203) that the people of western South Australia ‘have been in a continuous state of migration southwards for some decades; a movement which I believe was in progress before the coming of the white man. This explains the similarities of dialects, kinship systems and mythology over such a vast area, and also the difficulty of fixing definite tribal boundaries and names’. Noticeably, he did not say that he believed that migration to the Laverton/Mount Margaret area had also been in progress before the coming of the Europeans.
  2. Elkin maintained his view in relation to migration, from the writing of Elkin 1931 until the last revised edition of Elkin’s book in the 1970s. Of course, ‘migration’, in the sense in which the word is used by Elkin and later anthropologists, does not signify a systematic relocation of a large number of people at the one time. The relocation referred to is progressive - by families or groups of families over time. What is important is that it was from the desert to the fringes of European settlement, and, at least in some cases, displaced the local Aboriginal population. The migration was, in one sense, permanent. It is true that for a time the people returned to the desert whence they had come, but over time they ceased doing so. The word ‘migration’, so understood, seems to be as appropriate as the expression ‘population shift’ to describe what happened.
  3. Dr Brunton’s view is that Elkin included Laverton and Mount Margaret within his Aluridja group or bloc on the basis of his understanding that virtually all the inhabitants had come from the desert or Spinifex country in the north-east, east and south-east, and replaced nearly all of the original inhabitants.
  4. Dr Sackett shared this understanding of Elkin. Dr Sackett quotes from Elkin 1940 (p 298):
interesting point about these tribes is that for the most part their totemism, mythology, initiation ceremonies, poor material culture and kinship terminology and dialects put them into the western South Australian tribal groups.’

  1. Pannell/Vachon seem to accept that Elkin’s view was that there was substantial migration from the east and north-east into the Laverton-Mount Margaret-Linden-Kalgoorlie districts, and that the migrants had, to a large extent, usurped the place of the existing local Aborigines.
  2. Dr Pannell did not deny that there was ‘a movement from the east to the west [which] did result in some people living in the pastoral mining zone’. However, Pannell/Vachon’s point is, first, that Elkin understates the number of local people who remained, and, second, that he does not allow for the possibility that, in any event, the latter were not distinct from the ‘spinifex’ people ‘in terms of their range of occupation, movement and land-use’.
  3. I agree with both Dr Brunton and Pannell/Vachon: Professor Elkin placed Laverton and Mount Margaret within the area of the WDCB on a post-migration assessment. This does not, however, exclude the possibility that the pre-migration inhabitants were also of the WDCB. If they were, the migration was intra-WDCB.
  4. Working from Elkin’s field notes of his interview of ‘Melbourne Jack’, whom Elkin described as an ‘original occupier’ and as the last survivor of ‘the local Laverton tribes’, Pannell/Vachon conclude that he had much in common with the ‘incoming Aluridja groups’. There is, however, a difference between Pannell/Vachon and Dr Brunton as to the significance to be attached to Melbourne Jack. Citing John Stanton, ‘Old Business, New Owners: Succession and “the Law” on the Fringe of the Western Desert’, in Peterson and Langton (eds), Aborigines, Land and Land Rights (Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra, 1983) p 166, Dr Brunton refers to the fact that visitors to Mount Margaret from the Central Reserves were not resisted, not because they were culturally similar, but because they brought with them new ceremonies (although their tendency to occupy the Mission on an increasingly permanent basis from the 1940s was the source of discontent and even violence expressed by the existing inhabitants).
  5. While Dr Stanton seems to distinguish the ‘Eastern Goldfields’ (he does not define the area but seems to include Mount Margaret and Laverton) from ‘the central Aboriginal Reserve’, he states in ‘The Mt Margaret Community’ in RM and CM Berndt (eds), Aborigines of the West: Their Past and Their Present (University of WA Press, Nedlands, 1979) pp 119-125 (‘Berndts, Aborigines of the West’) (a collection of essays edited by Professor and Dr Berndt), that Mount Margaret is in the area that anthropologists call the Western Desert, and that people there have ‘close, traditionally-based affiliations’ with those living in parts of the Central Reserve (p 124). The title of his 1983 essay (see [598] above) implies that Mount Margaret was ‘on the fringe of the Western Desert’. He there states (p 167) that the reason why the Ngaatjatjarra chose the North Eastern Goldfields as their new home is precisely because of ritual links, kin based bonds, and shared totemic affiliations. I do not think that Stanton can be cited to support the idea that Mount Margaret was not within the area of the WDCB. If anything, he tends to support the view that it was.
  6. Dr Brunton acknowledges one particular trait of Melbourne Jack that may be of substance, namely, that he had a ‘dream or conception totem’. Dr Brunton states that while dream totems and conception totems were widespread in Aboriginal Australia, Elkin indicated that the conjunction of the two (a person being represented in dreams by his or her conception totem rather than say a local group totem) was found in the Great Victoria Desert. But as Pannell/Vachon themselves observe in relation to Professor Tindale’s delineation of the ‘Wa:lyen tribe’, ‘there is great potential for error when making large inferences from ... small (and ambiguous) linguistic and personal data’.
  7. Dr Brunton concludes:
least on the basis of the evidence they [Pannell/Vachon] have presented from Elkin’s fieldnotes, it is drawing a long bow to state that the indigenous people of the Goldfields should be seen as part of his [Professor Elkin’s] “Aluridja group”. Indeed, irrespective of whether his model of migration is correct or not, Elkin himself does not seem to have regarded the people identified with country from the Laverton area and to the west as part of this [Aluridja] group.’

In referring to ‘the indigenous people of the Goldfields’, Dr Brunton is referring to the pre-migration indigenous people.

(iv) Professor Tindale

  1. Pannell/Vachon observe:
with nearly every other region of Australia, the land and indigenous people connected to what is now the Wongatha claim area came under the scrutiny of Norman Tindale and the various colleagues with whom he conducted field research over several decades.’
  1. Pannell/Vachon give the following summary of Professor Tindale’s work: Professor Tindale was with the South Australian Museum. Throughout his career, he made numerous trips to various regions in the Claim area. In 1934 (and again in 1951) he made a trip to Ooldea, the site of Daisy Bates’s old camp, a stop on Professor Elkin’s survey in 1930, and the site of Professor RM and Dr CH Berndt’s initial research in 1941 (see below at [622]). In 1935 he researched in the Warburton Ranges, where the missionaries from Mount Margaret had recently established a ration station. In 1939, he led the first of the joint Harvard and Adelaide Universities anthropological expeditions, in the course of which he and his close associate Joseph Birdsell spent over two weeks interviewing Aboriginal people at the Mount Margaret Mission, Laverton and Kalgoorlie. In 1951, Tindale made a second trip to Ooldea, again to work with Western Desert people. In 1952-4, his associates, Joseph Birdsell and EP Epling, collected ethnographic details in the Goldfields. In 1965 Tindale made a brief trip to Yalata in South Australia, and in the following year he spent a further eight days in the Goldfields with his colleague, John Greenway, collecting ethnographic data.
  2. Many of Professor Tindale’s papers and journals are held in the Tindale Collection in the South Australian Museum, Adelaide. His work Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes, was noted at 2.3(a) [160] above.
  3. Although Pannell/Vachon state that Professor Tindale ‘strove to produce as comprehensive a record as possible of local cultural traits and practices’ of Australian Aborigines, the focus of his work appears to have been on ‘tribal’ classifications and territories throughout the continent, rather than on the distinguishing cultural features of tribes or groups of tribes. With his research team, he collected archaeological data; objects of stone and wood; body measurements and other anthropomorphic details; word lists and other linguistic data; information on the collection, preparation and names of bush foods; and details of myths and ritual and other practices. Pannell/Vachon note:
amassed an enormous amount of genealogical material, far exceeding what was required to determine the local structure of kinship terms (his “social frameworks”) and formal marriage rules. Throughout Australia, he recorded the details of thousands of Aboriginal people. He assigned each with a unique identification number and took their photographs.’

  1. Professor Tindale’s emphasis on ‘the tribe’ has fallen into disfavour, although anthropologists continue to use the term. Tindale said that he first became aware of the importance of ‘tribes’ in his work on Groote Eylandte and in adjacent areas of Arnhem Land. The criticism that is made of Tindale is that he assumed that the tribal model to which he was introduced there was transferable to all parts of Australia, the only difference being that in some areas people were semi sedentary and had small tribal areas, whereas in the deserts they travelled extensively and had large tribal areas. Moreover, for Tindale, tribes were more than simply territorial units: he saw them as being also social, cultural and political entities.
  2. Dr Pannell accepted that many of Tindale’s informants in the 1930s would have been able to provide him with first hand accounts of what had been occurring in the region at the turn of the century. In Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes, Professor Tindale stated (p 144) that in 1939 in Laverton, he and Birdsell saw many of the Ngadadjara, who had moved to the Warburton Ranges and down to Mount Margaret and Laverton.
  3. In a map that Tindale drew in 1940, he showed the present Wongatha Claim area as comprising parts of large tribal territories of the Tjalkadjara, the Pini, the Nan:a, the Nangatadjara, the Mandjindja, the Murunitja, the Tjeraridja:l, the Wa:ljen, the Ko:ara, the Ngurlu, and the Maduwongga:

2007_3102.jpg


In a second map, the one included in Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes, the position was essentially the same as on his first map of 1940.

  1. Although the notion of tribal organisation and tribal territorial boundaries is no longer accepted by anthropologists in respect of Western Desert Aboriginal people, Professor Tindale’s work in the Goldfields in the 1930s, including his recording of Aboriginal genealogical information, remains important.
  2. Professor Tindale stated on one of his genealogies that people came into Burtville from the eastern Spinifex country when Burtville became a gold rush town, and on another genealogy, that he was told that the Maduwongga came from the Spinifex country east of their ‘present location’. These events would have occurred in the middle to latter half of the 1890s or the early years of the twentieth century (pp 83–84). Dr Pannell accepted that Professor Tindale would have based his statements as to where Aboriginal people had come from on what he was told by the Aboriginal people in the 1930s.
  3. Professor Tindale’s statements again show, at least, that the post-migration position cannot be relied on as establishing that the areas mentioned were within the WDCB prior to migration, let alone at sovereignty.
  4. In Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes, Professor Tindale wrote (p 144):
the 1940 map a tribe by the name of Wongaii was shown as occupying the country north of the Nullarbor Plain. Better acquaintance with them has shown that they object to the term as applied to themselves and prefer the name Pindiini which appears on the present map.’

At p 255, Tindale wrote:

name Pindiini was first heard at Ooldea in 1934; its definitive character was only learned after 1940 when some men objected to the term Wonggai. According to the Pitjandjara, who name them (‘Wonggai:’ wati), the term has the implication of “thievery”.

However, Dr Pannell said that Pindinni, as noted at [554] above, was the name of a place on Yundamindra Station. David McDonald and Constable Dodd knew of ‘Pindinni’ in the Goldfields area, decades prior to 1934. As noted at [555], David McDonald said that ‘Pindinnie’ meant ‘flat country’, and was the ‘home ground’ of the tribe called ‘Wongi’ and ‘Pindinnie’. Thus, from both the early Goldfields resident, Mr McDonald, and from Professor Tindale writing of the position as at 1934, there seems to have been a relationship of some kind between the ‘Wonggai’ or ‘Wongi’ (I am assuming they are the same word) and the ‘Pindinni’ (or ‘Pindiini’ or ‘Pindinnie’). Perhaps there were ‘flat countries’ called ‘Pindinni’ elsewhere than on Yundamindra Station, and even ‘north of the Nullarbor Plain’. No one has suggested that Mr McDonald’s ‘Wongi’ at Pindinni on Yundamindra Station migrated south-east to ‘north of the Nullarbor Plain’.

  1. In the same book, Professor Tindale referred to the ‘Koara’ as a group that occupied an area ‘[f]rom Morgans and Leonora west to Mount Ida, Lake Barlee, and Sandstone ...’.
  2. Pannell/Vachon state that they examined all of Tindale’s genealogical material thoroughly, and found that his 1939 genealogies show that they contain ‘many Aboriginal people associated with named places throughout the [Wongatha] claim area’. They state that ‘[t]he only exception is the country roughly west of a line running through Menzies and Lake Darlot [the Menzies-Lake Darlot line] - the area of Tindale’s Ngurlu and Koara tribes’. Pannell/Vachon state of the people on Tindale’s genealogies:
of these Aboriginal people are known to the claimants and most of them are their relatives and forebears. There are many correspondences between Tindale’s findings and information received from the claimants.’

  1. Dr Brunton agrees with two criticisms made by Pannell/Vachon of Tindale. First, he agrees that the system by which indigenous people occupied the land in the Wongatha Claim area was not tribal. Second, he agrees that Tindale may not have been justified in portraying the indigenous migration that occurred as uni-directional, at least by not acknowledging the possibility of return trips to the original country, of the kind indicated by Professor Elkin. However, he agrees with Tindale that with European settlement came a westward movement. Dr Brunton states of the Pannell/Vachon criticisms of Tindale:
in themselves, such criticisms do not necessarily mean that groups or collections of individuals which held the “core rights” to country in particular parts of the claim area did not become extinct, or alternatively, that their relationships to their country and to other Aborigines were not seriously or calamitously disrupted. Nor does accepting that an account of migration might be unduly simplistic necessarily imply that the net effect of a complex series of movements over the years could not result in a situation that ends up looking something like a “uni-directional migration”.’
  1. In relation to Tindale’s genealogies, Dr Brunton first notes that Pannell/Vachon’s exception of the area west of the Menzies-Lake Darlot line is consistent with thinking that the people associated with that western section of the Wongatha Claim area ‘had effectively disappeared, if not through death, then as a consequence of migration’.
  2. Dr Brunton analyses Tindale’s genealogies associated with the area west of Burtville, and concludes that ‘very few of the already small number of individuals associated with the area west of Laverton’s longitude seem to have maintained links that might be thought of as ongoing or traditional with this area’.
  3. Pannell/Vachon respond in their supplementary report. They point out that Tindale ‘confined his recording of genealogies in the Wongatha Claim Area to Mt Margaret Mission’, with the result that they are not comprehensive. Second, they point out that Tindale and his colleague, Epling, recorded further genealogical connection information in the period 1952–4 and in 1996, which, they say, Dr Brunton appears to have ignored. Third, they assert that Dr Brunton does not explain what he means by ‘links’ that ‘he regards as “ongoing or traditional with this area”’. Fourth, they say that Tindale’s genealogies provide limited information on the laws and customs of the individuals featured in them. Fifth, they say that they provide a limited temporal and spatial view.
  4. Dr Brunton responds in his supplementary report. He gives additional information about Larry Robertson, who supposedly told Tindale that all the Kookynie people had died out and that he spoke a different language from the Burtville people. Given how people express their dialectal differences, I do not find this persuasive in the absence of other evidence. And even if Larry Robertson was correct in saying that he was the last of the Kookynie people, he has descendants who are Wongatha claimants.
  5. Tindale states (Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes p 256) that the Pini and the Tjalkadjara ‘speak allied dialects of the Western Desert type’. At p 257, under ‘Tjalkadjara’, Tindale says that these people were driven north-westward to Darlot after 1900 by pressure from the Nangatadjara. Tindale also says (p 252) that the Ngurlu were overwhelmed after 1890 by a westward movement of Waljen and Nangatadjara.
  6. I think it necessary to attempt to take a broad view, as follows:
    1. I accept that a significant number of ancestors of the GLSC claimants can be found on Tindale’s genealogies as having associations of one kind or another with places within the Wongatha Claim area;
    2. I do not think that this is inconsistent with a general post-settlement migration from the desert in the north, north-east and east into the Wongatha Claim area following European settlement beginning in, say, the 1890s;
    3. There is an anthropological blank west of the Menzies–Lake Darlot line;
    4. Although for a time migrants returned to the desert, the return trips petered out, so that, on a long term view, the migration was uni-directional, in the sense of ‘out of the desert to the centres of settlement’ (I leave out of account the small numbers of Aboriginal people who have, in the last two to three decades, established communities as part of the so called ‘homelands movement’ or ‘outstation movement’.)
    5. As a result of the migration, there was a significant displacement of various local Aboriginal people in and after the 1890s, or at least an overwhelming of them by people who had arrived from the desert, accompanied by the culture of the latter, that makes it difficult, if not impossible, to see the position as recorded by Tindale as necessarily bearing any similarity to the position prior to European settlement, let alone, the position in 1829.
    6. The immediately preceding paragraph does not, however, conclude the question whether the displaced local Aboriginal people had been people of the WDCB: it leaves the question open.

(v) Professor Berndt

  1. Professor Ronald M Berndt was Professor of Anthropology at the University of Western Australia. Throughout his life, he maintained an interest in the Aboriginal people of the Western Desert. His contact with Aboriginal people in the Goldfields was largely confined to two surveys (1957 and 1959). However, he had researched with his colleague and wife, Dr Catherine H Berndt, among Elkin’s Aluridja at Ooldea siding in 1941.
  2. Berndt’s two surveys were carried out 18-20 years after Tindale’s second visit to the Laverton-Mount Margaret area. Like Elkin, he rejected Tindale’s model of tribal groups occupying discrete areas. Rather, he held that there were no strict boundaries, that movement was relatively frequent, and that what existed was ‘the Western Desert cultural bloc’.
  3. Professor Berndt identified the Western Desert for present purposes in the following terms (Berndt 1959 p 84):
region in question extends eastward from Kalgoorlie, Laverton and Leonora as far as Oodnadatta; and south from the central mountainous core (including the Everard, Musgrave, Mann, Tomkinson, Petermann, Warburton and Rawlinson Ranges) to the Trans-continental Railway Line, including Lake Phillipson, Ooldea, Cundeelee and so on. This part has been called the Great Victoria Desert. In addition there is a further stretch extending from the Rawlinsons north-west past Lakes Gregory, Nabberu and Carnegie to Wiluna, and to Jigalong near the Great Northern Highway, and bounded on the north (beyond the Canning Stock Route) by the southern and eastern Kimberleys. For convenience, I am labelling these two areas A and B respectively. However, while the population of the greater part of this whole region could be referred to broadly in terms of a “culture bloc”, divergences stand out more sharply on the western side of area B. Linguistic and possibly other cultural differences become more obtrusive, for example in the Wiluna-Lake Disappointment-Jigalong zone.’ (my emphasis)

  1. According to this passage, ‘Kalgoorlie, Laverton and Leonora’ are at the western edge of Professor Berndt’s ‘area A’, either just inside or just outside, depending on what Professor Berndt meant by ‘from’. However, at p 86, Professor Berndt referred to his description of ‘Leonora, Laverton and the Warburtons’ as having relation to the position in 1957, and this reference to them may suggest that he regarded them as being within area A. The article referred to Cosmo as falling within area A. In footnote 51 on p 93, Professor Berndt referred to Mulga Queen and Wiluna as being ‘fringe areas’ where ‘differences ... became more apparent’. He also referred to Leonora as ‘possibly’ a fringe area. The fringe area status of the places mentioned is consistent with a progressive ‘fading out’ beginning at the Berndt line (see [630] below) a little east of Laverton.
  2. Professor Berndt’s reference to the ‘Trans-continental Railway Line’ perhaps also suggests a southern boundary extending across to Kalgoorlie. In the context of the Railway Line, he mentions Cundeelee (Coonana, right on the line, would have been more appropriate), but not Kalgoorlie. However, as appears in the passage set out above, he had already mentioned Kalgoorlie, and when he said ‘Ooldea, Cundeelee and so on’, it is on the cards that he meant ‘and so on to Kalgoorlie’.
  3. At pp 86–87 of Berndt 1959, Professor Berndt referred to a ‘“tribal” map’ which he and his wife had published in 1942. He included a simplified version of it in Berndt 1959, showing ‘only those groups which can more or less definitely be said to belong to the Western Desert cultural bloc’ (p 86), and he listed them. They included Ngalia, Mandjindji [Mandjindja] and Wongaii. I will not reproduce that map (‘Map 1’ in Berndt 1959), but note that the word WONGAII appears on it about half way between Laverton and the Western Australia/South Australia border, and almost due north of Rawlinna. The eastern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area is also almost due north of Rawlinna. A further group, the MURNIDJA, appears between the WONGAII and Kalgoorlie, near Cundeelee. The placing of the ‘Wongaii’ at the very eastern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area, cannot be regarded as associating as at that time whoever this Wongaii group was with the present Wongatha Claim group, or with the entire Wongatha Claim area. On the other hand, it places those people squarely within the WDCB.
  4. Professor Berndt stated that in 1957, the western section of ‘this region’ could be clearly marked out in accordance with a second map (‘Map 2’ in Berndt 1959) in his article which is as follows:

2007_3103.jpg

  1. Professor Berndt acknowledged that some names that had appeared on Map 1 did not re-appear on Map 2, while some additional names did. “WONGAII” is an example. He said that, with the inclusion of two further names (Madjilijuwa and Mandjilu), the names set out in Map 1 and Map 2 east of a certain line drawn on Map 2 probably included all ‘groups’ which rightly belonged to the WDCB. However, he added that it was:
possible to draw a hard and fast boundary between them and those to the west, although each of the following [was] said to be linguistically “different” [ie, different from those within the WDCB]: Go:ara [the Koara of Tindale], Go:la, Nara, Djuban [Tjupan; cf the Wutha Claim group], Wanudjara, Wiljara, Badu, Madu [the Mardo of Tindale, a reference to Tindale of 1940, but Tindale’s 1974 map in Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes, does not include the Mardo, and appears to call the same people by an alternative name, the Wirdinja], Biniridjara.’

  1. In a passage which attracted much debate among the anthropologists who testified, Professor Berndt continued (at 89):
the two maps [Map 1 and Map 2] included here no territorial boundaries are given, since in a number of cases the noting of location is more or less arbitrary. This will be obvious when, for instance, these maps are compared with those given by Elkin and Tindale. Inconsistencies and lack of correspondence are quite noticeable, even though there is some measure of agreement as regards general positioning. This is because (a) each name is associated with a constellation of groups which are, or were, territorially based; (b) members of these groups are leaving their traditional anchorages and moving across to others, or have been halted in the process; (c) local groups using such names, in converging on points of “white” settlement, are forcing those in their way to move; they become estranged from their traditional territories, and may or may not establish new bonds with others; (d) where such groups have become dispersed through alien impact, as is the case with the whole area west of the possible cultural and linguistic break, the location of these names represents the position as remembered, not the current “reality”. The actual positioning, then, is inexact, although based on native information. In any case, members of these named units have been in the habit of moving fairly freely across the Western Desert within area A, a little further west than the line shown on Map 2. It is possible that such movements occurred prior to European contact; but most certainly, as already noted, constant shifts have taken place since. [Professor Berndt then referred to Professor Elkin’s observations made in Elkin 1931 of particular population shifts that had occurred].(my emphasis)

Professor Berndt indicated his ‘possible cultural and linguistic break’ on Map 2 by the heavy line there shown (‘the Berndt line’). As can be seen, it begins east of Laverton and Mount Margaret, travels north, with Cosmo to the east of it, then veers east in an arc, before resuming its northerly direction.

  1. There has been much debate before me as to whether the Berndt line represents what Professor Berndt conceived of as the western boundary of the WDCB. If it does, it is further east than ‘Kalgoorlie, Laverton and Leonora’ ‘from’ which, it will be recalled, he had said the Western Desert extended eastward. Of the Claim areas, only the Cosmo Claim area, part of the Wongatha Claim area, and part of the Wongatha/MN overlap are east of the Berndt line. Dr Sackett agreed that although the Berndt line appears as a hard line on his Map 2, Professor Berndt’s position was that it was not possible confidently to draw a hard line representing the westernmost extremity of the WDCB. I agree. I will address this question after noting further passages from Berndt 1959.
  2. At 93, Professor Berndt noted:
further demonstration, we can say: (1) that an area may be distinguished linguistically, as embracing the whole Western Desert to the dividing line set out on Map 2 [the Berndt line]; the possibility of pushing this line further west must await further data.’

In a footnote to the word ‘linguistically’ in this passage, Professor Berndt noted:

could be said, speaking broadly, to be culturally and socially homogeneous [citing AP Elkin and RM and CH Berndt]. Some use was made of Ooldea material in the 1957 University of W.A. survey of the western sector, to see how far it was broadly applicable: with certain modifications and elaborations ..., it could be said to be relevant for the whole region: differences, however, became more apparent in fringe areas like Mulga Queen and Wiluna and possibly at Leonora.’

Professor Berndt thus considered that the area east of the Berndt line was ‘linguistically’ and ‘culturally and socially’ homogeneous, but that west of it differences became more apparent.

  1. At pp 90–92, Professor Berndt discussed the group units known by the various names which he had listed, expressing agreement with Professor Elkin that they were not tribes; that there were no strict boundaries; that movements were relatively frequent; and that ‘what we are faced with is, rather, a cultural and social bloc’, which, he said, Elkin had referred to as the ‘Aluridja’ or the ‘Aluridja community of Western South Australia’. Professor Berndt discussed linguistic information he obtained from indigenous camps at Giles (Rawlinson Range), the Warburton Range Mission, Laverton, Mulga Queen, Mount Margaret, Leonora and Wiluna, in respect of each of which he listed the names of groups there represented. Of these camps, he said, ‘These settlements should not be thought of as entirely static; their inhabitants have retained a fair degree of mobility’ (p 91). Professor Berndt stated (92):
names used for those people to the western side of the dividing line, because we have not enough linguistic and cultural material concerning them (and it is doubtful that this could now be obtained in sufficient detail to be really satisfactory), it seems that these [the group names] have little more than linguistic significance. Certain words, however (in slightly varying forms), do appear to be quite frequently used as labels to distinguish one speech community from another. That is to say, there is relative consistency; not just any word is used to point to this classification, but the selection is made within a particular range. This infers the recognition of a common language, with dialectal variation. In other words, we might legitimately assume that there is a common awareness of belonging to a cultural and linguistic unit, over and above the smaller groups signified by these names, even though the actual span of that wider unit is not specified.’ (my emphasis)

  1. Professor Berndt also noted (p 86, fn 21) that, apart from isolated movements on an individual basis:
north-eastern people were drifting into Laverton as far back as 1890–1900, into Ooldea and on to the Transcontinental Line by about 1916, and into the station country between Ernabella and Oodnadatta by about 1919.’

  1. The GLSC applicants have suggested that population shifts may have been part of the Western Desert before sovereignty. In fact, the anthropologists agreed that long distance movement resulting in permanent alteration in one’s range may have occurred in the Wongatha Claim area before sovereignty. The question, however, is whether, pursuant to pre-sovereignty laws and customs, the post-sovereignty, and, in particular, post-settlement population shifts to areas of European settlement that definitely did occur, gave rise to rights and interests in the land or waters to which those shifts occurred.
  2. The post-settlement migration was heavily influenced by European settlement. The attractions of food, water and rations, and later jobs, money, medical services, education and shelter, progressively, and to varying degrees at different times and places, drew people from the desert. This migration was not ‘traditional’ and was not an adaptation of traditional migration.
  3. Let it be assumed that there was a pre-sovereignty rule of the WDCB society according to which migration arising from drought could lead to the migrants’ having rights and interests in an area to which they migrated. I am not satisfied that that rule has anything to say about migration to areas of European settlement, heavily influenced by the attractions just mentioned, even though drought and other inhospitable features of the land from which the people came may also have been a factor.
  4. The dispute as to the significance of the Berndt line directs attention, first, to what its creator said. Professor Berndt said of it:

(a) ‘local groups’ to the west of it had (by the time of his writing in the late 1950s) become ‘dispersed through alien impact’;

(b) the location of names to the west of the line represented ‘the position as remembered, not the current [late 1950s] “reality”’; and

(c) it marked a ‘possible cultural and linguistic break’.

  1. There are uncertainties touching Professor Berndt’s meaning. First, it is not clear, whether, when he spoke of the dispersal of the local groups west of the Berndt line, he was referring to (i) groups that were present there before contact, or (ii) groups that came there from the desert in the east, or (iii) both. All that Professor Berndt clearly stated is that dispersal had occurred west of that line, by the time of his writing in the late 1950s.
  2. A second source of uncertainty is Professor Berndt’s reference to ‘alien impact’. Did he mean European impact or alien Aboriginal impact from the desert?
  3. A third source of uncertainty is the obvious one in his reference to a ‘possible cultural and linguistic break’ (my emphasis).
  4. Professor Berndt stated in footnote 46 (p 92):
cultural and social traits from the east – i.e., from the Western Desert bloc properly – are gradually being superimposed in these areas; [a reference to the area west of the Berndt line]; what appears to be similar to –day, then, may not have been so before the establishment of European settlement.’

  1. This footnote suggests that Professor Berndt, writing in 1959, saw migration as in the process of moving the western boundary of the WDCB westwards to Laverton and Mount Margaret, whereas at sovereignty it would have been further east. For present purposes, he is cautioning: we must not assume that Western Desert cultural features observable today were present as far west prior to the post-settlement migration.
  2. Professor Berndt is also saying that by the late 1950s, the time of his two surveys in the Goldfields, two things had happened west of the Berndt line: first, the culture from the WDCB ‘proper’ in the east had been gradually superimposing itself on the existing Aboriginal culture; and, second, the superimposed WDCB culture itself had been yielding to the dominant European culture of European settlement. Apparently, Professor Berndt considered that the WDCB did not intrude at all west of Kalgoorlie, Leonora and Laverton. No party has suggested that it did not extend at least as far west as the Berndt line. I regard the intervening area as ‘mixed’ or ‘blended’ or ‘fringe’. I accept that this view can be questioned: for example, on Berndt’s Map 2, he has the MANDJILU and MANDJILIJUA west of the line, but seems to state that they ‘rightly belong to the Western Desert bloc’ (p 87). The question arises, however, whether they had moved to those places from locations hundreds of kilometers to the east following European settlement, or were already there.
  3. Professor Berndt was writing of the position in the late 1950s. His work does not enable me to determine with any confidence, the westernmost extent of the WDCB at sovereignty, when the influence of European settlement was a thing of the future.
  4. It is convenient to note here that Professor Berndt produced two other maps of present relevance. He produced a map captioned ‘Patterns of Local and Social Organisation in WA’ in Neil Jarvis (ed), Western Australia: An Atlas of Human Endeavour (2nd ed, Dept of Lands and Surveys/Education Dept of WA, Perth, 1986). This map was based on Tindale’s map of ‘tribal’ territories. It did not bear European place names. According to this map, the ‘Walyen’ are to the east of the western boundary of the WDCB, but the Goara (Koara), Ngurlu and Maduwongga areas are west of it. According to the map, it appears that Laverton and Mount Margaret would be barely within the WDCB, while Leonora, Menzies and Darlot would be outside it. The anthropologists who testified agreed that caution should be exercised in relying on Tindale’s map, and I presume that the warning has some application to this map based on it.
  5. The other map produced by Dr Berndt comes from an essay written by him, ‘Traditional Aboriginal Life in Western Australia: As It Was and Is’, in Berndts Aborigines of the West (p 6), and is as follows:

2007_3104.jpg

  1. As can be seen, again Laverton and Mount Margaret are barely inside the ‘Western Desert Culture and Dialectal Units’ area, and Leonora and Kalgoorlie are barely outside it. Professor Maddock concluded in relation to this map:
the map was intended to show the situation prevailing at the time [apparently 1979], it should not be taken uncritically as a guide to pre-contact divisions. It does suggest, however, that the [Wongatha] claim area is at the southwestern extreme of the Western Desert and that it is so located as to have been (at least on its western and southern sides) marginal between Western Desert and some other culture.’ (my emphasis)

  1. In the text accompanying this map, Berndt refers (p 7) to ‘Wonggai’ as being ‘a very general label for people of the southern section of the Western Desert’. He places the label ‘WONGGAI’ largely south-west of the boundary, and in fact largely on the present Maduwongga Claim area.
  2. According to Professor Maddock, Berndts, Aborigines of the West divided the State of Western Australia into Aboriginal ‘cultural zones’. Those of present relevance are the ‘South-West’ and the ‘Eastern Goldfields’. Professor Maddock noted that according to Professor Berndt, ‘the more easterly of his South-West tribes ... had features of social organisation “similar to the Western Desert type” (pp 83-4)’, which suggested to Professor Maddock that ‘one zone faded into another’.
  3. Some groups Professor Berndt placed west of his ‘possible cultural and linguistic break’ (Berndt 1959 p 89) (my emphasis) seem to have been acknowledged by him and other anthropologists to belong to the WDCB, but whether their ancestors were there in 1829 or at any other time before European settlement, no one knows. I accept that the Berndt line marks no more than what its author claimed for it: a possible cultural and linguistic break as of the late 1950s. I do not accept, as Professor Berndt did not, that it is a bright line western boundary of the WDCB.

(vi) Professor Robert Tonkinson

  1. Professor Robert Tonkinson is an anthropologist who recently retired from the University of Western Australia, having lectured there from the 1960s. He conducted fieldwork in the Jigalong area with the Martu (Mardu) people. (I will refer to him as ‘Professor’ although, when he wrote the work with which we are concerned, Dr Tonkinson had not been appointed to the Chair in Anthropology at the University of Western Australia). One of his areas of specialisation is the people of the Western Desert. Dr Pannell said that Professor Tonkinson worked for almost 40 years with Western Desert people, including those who had had little or no contact with Europeans. He is the author of two books, the editor of others, and the author of several influential papers. Much of his published writing arose out of his work with the Western Desert people.
  2. Professor Tonkinson researched in the 1960s at what was then a Protestant Mission station at Jigalong (in the Western Desert, but well north of the Wongatha Claim area). Between April 1963 and February 1970, he made six trips to the settlement, spending from two weeks to six months each time. In addition, between 1963 and 1969, he made five brief trips into Western Desert areas as an interpreter-adviser for the Western Australian Native Welfare Department.
  3. In Tonkinson, The Jigalong Mob, Tonkinson stated (pp 23-24) concerning the migration of desert Aborigines:
the early years of this century [twentieth century], small outposts – pastoral stations, mining settlements, rail heads, and missions – were founded along the desert periphery. Subsequently, these settlements attracted groups of Aboriginal immigrants from the desert. This outward movement continued until the present time when only a handful of Aborigines remain in the interior away from contact with whites. ...

moving into settlements for the first time usually had no intention of remaining there permanently, and certainly had no conception of the longterm consequences of their action. ... In the early stages, only those local Aborigines who had lost control of their home territory congregated around the settlements as indigents or casual laborers [sic]. Aborigines from further afield began to visit, but they initially only stayed long enough to see their relatives and obtain food until rains brought about fresh plant growth in their home areas. Many seemed content to continue this sporadic pattern of contact indefinitely; it enabled them to maintain their independence yet allowed them to obtain useful material goods which they had come to value.

poor seasons, visiting groups prolonged their stay in the settlements. As they became more accustomed to the contact milieu, they were less inclined to return to the more arduous desert life, until finally they found themselves unwilling to make the break and return to their home territories. As the desert population dwindled, the number of Aborigines remaining eventually became too small for the proper enactment of rituals – especially initiations – and for the continuance of customary marriage arrangements. For many Aborigines, though, it was perhaps the combination of severe droughts and an increasing desire for tea, sugar, and other Western goods that led them eventually to become permanent fringe dwellers.

the settlements, the immigrants were usually assured of a supply of foreign foods and goods in exchange for doing odd jobs such as woodchopping and laundry work. Many Aboriginal men were trained as ranch-hands and became skilled workers, while some women became cooks and domestics.’

  1. Dr Pannell was cross-examined with reference to this passage. She was asked whether it was her understanding from reading Professor Tonkinson and other anthropologists to whom she was referred, that that thrust of their views was ‘that there had been migration out of the arid interior of the Western Desert towards the fringes of white settlement’, and she replied: ‘That seems to be the view he’s expressing there.’ She was asked whether it was a consistent theme that appeared throughout the anthropologists from Elkin to Tonkinson, that ‘the deserts have been depopulated as people have left their traditional territories, because of drought, but also because of the attraction of Western settlements’, and she responded ‘That seems to be one of the themes they’re expressing, yes.’
  2. Dr Pannell did refer to one qualification: the ‘homelands movement’ or ‘outstation movement’ of recent decades, a reference to the fact that there are people who have established communities in the desert. She gave as an example, the ‘Punmu’ community out from Jigalong.
  3. Dr Pannell’s reluctance to accept the obvious is unfortunate. The passage from Tonkinson, The Jigalong Mob set out above should be accepted without hesitation as reflective of anthropological and historical orthodoxy.

(vii) Dr John Stanton

  1. John Stanton conducted the main part of his doctoral research at Mount Margaret Mission in the period June 1974 to March 1976. He obtained his doctorate in 1984 and published articles on the ‘Mount Margaret Community’.
  2. Dr Stanton held a view consistent with the general theme of migration from the Central Desert area westward to the Mount Margaret Mission/township. In his unpublished PhD thesis, ‘Conflict, Change and Stability at Mt Margaret: An Aboriginal Community in Transition’, Uni of WA, 1984, he set out a map (pp 51-52) of the ‘Western Desert region’ showing, by arrows, numerous population shifts that had occurred. The map was adapted from the map in Tonkinson, The Jigalong Mob (p 14).
  3. Pannell/Vachon state:
is apparent from Stanton’s material that the Aboriginal population at Mt Margaret in the late 1970s consisted almost entirely of people from the Central Reserves area. Thus, much of Stanton’s writing applies to these people and not necessarily to the Wongatha claimants who formerly resided at and around the Mission. As Stanton points out, “(i)n December 1979 the remaining leader of the ‘old Mob’ left Mt Margaret” [citing JE Stanton, Old business, new owners: succession and “the law” on the fringe of the Western Desert, Aborigines, land and land rights, eds N Peterson and M Langton, Canberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, 1983, pp 160-171, at, 171]. From our research, we believe this “leader” to be either Reggie Johnson (deceased) or [RM], both antecedents of a number of Wongatha claimants ... .’

  1. Dr Brunton makes the point that it is not clear that Dr Stanton was referring to the pre-settlement position, and that Dr Stanton does not give the south-western boundaries of the WDCB.
  2. The treatment of Dr Stanton’s unpublished PhD thesis affords a further illustration of a pattern that has characterised the expert anthropological evidence in the case. Pannell/Vachon attack Stanton’s ‘seriously flawed’ conclusions on migration, saying that he should have ‘interrogat[ed]’ some of the findings and conclusions of the earlier anthropologists, Bates, Elkin and Tindale, by reference, in particular, to their field notes. They readily adopt, however, his description of the Aboriginal people at Mount Margaret and the region around the Mission as part of the WDCB. Dr Brunton, on the other hand, seeks to modify the effect of the latter position taken by Dr Stanton, while leaving his conclusions on migration untouched. The different positions taken by Pannell/Vachon and Dr Brunton reflect the different interests of the parties who retained them.

(viii) Dr W Christensen

  1. In ‘The Wangkayi Way: Tradition and Change in a Reserve Setting’, PhD thesis, Uni of WA, 1981, Dr Christensen included a map of the Western Desert region, also adapted from that of Dr Tonkinson, which included Leonora and Mount Margaret just inside south-western boundary of the Western Desert region.

(ix) David Horton

  1. In the Encyclopaedia of Aboriginal Australia, vol 1 (Aboriginal Studies Press, Canberra, 1994) general editor David Horton, the following map of the ‘Desert Region’ appears on p 274:

2007_3105.jpg


The map includes Central Australian groups that are not, on any reckoning, part of the WDCB, although, according to Dr Brunton, the western portion of the map appears to represent the editors’ view of the groups which should be included in the WDCB. Dr Brunton states: ‘both the “Kuwarra” [Koara], said to have traditionally occupied the Yeelirrie-Leonora area, and the “Wangkathaa” [Wongatha], said to have occupied the area “around Kalgoorlie and the WA goldfields” are included in this region’. The Encyclopaedia states that the boundaries are not intended to be exact and describes them as ‘inevitably a little fuzzy’. According to the map, it would appear that the whole of the Wongatha Claim is within the ‘Desert Region’.


(x) Phillip Toyne and Daniel Vachon

  1. In Toyne and Vachon, the authors state (p 7), perhaps relying on Berndt 1959, that the cultural influence of the desert’s people extended ‘eastward from Kalgoorlie, Laverton and Leonora’. They referred (p 25) to the ‘trend towards a more sedentary life’ as being ‘the result of five phases of migration away from peoples’ homeland’. At p 26, they identified the second of the five phases as having occurred, apparently in the late 1920s, and ‘involved Ngaanyatjara speakers of the Warburton Ranges and others living in the Gibson Desert of Western Australia resulting in settlement at Laverton, Mount Margaret, Kalgoorlie and Wiluna’.
  2. While thus addressing migration, Toyne and Vachon do not deal with the question of the western boundary of the WDCB.

(xi) Dr Lee Sackett

  1. In his doctoral thesis of June 1975, ‘The Wiluna Mob: Kinship and Marriage in a Changing Cultural Context’, Univ of Oregon, pp 5–6, based on research that he carried out at Wiluna (north of the Wongatha Claim area), Dr Sackett also accepted that desert Aborigines migrated to the settlements and towns, initially not intending to stay, but ultimately doing so rather than returning to the harsh desert.
  2. In cross examination, he said that Western Desert people moved into Wiluna, where the ‘original inhabitants’, the Bardu, had either died out or moved west to such towns as Mount Magnet and Cue. He agreed that the people at Wiluna with whom he spoke in the 1970s acknowledged that Wiluna had not been their traditional country. He agreed that there had been ‘widespread movement in the desert’. He said that there had been some movement in both directions, rather than a one-way flow, but that in the case of Wiluna, it had been a one-way flow (although he said that this conclusion was based on a small time frame). Dr Sackett said that the original inhabitants of Wiluna had not returned, but that they ‘were Western Desert marginal, to begin with’. By ‘Western Desert marginal’ he meant that from the work of Professor Berndt, who was at Wiluna in the 1950s, and his own work there in the 1970s, it was ‘unclear’ whether the original inhabitants were of the Western Desert, although a reading of Daisy Bates suggested that they had ‘a lot of the same laws and customs as Western Desert people’.
  3. Dr Sackett said that when he did his research at Wiluna in the 1970s, the older people there had come from the north and north-east. He agreed that many Western Desert people have by now moved away from their countries. However, he said that as part of the ‘outstation’ or ‘homeland’ movement, which, he agreed, had been going on for about the last 30 years, some have now returned to live in communities proximate to their countries. He referred to the communities at Patjarr, Tjirrkarli and Kanpa (all outside the Wongatha Claim area).

(4) Geographical extent/migration - the anthropological testimony

  1. The anthropological writings discussed above were not written for the purpose of this litigation. It remains for me to refer to both the anthropological and indigenous testimony.
  2. The anthropologists who gave evidence, relied upon the writings of the earlier anthropologists, on historical and other ethnographic information, and on what the indigenous witnesses have said. The indigenous witnesses, while they could give some evidence relevant to migration, were not able to assist in relation to the issue of the western boundary of the WDCB as an anthropological construct. They could give evidence of the acknowledgment and observance of laws and customs which an anthropologist may be able to say are those of people of the WDCB, and not of people to the west of it. In fact, however, an evidentiary gap in the case has been the general lack of evidence that different laws and customs were acknowledged and observed by Aboriginal people to the west of the WDCB area. This, of course, is associated with the problematic location of the western boundary of the WDCB.
  3. Pannell/Vachon, in their supplementary report, after referring to anthropologists Berndt, Christensen, Horton, Tonkinson and Stanton, say that the literature appears to support the view that most, if not all, of the Wongatha Claim area is within the Western Desert. It is common ground that at least the eastern half is, but the questions are, first, whether the remainder to the west is, and, second, where the western boundary of the WDCB was at the time of sovereignty. Pannell/Vachon seize on the fact that the late Professor Kenneth Maddock, the anthropologist retained by the State, observed in his report:
the descriptions of the Western Desert by Berndt and Tonkinson it is clear that the [Wongatha] claim area is in the southwest of it [the Western Desert]. There is some evidence, however, that the claim area may abut or (if that is not too strong a word) shade into a different cultural region.’
emphasis)
  1. Pannell/Vachon draw too much from the first words emphasised by me in this passage. Professor Maddock was noting, in very general terms, what he understood to be the effect of the Berndt and Tonkinson descriptions, then sounding a cautionary note. Pannell/Vachon imply that the words ‘in the southwest of it’ signify an opinion of Professor Maddock that the Wongatha Claim area lies within the WDCB area. But ‘shading’ is all important, as I think Pannell/Vachon may agree (they note that there is little agreement between anthropologists as to the south western boundary of the WDCB). I see no inconsistency between Professor Maddock’s statement and the proposition that the westernmost part, less than one half, of the Wongatha Claim area, was not WDCB strictly so called, but included, as from the Berndt line, a mixture of WDCB and other cultural characteristics, with the WDCB characteristics having disappeared by the Menzies-Lake Darlot line.
  2. Dr Pannell agreed, if reluctantly, that it has been a common theme in the writings of the anthropologists from Elkin to Tonkinson, that ‘the deserts have been depopulated as people have left their traditional territories, not only because of drought, but also because of the attraction of western settlements’. However, in their principal report, Pannell/Vachon seem to challenge this view. I say ‘seem to challenge’, because they concede that there was some migration, but would assess its impact as less than has been stated by others, and, in particular, contend that the pre-existing Aboriginal population in the mining and pastoral zone survived the impact of it. They say that the evidence ‘strongly suggests that the Aboriginal occupiers of what became the mining and pastoral zone of the claim area survived contact’, explaining:
did not migrate permanently out of the claim area, and instead continued to subsist by applying their own technologies as well as devising novel strategies that incorporated Europeans and their goods. Their numbers were not enhanced significantly by groups of Aborigines permanently shifting their pattern of occupation, movement and land-use from either within or outside of the claim area to the north and east, at least not until about 1911.’
  1. The 1911 date is based on reports of population increases in the historical record. Pannell/Vachon note that as far as they can ascertain, the Annual Report by Laverton police in 1912 is the first report of a large influx.
  2. There are two ideas expressed in the passage quoted above. The first sentence states that the pre-settlement occupants of the mining and pastoral zone continued living there after settlement. The second sentence states that it was not until after 1911 that there was a significant influx into that zone of people from the north and east, whether from within or outside the Wongatha Claim area.
  3. Dr Brunton says that the indications from Elkin and Berndt and perhaps Daisy Bates, are that while there are good grounds for thinking that the people east of Laverton were of the WDCB, there are strong grounds for doubting that those west of it were. He concludes:
do not consider that Pannell and Vachon are justified in saying that there was a single Aboriginal society, or a single body of laws and customs which covered the whole of the Wongatha claim area in traditional times.’

I agree with this view, but the question is where to draw the line.

  1. It should be remembered that Mr Vachon and Dr Brunton (and Dr Sackett and Mr Barber) participated in the anthropologists’ conference and in the resulting joint report, which stated ‘that the Western and South Western boundaries of the Western Desert are not definable based on the historical ethnographic sources.’ Similarly, Dr Brunton said that he did not think it possible for any anthropologist to specify hard and fast boundaries for the WDCB. He said that Daisy Bates’s Karatjibbin people to the west seemed to differ in few respects from the people of the WDCB. He also said that the attempts by anthropologists who have tried to delineate boundaries remain ‘equivocal’, and that perhaps the most that can be said is that not all of the Wongatha Claim area is within the area of the WDCB. I think this is a fair assessment. However, below, I venture to be a little more precise.
  2. In both his report and his oral testimony, Dr McDonald said, in conformity with the earlier anthropologists already discussed, that from the time of the first gold rush in the Eastern Goldfields, Aboriginal people moved there from the interior desert country, and ‘replaced the original inhabitants who had been decimated by the European influx’. He understood that this put him at odds with Pannell/Vachon. Dr McDonald was asked in cross-examination how, if as he stated in his supplementary report, the Maduwongga social system had undergone greater changes than had other Aboriginal people in the region, ‘the Maduwongga could survive within almost the precise borders identified by Dr [sic-Professor] Tindale’. He replied that while populations were disseminated, not all of the Aboriginal people ceased to exist, and that his clients, the Maduwongga claimants, assert that, so far as they know, they are ‘the only remaining Maduwongga people’.
  3. I will address the Maduwongga Claim in Ch 9. I treat Dr McDonald’s reference to ‘replaced’ as signifying ‘substantially replaced’ or ‘almost entirely replaced’ or ‘numerically overwhelmed’.
  4. Dr Sackett described it as an ‘undeniable fact’ that the Aboriginal people came from the desert to the first points of European settlement, at that stage not intending to stay, but as time went on, finding themselves becoming sedentary and in fact staying. He accepted that the initial causes may have been drought, curiosity (‘going to see the bright lights’), and the fact that the population of the desert around them was draining away.
  5. In their supplementary report, Pannell/Vachon say that Professor Berndt makes two key points with regard to the Berndt line: first, that groups west of it exhibit a degree of linguistic variation when compared with the groups east of it; and, second, that Berndt did not have sufficient linguistic and cultural data for the groups west of the line to make any further conclusive statement. They correctly point out that according to Berndt 1959, the Mandjilu belong to the WDCB, yet on Map 2 they are shown as being west of the Berndt line. Moreover, they state that on his Map 1, Professor Berndt showed the Wongaii as ‘more or less definitely’ belonging to the WDCB. The reference is to the appearance of the word ‘WONGAII’ above Rawlinna on Berndt’s Map 1 discussed earlier.
  6. In their primary report Pannell/Vachon state:
recorded little ethnographic information in the far western claim area, ie west of a line running through Lake Darlot and Menzies...’

They conducted no field trips in that area. They reported:

have examined all of Tindale’s genealogical material thoroughly and have found that his 1939 genealogies show that there are many Aboriginal people associated with named places throughout the [Wongatha] claim area. The only exception is the country roughly west of a line running through Menzies and Lake Darlot – the area of Tindale’s Ngurlu and Koara Tribes.’

  1. The only other reference by Pannell/Vachon to the section of the Wongatha Claim area west of their Menzies-Lake Darlot line is where they refer to the explorer John Forrest having encountered on 31 May 1869 ‘“certainly not less than 100” natives engaged in a corroboree’. Forrest recorded the place as about 120º 10’ longitude and 29º latitude. That point is virtually right on the western boundary of the Wongatha Claim area, perhaps five kilometres outside it, near Perinvale Outcamp. Forrest does not record anything from which we can say whether the people he saw exhibited Western Desert cultural features.
  2. Dr Pannell said that she had inadequate material on which to express an opinion that the WDCB extended further west than her Menzies-Lake Darlot line. She agreed that she would have preferred to have recorded far more ethnographic information in the far west of the Wongatha Claim area in order to be able to express a view.
  3. It will be noted that we have three ‘lines’ to consider. Moving from east to west they are: the Berndt line; Professor Berndt’s reference in Berndt 1959 to Kalgoorlie, Leonora and Laverton; and the Menzies-Lake Darlot line.
  4. The anthropologists called by the GLSC applicants attempted to extend the western boundary of the WDCB further west on the basis that Tjukurr tracks within the Wongatha Claim area continue out of it to the west. Kim Barber, the anthropologist called by the Koara and Wutha applicants, made such an attempt. (The Koara and Wutha Claim areas seem to be entirely or almost entirely west of the Berndt line, and Professor Berndt said that the ‘Go:ara’ were ‘said to be’ linguistically different from Aborigines to the east of the Berndt line: Berndt 1959 pp 87-89).
  5. In my view, the attempt fails because the evidence is that Aboriginal groups all over Australia acknowledge the Dreaming (whether by the name Tjukurrpa or otherwise) (see Toyne and Vachon p 8). The Wati Kutjarra and Seven Sisters stories, for example, extend beyond the Western Desert. Professor Berndt identified eleven main Dreaming tracks that criss-cross the Western Desert, mostly, though not invariably, following the known permanent and impermanent waterhole routes (Berndt 1959 p 97). Pannell/Vachon rely on the fact that some of these travel west of the Menzies-Lake Darlot line, to suggest that the western boundary of the WDCB lies somewhere west of that line. They state that four of Berndt’s eleven main Dreaming tracks are found in the Wongatha Claim area. They also state:
fact that some tracks extend outside of the Western Desert could have contributed to friendly relations with other people, such as the Arrente. In the region of the claim area, at least one Western Desert track “comes from” the west and north-west, and two of them cross the Nullarbor towards the Southern Ocean.’
  1. The evidence does not establish that there is a suite of distinctively Western Desert Dreaming tracks, the presence of which, west of the Menzies-Lake Darlot line, would establish that the Western boundary of the WDCB lies west of that line.
  2. Dr Lee Sackett stated that while Berndt may be correct when he observed, ‘it is not possible to draw a hard and fast boundary’ between groups that rightly belong to the WDCB and those to the west, nonetheless the Berndt line runs longitudinally between Cosmo and Laverton, putting Cosmo east of that line. As discussed earlier, Dr Sackett also reminds us that Daisy Bates’s informant, Tjurada, led her to conclude that while there was communication between his people and people to the north-east, east and south-east, apparently there was none with people to the west. Even on the basis of the Berndt line, Cosmo is within the area of the WDCB.
  3. Dr Sackett said that Wiluna, where he researched for his PhD degree in the 1970s, was ‘on the margins’ of the WDCB, and one of the problematic areas that Berndt 1959 referred to. Importantly, he agreed that it had been inhabited by people called the ‘Bardu’ or ‘Barduwonga’, but that by the time he went there, Western Desert people or people with Western Desert characteristics had moved in. He said that he has returned to Wiluna from time to time over the years, and, based on his not having encountered the Bardu people, concludes that they remain absent. Wiluna, however, is north-west of Lake Darlot, and therefore of the Menzies-Lake Darlot line. Dr Sackett’s evidence in the present respect says nothing about the whereabouts of the western boundary of the WDCB at sovereignty and in relation to the Wongatha Claim area. It is, however, an illustration of the possibility of migration from the desert in the east displacing a local population.
  4. Dr McDonald included in his primary report the following map captioned ‘The Western Desert Language Area’, which he attributed to P Everard, C Goddard, and AC Kalotas, Punu: Yankunytjatjara Plant Use (Institute for Aboriginal Development Press, Alice Springs, 1985):

2007_3106.jpg

Dr McDonald initially said that the Wongatha Claim area was within the area of the WDCB, but later conceded that it was possible that the limit of the WDCB had moved westwards to include the Wongatha Claim area as a result of migration of Western Desert people from the east to areas of European settlement. He pointed out, however, that Daisy Bates had concluded in 1907-8 that Aboriginal people ‘somewhere south and east [sic – west] of’ Coolgardie/Kalgoorlie where she was at the time were different from those she identified in the Eastern Goldfields. She said that the people she encountered in Coolgardie/Kalgoorlie were part of her ‘Central Areas Nation’ group, and were ‘similar to the Western Desert in tradition and culture’. Dr McDonald said that it seems that Western Desert culture was already expanding to the west at the time Bates was in the area. It will be recalled that gold had been discovered in Coolgardie and then Kalgoorlie some fifteen years earlier.
Indigenous testimony

  1. Annexures F4 (f)-(i) to the GLSC submissions were a series of maps purporting to reflect the connections between the members of the four GLSC Claim groups and ‘country’, by identifying places of birth or growing up of claimants and their ancestors. On that map, very few places are identified west of a line running from Kalgoorlie north through Menzies to Leonora, and then north-east to Laverton and on to Cosmo. There are so few places of birth and growing up noted at all on the other maps (which purport to show places of birth and growing up for the MN, Koara, and Wutha claimants), that is difficult to know what to make of those Annexures. Notwithstanding the reference to ‘claimants’ in the captions, the maps do not appear to show the places of birth and growing up of all claimants, or even of all witnesses.
  2. Perhaps the most that can be said is that, generally speaking (the Koara map being the exception), the maps contain few notations west of a Menzies-Lake Darlot line.
  3. The evidence of many indigenous witnesses in relation to the geographical provenance of their ancestors, supports the notion of migration from the east, north-east and north of the Wongatha Claim area: see, for example, May O’Brien, Janice Scott, Thelma O’Loughlin, and Cyril Barnes. Many more examples could be given, including claimants from Claim groups other than the Wongatha Claim group, some of whom migrated from such places as Wongawal, Carnegie, Mangkili, Tjintjira, and Tjirrkarli, to the north and north-east, including ancestors of MN, Koara and Wutha claimants.
  4. There was some indigenous evidence of a cultural demarcation at Laverton. Garry Sullivan, a Wongatha claimant, said that his father’s country was on the western side of Laverton, being Kookynie, Morgans, Murrin, Linden, Edjudina, Pinjin, Menzies and Leonora. He said that the mob on his father’s side break the legs of a kangaroo, but those on the Laverton side do not. Celia Sullivan, another Wongatha claimant, the wife of the Ngaanyatjarra man, Jackie McLean, also said that to the east of Laverton, the legs are not broken, whereas to the west of it, they are. Thus, she said that if her husband cooks a kangaroo, he does not break the legs, but if she cooks it, she does. This difference in relation to the breaking of the legs of the kangaroo may suggest a cultural division generally in conformity with the Berndt line.
  5. Ralph Ashwin, a Wutha claimant, testified that the country of his mother, Sarah Ashwin Brown, a Badimaya woman, used to extend ‘from Sandstone right back to Leonora, down to Menzies, and back to Sandstone again’. He later referred to the Badimaya as a separate tribe and language with its own Native Title claims. This testimony raises the possibility that the area west of Menzies and Leonora is non-WDCB, and is consistent with a Menzies-Lake Darlot boundary. He said that Badimaya country ‘used to stretch right to Laverton, years ago ... [t]ill they got pushed back’. He said that they were pushed back by ‘the Warrmala people’. This evidence suggests that anything west of Laverton was once non-WDCB, and would generally conform to the Berndt line.
  6. None of Ralph Ashwin’s siblings said anything about Badimaya country, or about their mother’s country once extending to Laverton, or about her country being Badimaya country, although they seem to think that she was a Badimaya person. Except for a reference to Chain of Waterholes, her country seems to have been all west of the Goldfields Highway. Other sources identify the area that Ralph Ashwin described, as Koara or Ngurlu. The Badimaya Claim is around the Mount Magnet area, a long way west of Leonora. Ralph Ashwin also refers to ‘east of Leonora’ as some kind of boundary ‘for other Wangkayi’. He said that he spoke to Dolly Walker and her husband Peter Muir about setting up a community to the east of Leonora, but said that their response was ‘our mob won’t go and live on the east side of Leonora’. I am not sure that this is evidence of a WDCB/non WDCB boundary. Dolly Walker, incidentally, is an MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant, not a Wutha claimant.

(5) Conclusions on geographical extent/migration

  1. Obviously, any boundary of a vast area where nomadic or semi-nomadic people who had cultural features in common live or lived, will not be sharply defined, at least not in a situation, such as the Western Desert, where stark geographic divisions are absent.
  2. Migration from the central desert is a consistent theme of the Western Desert researchers, including Professors Elkin, Tindale, Berndt and Tonkinson, and their observations were based on information provided by Aboriginal people who had first-hand knowledge of the initial impact of European settlement. Professor Elkin, for example, worked in the Goldfields in 1930 – only forty years after European settlement in the area. He would have spoken to indigenous people who had experienced the initial impact of the European presence. He remained of the view throughout his career that there had been a population shift from the Warburton Ranges into the Laverton/Mount Margaret district. Professor Berndt made generally similar observations based on his interviews in 1957 and 1959 of Aboriginal men and women living in settlements on the fringes of the Western Desert, saying that very few of them had returned to their ‘countries’ for even a brief visit: Berndt 1959 p 101. Professor Tonkinson also concluded that there was an increasingly permanent relocation from the desert to communities, even though the original intention may not have been to stay there permanently: Tonkinson, The Jigalong Mob pp 23-24.
  3. I accept that there has been a post-settlement migration from the desert to the fringes of European settlement, with, over time, a numerical dominance or overwhelming, if not a total displacement, of the local population. But where was the western ‘boundary’ of the WDCB at sovereignty? I do not know. No one does. As already noted, Pannell/Vachon could not express an opinion on the area west of the Menzies-Lake Darlot line, given the lack of ethnographic and anthropological material. Professor Berndt seems to have accepted that the original people in the Laverton/Mount Margaret district were non-Western Desert (see [642]-[643] above). However, he does not elaborate, and there are other indications, with various degrees of precision, to which I have referred above, that the WDCB extended to such places as Kalgoorlie, Menzies, Leonora and Lake Darlot.
  4. I find that at sovereignty the culture of the WDCB extended to the Berndt line, and then faded out gradually west of it in a zone that came to an end at the Menzies-Lake Darlot line.
  5. In relation to the migration/displacement issue, I do not think that there was a total displacement or forcing out of the existing population, although I accept that the people who migrated from the desert came to outnumber greatly the local people. The measure seems to be appropriately indicated by the words ‘overwhelm’ or ‘dominate’. The precise cause does not matter. What matters is that over time, the families and small groups who came out of the desert and congregated on the fringes of European settlements, came to overwhelm or dominate the local population.
  6. Further, to the extent that the migration was intra-Western Desert, I am not satisfied that under traditional laws and customs, those from the desert acquired rights and interests in the new locales. The reason is that whatever traditional laws and customs may have provided in relation to the acquisition of rights and interests by migration in the area to which intra-Western Desert migration occurred, the choice of the fringes of European settlement was not traditional. It might be different if it could be proved that if the Europeans had never come, the same migration would have occurred, that is to say, that drought or other pre-European causes would have brought about the migration that occurred. However, no attempt was made to establish that this was the case, and perhaps it would be impossible to establish it. The evidence that European activities, townships and settlements had a strong drawing power is incontrovertible.
  7. The Wongatha and other applicants have not established on the balance of probabilities that at sovereignty the western boundary of the WDCB was further west than the Menzies-Lake Darlot line. Any Claim that seeks a determination in respect of any part of the Wongatha Claim area west of that line fails to that extent. I do not think that the evidence of Professor Veth is inconsistent with these conclusions (see 3.5(c) [469] ff).

(c) Characteristics of the WDCB

  1. Unfortunately, the parties’ submissions on this topic were confusing because they addressed matters outside the topic and were poorly structured. They have therefore not been as helpful as they should have been.
  2. In particular, the submissions frequently drifted into questions of whether the claimants still acknowledge and observe Western Desert laws and customs. This question should have been left to Chs 4–10 where the individual Claims are dealt with. Another problem has been that some submissions have begun by adopting a structure dealing, anthropologist by anthropologist, with the anthropological writings on the WDCB, but have then departed from it. For example, under the ‘Professor Elkin’ heading, the State deals with the writings of Berndt on topics addressed by Elkin.
  3. I have found it necessary to adopt my own structure. Consistently with the present chapter’s concern with ‘general issues pertaining to all claims’, I will confine the discussion accordingly, avoiding issues of current acknowledgment and observance.
  4. My structure is as follows:
    1. Is the WDCB a single society with regional variations or does it consist of regional societies with cultural similarities?
    2. Laws, customs, beliefs and practices of the WDCB
    3. Traditional groupings within the WDCB
    4. The aggregation or pooling of ‘my country’ areas in the present case
    5. General issues relating to acknowledgment and observance.

(1) Is the WDCB a single society with regional variations or does it consist of regional societies with cultural similarities?


General

  1. By using of the term ‘culture bloc’ or ‘cultural and social bloc’, Professor Berndt, intended to point to cultural similarities among groups of the Western Desert, while emphasising that they did not possess the features said by anthropologists to be those of ‘tribes’ occupying discrete territories. Similarly, Professor Tonkinson refers to the Western Desert ‘culture area’ in The Mardu Aborigines: Living the Dream in Australia’s Desert (2nd ed, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Fort Worth, 1991) (‘Tonkinson, The Mardu Aborigines’), explaining it (p 35) as follows:
Western Desert people speak mutually intelligible dialects of the same language....
Desert forms of social organisation are basically similar, too, and in the structure and operation of the kinship systems and marriage rules, the range of variation is not great. ... Significantly, it is in the realm of the religious life that the most striking continuities exist throughout the desert. For many millennia, the diffusion of religious and other lore among constituent groups, sometimes even beyond the culture area, has ensured the retention of homogenous sociocultural forms. Most of the major rituals performed by the Mardu are also part of the ritual life of groups elsewhere in the desert and show remarkable similarities in structure over time and space.’
  1. Tonkinson noted (ibid) that the way of life, like the desert climate and landforms, exhibited ‘more homogeneity than contrast’, without complete uniformity. It seems to be accepted, as the Cosmo applicant submits that, despite the homogeneity, ‘many ethnographers have noted the high incidence of regional variation in various laws and customs’.
  2. No serious attempt was made, however, to identify those variations that apply in the area within which the Wongatha Claim area falls, or in any particular part of that area, against which current acknowledgment and observance by the Claim groups can be assessed.
  3. Pannell/Vachon have frequently referred to ‘societies’ (in the plural) within the Western Desert. Is the WDCB a single society with regional variations, or does it comprise different regional societies? I have had difficulty at times in being sure that I understood the position taken by Pannell/Vachon (and Dr Sackett) on the single society/multiple societies issue.
  4. It is clear that the Claims are formulated, in the light of De Rose, as based on a single WDCB society. It is not clear to me, however, that, absent De Rose, the anthropologists are comfortable with this notion, and do not prefer a model of regional societies with cultural similarities, as the language ‘cultural bloc’ might more naturally suggest.
  5. The issue of regional variation within the WDCB assumed importance when a particular law, custom or practice was shown not to be acknowledged or observed. Dr Pannell, in particular, would respond by suggesting that this did not necessarily demonstrate a cessation of acknowledgment and observance, but rather demonstrated a regional variation. One illustration concerned ‘conception’ or ‘Dream’ totems (see 3.6(c)(2) [779] ff below). As already discussed at 3.6(a)(b) [585], Dr Pannell acknowledged that Professor Elkin had suggested that this was an element of the Western Desert, and she said: ‘it’s not a law and custom that we found was widely prevalent among the claimants.’ However, as also noted, when asked whether she accepted, then, that there had been a loss of that traditional practice or belief among the Wongatha claimants, Dr Pannell replied:
there’s some regional variation throughout the Western Desert. And what we find is that, while Elkin identifies some of the key elements of the Western Desert, there are other elements that are practised or not practised ... The Wongatha material seems to be inconsistent with Elkin, but that can also be explained in terms of the kind of regional variation we get through the Western Desert.’

  1. According to this approach, it is never possible to demonstrate cessation of acknowledgment or observance, because it is not possible to come up with a satisfactory account of the body of system of laws and customs that operated in the Wongatha Claim area at sovereignty.
  2. It is the claimants, however, who bear the onus of proving that they continue to acknowledge and observe pre-sovereignty laws and customs, subject to any permissible adaptations. Each Claim group must prove:
    1. the content of the applicable pre-sovereignty laws and customs, allowing for any proved pre-sovereignty regional variations;
    2. any modern adaptations permissible under (1);
    3. that the Claim group, on a fair overall assessment, continues to acknowledge and observe (1) subject to (2).

The Cosmo Claim and Dr Sackett

  1. The Cosmo applicant submits that under WDCB laws and customs, in order to acquire rights and interests in land, or at least ‘front row’ rights and interests, one must reside on and care for the land. The other Claim groups do not propound this requirement
  2. It was not suggested, and I am not satisfied, that in 1829 there was a regional variation in WDCB laws and customs as between the Cosmo Claim area and the rest of the Wongatha Claim area. It is not a criticism of the Cosmo Claim group, but I think that the true explanation for the Cosmo Claim group’s insistence on the ‘residence and caring’ requirement may be found in the recent events. Those recent events must be recounted in these reasons because they provide the background to the sharp division that exists between the Cosmo and Wongatha Claim groups.
  3. In 1989 there was strife between the Murrays and the Sullivans (Cosmo and Wongatha claimants, respectively) in relation to the Wongatha Wonganarra Aboriginal organisation at Laverton. Various members of the Murray family were employed there and at the Mount Margaret Aboriginal Community. Apparently some of them lived at each place. Two of the Murrays were employed as general manager and store manager at Wongatha Wonganarra.
  4. The Murrays understood that the Sullivans were intent on removing the family member who was general manager of Wongatha Wonganarra from that position. They decided to leave Laverton and Mount Margaret, and to move to Cosmo to live. No one was living there at the time.
  5. Two members of the family moved there with their belongings on 3 December 1989. Shortly afterwards, other members of the Murray and Westlake families followed, and an Aboriginal Community was re-established at Cosmo. We can therefore date the beginning of the present Cosmo Aboriginal Community as ‘1989/1990’.
  6. It is a question whether the Murray and Westlake families would have relocated to Cosmo but for the bitterness between the Murrays and the Sullivans at Laverton in 1989.
  7. As noted at 2.5 [200], the Cosmo Claim was made in response to the three claims there mentioned, all of which were later combined with others to form the present Wongatha Claim.
  8. In and since 1989/1990, the Cosmo claimants have constituted the Cosmo Aboriginal Community and have resided there. The Cosmo community seems to be well run, perhaps due largely to the managerial ability of the Cosmo applicant, Harvey Murray. In my opinion, it has been easy for the Cosmo claimants to convince themselves that residence on country is an essential element in the holding of rights and interests: it excludes their only overlapping competitor, the Wongatha Claim group (in fact the position is not so straightforward, because the Cosmo claimants themselves have not always resided there, while Wongatha claimants, Mervyn Sullivan and Rhys Winter, reside there).
  9. Dr Sackett said that there were similarities between the laws, customs, rights and interests that he reported on in relation to the Cosmo Claim, and those reported on by Pannell/Vachon in relation to the Wongatha Claim, although he said that there were differences. Like Pannell/Vachon, however, he said that there were multiple pathways of connection by which an individual might have rights and interest in country, and that there were similarities as to the sorts of pathways that are recognised.
  10. Dr Sackett was asked whether the Cosmo claimants could not properly be said to form a ‘society’ with at least some members of the Wongatha Claim group, namely, those resident in and around Laverton. He answered only that while it was true that the Cosmo people did have social interaction with some of the Wongatha claimants (and some of the MN claimants), they also had social interaction with Ngaanyatjarra and other people. Asked whether his position was that it was an open question as to what society (other than the broad WDCB) the Cosmo Claim group was a part of, Dr Sackett said:
I think they’re much more finely honed than that, but it just seems to me the society that they’re part of is not the Wongatha society as it’s been described. It includes part of that, but others, as well.’

A longer passage from the transcript is set out at 3.6(d) [999] below.

  1. Dr Sackett’s evidence seems to be to the effect that the Cosmo Claim group is part of a sub-society of the WDCB society, that is ‘more finely honed’ than the latter is; that that sub-society is ‘not the Wongatha society’; and that it includes, apparently, all the members of the Cosmo Claim group, some Wongatha claimants, and some other people. I do not have a clear understanding of what Dr Sackett or any other anthropologist who used the expression ‘the Wongatha society’ meant by it.
  2. Dr Sackett was cross-examined in an effort to show that the Cosmo Claim group is not a separate group from the Wongatha Claim group, or that, if it is, its members share rights and interests with Wongatha claimants. He agreed with Mr Walker, counsel for the Wongatha applicants, that Cosmo claimants Nowie Westlake, Frances Murray and Estelle Ross, had ‘worked extensively and for many years on stations in the Wongatha Claim area’, and that the Cosmo applicant, Harvey Murray, had ‘long connections with Wongatha Wonganarra in Laverton and with Mount Margaret’. Dr Sackett agreed that there was ‘overlap’ and pointed out that the people named also had ‘inner links to the Warburton area, to the Westlakes [at Warburton], marriage links, family’. He agreed, however, that in terms of numbers, the Cosmo claimants have fewer links to ‘people like the Westlakes’, than they have to members of the Wongatha Claim group.

Pannell/Vachon

  1. In their supplementary report, Pannell/Vachon complain that throughout his report, Dr Brunton misrepresents them on the single society/multiple societies issue:
Brunton misquotes Pannell and Vachon as stating that there is a single Aboriginal society, or a single body of laws and customs observed and acknowledged by people occupying an enormous region in the arid zone of Western and Southern Australia. Dr Brunton confuses Pannell and Vachon’s summary of Elkin’s findings to this effect, with their own observations about the nature of Western Desert laws and customs.’

At this point, Pannell/Vachon seek to distinguish between Elkin’s concept of the WDCB and their own concept of it. They state:

are “common”, “similar” and “shared” laws and customs acknowledged by the Wongatha claimants and other Western Desert Aboriginal people (...). Contrary to Dr Brunton’s assertions, Pannell and Vachon point to instances of heterogeneity and local variation noted within the Western Desert, for example, the practice of cicatrisation, the use of section systems, and forms of dream totemism.’

It is true, consistent with this passage, that in their primary report, Pannell/Vachon had stated: ‘Notwithstanding the social and cultural unity of the Aluridja, Elkin notes some local variations in the section system and forms of dream totemism.’ A statement at that level of generality, however, leaves unanswered the question: What was the body of WDCB laws and customs that was acknowledged and observed in the Wongatha Claim area at sovereignty?

  1. In their supplementary report, Pannell/Vachon say that at no time in their primary report did they explicitly state, as Dr Brunton suggests, that ‘the indigenous system by which the claimants and their forebears occupied the claim area is located on ... [the level of the ‘Aluridja’ or] the Western Desert cultural bloc’. This is a surprising statement because, whether they did or did not state this, the fact is that the case advanced by all the Claim groups is that they have group rights and interests under the laws and customs of the WDCB society – a single society. The statement suggests that Pannell/Vachon disown the basis of the Wongatha Claim, and, indeed, of all the Claims before the Court.
  2. Dr Brunton had attributed that statement to pp 163-164 of the Pannell/Vachon primary report, but Pannell/Vachon say that their propositions are more complex. They draw attention to the fact that at those pages, they argue the inappropriateness of Tindale’s tribal model in the Western Desert (Dr Brunton agrees with them as to its inappropriateness), and state that their argument is that ‘the indigenous system by which the claimants and their forebears occupied the claim area is located on another level’ that has been variously referred to by anthropologists as ‘the Aluridja’, ‘the Great Western Desert’ and the WDCB. At this point, Pannell/Vachon seem to embrace the WDCB society’s laws and customs as the source of any rights and interests of the Wongatha claimants.
  3. The State submits that the WDCB is an anthropological construct, not an indigenous one, and that regional variation among the various Western Desert communities indicates that they do not share the same system of laws and customs. A related submission made by the State is that the WDCB is not a normative system (see 3.6(d) below).
  4. Pannell/Vachon state:
our report, we clearly state that the [WDCB] is an anthropological construct, however, we concur with and emphasise the sentiment of Berndt’s observation that “there is a common awareness of belonging to a cultural and linguistic unit, over and above the smaller groups...” .’

In oral evidence, Dr Pannell distinguished between a rigidly structured society with hereditary officers like chiefs, and what we have in the Western Desert. She stated of the Western Desert:

society didn’t seem to have those sort of public rigid structures that are hierarchically organised in that respect. So we approached this material in terms of it being a cultural system and not just predicated on social structures per se in that line of structural functionalism.

we looked at this system as a cultural system of, as I’ve said many times before, of particular concepts and constructs that were integral and key to the system, and we identified that one of the key symbols to this system, key constructs, was the concept of Tjukurr or Dreaming.’
  1. In sum, the anthropological evidence as to regional variations and sub-societies within the WDCB was generally unsatisfactory. Far from satisfying (1) in [717] above, it did not go beyond acknowledging regional variation in general, and did not attempt to identify any particular regional variations, with a view to my inferring that they existed in 1829.
  2. It may be that some or all of the requirements which are listed at [717] are no longer susceptible of proof in a case, such as the present one, in which various factors combine to make it difficult to prove the body of laws and customs that were acknowledged and observed in the Wongatha Claim area in 1829. Yet the NTA, as explained in Yorta Yorta HCA, requires that they be proved.

Indigenous testimony

  1. Indigenous witnesses testified in relation to rules and practices which are in fact also those of people at places outside the Wongatha Claim area, and which are considered by anthropologists to be part of the Western Desert. This testimony included references to places such as Wiluna, Jigalong, Warburton, Coonana, Cundeelee, Tjuntjuntjarra, Blackstone, Alice Springs and Ooldea.

Conclusion

  1. With considerable doubt, in light of the evidence before me, I proceed on the basis that the WDCB is, and was at sovereignty, a ‘society’ in the sense described in Yorta Yorta HCA at [49] – ‘a body of persons united in and by its acknowledgment and observance of a body of law and customs’. This leaves outstanding, however, the following questions:
    1. What were the distinguishing laws, customs, beliefs and practices features of the WDCB?
    2. Was the WDCB a normative system (as distinct from simply common practices and behaviours dictated by the harsh, arid environment of the Western Desert)?

The first question is addressed next, and the second later at 3.6(d).

(2) Laws, customs, beliefs and practices of the WDCB

  1. It is necessary to identify the body of laws and customs of the WDCB, in order that the inquiry whether a Claim group continues to acknowledge and observe that body of laws and customs can be pursued.
  2. I begin with anthropological writings (excluding the reports prepared for this case).

(i) Professor AP Elkin

  1. In Elkin 1931 at p 64, Professor Elkin said that the tribes of his ‘Western Group’ (or ‘Western Group of South Australian tribes’ or ‘Aluridja’) were characterised by a number of common features which linked them together and marked them off from his ‘Eastern’ or ‘Lakes’ Group.
  2. Professor Elkin listed the ‘common features’ of this Western Group as follows:
absence of dual organisation.
kinship system.variety of local totemism, in which a person’s totem is determined by his place of birth.mythological theme.totemism.beliefs.pattern of cicatrization which marks the fully initiated man.’
  1. The various Claim groups have adopted their own lists, although they cover broadly the same range. The GLSC list was set out at [372] and the Cosmo and Maduwongga lists appear in Chs 8 and 9, respectively. The most comprehensive list is that of groups 5B/5F. This does not necessarily signify, however, that Groups 5B/5F addressed more features than other parties did; it may indicate only that its categories were smaller and more specific.
  2. I will address, in turn, the features that Professor Elkin listed.

1. ‘The absence of dual organisation’

  1. ‘Dual organisation’ refers to ‘moiety divisions’. Since it is not suggested that any Claim group possesses this feature, I will say nothing further of it.

2. ‘The kinship system’

  1. Professor Elkin addressed the Western Group’s kinship system at some length in Elkin 1931. A kinship system has been defined as the ‘system of relationships traditionally accepted by a particular culture and the rights and obligations which they involve’: Macquarie Dictionary, rev 3rd ed. Professor Elkin states (p 66):
the tribes of the Western Group have practically the same kinship system, and, indeed use much the same terms. ... It is marked by a paucity of terms as compared with the systems of the Eastern Group or of the Aranda. Only two terms are used for all persons of the second ascending generation, and in some of the southern hordes only one term for own son and sister’s son, and one term for own daughter and sister’s daughter, and as already stated, cross-cousins are called brother and sister.’

  1. Pannell/Vachon observe that only two terms are used for all persons of the second ascending generation, one for males and the other for females: thamu/tjamu and kaparli, respectively. Another illustration is the grouping together of father and uncle under the rubric of the single word, mama. It follows that although the term mama is sometimes said to ‘mean’ ‘father’, this is only one of its meanings.
  2. Western Desert kinship terms do not formally distinguish between ‘real’ (biological) and ‘classificatory’ kin. In other words, the kinship terms are used to refer to people who are not necessarily biologically related to oneself, although they may be. In addition, kin classifications are ‘worked out from the perspective of a particular ego’ and are not absolute, and so thamu and karparli can also refer to persons in the second descending generation from ego. That is to say, thamu can mean grandson as well as grandfather, and kaparli can mean granddaughter as well as grandmother.
  3. The paucity of kinship terms betokens a distinctive conceptualisation of ‘kin’. Father and father’s brothers are conceived of in the same way. I have more ‘brothers’ than just the male offspring of my parents. The male offspring of my parents’ brothers and sisters are my brothers too.
  4. Where this conceptualisation of kin is at work, the Western Desert kinship system is operating. On the other hand, to the extent that kin are conceived of as aunts, uncles, nieces and nephews, it is not operating.
  5. Distinct from, but related to, the kinship system is the ‘section’ or ‘skin system’. Elkin deals with it also under his heading: ‘The kinship system’. This system plays an important role in marriage. Pannell/Vachon state:
kinship terms, which are egocentrically applied, skin names order individuals into socio-centric categories. They are not relative in respect of a person, such as is the case with kinship, but are absolute divisions-in theoretical terms, that is. Sections are not social groups, but are rather conceptual categories. The terms used and the section system itself is not unique to the claimants, although one of the particular variations of this system (ie the six section system) appears to be distinctive of Aboriginal people in this region of the Western Desert cultural bloc.’
  1. Professor Elkin describes (Elkin 1931 pp 67-69) two four-section systems, one belonging to the district east of Laverton, the other belonging to the Mandjinda to the north-east of Laverton. With respect to the distinctive six section system, Pannell/Vachon assert that ‘[s]enior Wongatha claimants use and are familiar with’ its principles. The six skins are Purungu, Karimarra (or Karimara), Tharuru (or Tjarurru), Panaka, Yiparrka and Milangka (one encounters different spellings). According to Pannell/Vachon, this is not a four-section system with two additional terms but ‘six distinctive pairings, the operation of which produces six different section affiliation outcomes’.
  2. Pannell/Vachon state that the section terms recorded by Elkin correspond with those previously recorded by Kenneth Young in 1905 for the Erlistoun District, and by Daisy Bates in 1908 for the Eastern Goldfields. In one letter, Young described three Dreamings (Emu, Kangaroo and Dingo) which travelled through the Duketon district, and said that the Emu and Kangaroo Dreaming beings each introduced the two father/son section couplets.
  3. In cross-examination, Mr Vachon said that there was no evidence of any of those Dreamings travelling through the old town site of Duketon, and that Young had been speaking of a four-section system, not of the six-section system that Pannell/Vachon report on as operating in the Wongatha Claim area. Mr Vachon also agreed that Young appeared to be suggesting that there was both a terminological and mythological difference between the section system around Duketon and that which was observed further to the east and to the north.
  4. Both the egocentric classificatory kin system and the absolute conceptual skin system, and the relationship between the two, are complex – at least to my mind.
  5. Both the kinship and section systems are related to forms of behaviour.
  6. In The World of the First Australians – Aboriginal Traditional Life: Past and Present (Aboriginal Studies Press, Canberra, 1992) (‘Berndts, World’), first published in 1964, Professor Berndt and Dr Catherine Berndt state (p 68):
is the basis of social relations, indicating the general range of behaviour expected in any given case. Everyone must be identified in this way. A person coming into a strange group for trading or ceremonial purposes is always allocated a kinship position. The section and subsection systems offer a short-cut to this. If the visitor belongs to a certain subsection, or is allocated one on the basis of what is already known about him, that simplifies matters a great deal.

Aboriginal Australia kinship is bilateral, which means that there is acknowledgement of both matrilineal and patrilineal descent, although social units such as clan, local descent group, or moiety, emphasise one rather than the other.’
  1. Dr Pannell agreed that kinship is one of the bases of social relatedness. She agreed that Berndt’s view that kinship also indicates the general range of behaviour expected in any situation, and requires that everyone be identified in that way, is a view that is common to anthropologists. She further agreed with a statement in Berndts, World (p 68) that ‘in classificatory systems, such as we find in Aboriginal Australia, a limited number of kinship terms is used and extended to cover all known persons’.
  2. Dr Pannell agreed that, in effect, what distinguishes the Aboriginal kinship system is that ‘the limited number of terms which, in a non-Aboriginal system, might simply be referred to biological relatives, are in fact, extended to cover all known persons’. She said that the word ngunytju can refer to one’s biological mother or, depending on the context, ‘someone in that first descending [sic – ascending] generation ... who is a female’, and that the kinship system being considered is ‘a way of categorising a number of individuals into a ... limited number of classes’.
  3. Importantly, Dr Pannell and Mr Vachon agreed that if one wished to prove the existence of a kinship system, one would need evidence that as well as knowing terms, the people knew of and observed the associated rules of behaviour. Similarly, Professor and Dr Berndt state (Berndts, World p 80):
terms are only part of any kinship system. Just as important is the behaviour associated with them. Being related to a given person in a particular way means more than simply using the appropriate labels or terms; it means (to repeat) conforming, in greater or lesser degree, to what is regarded as the proper line of conduct in respect of him or her. This may entail complete avoidance, or restraint and circumspection, a speech tabu, or special duties or rights. It may involve a joking or bantering relationship, or one in which the person concerned can act with comparative freedom. In addition, there are relationships where mutual cooperation is more than usually significant, either in ordinary affairs or in the sphere of ritual.’
  1. Perhaps the avoidance relationship that has been most noted is that between son-in-law and mother-in-law. Of this particular relationship, Berndts, World states (p 81):
are forbidden to utter each other’s names. In some cases there is a complete ban on speech between them; or a third person may serve as an intermediary. In others a special vocabulary must be used; in others again, sign language. A woman may turn in her track and face the other way, or hide, if people shout to her that a man she calls daughter’s husband is approaching; ... . The main thing is that two persons who stand in this relationship should avoid face to face contact, or any prolonged or familiar association.’
  1. Other forms of behaviour governed by a Western Desert kinship system which can be found in the literature are:
  2. Dr Sackett stated that in the ‘classical’ Aboriginal kinship system, everyone in a person’s social universe was one or other type of kin. He explained that people were able to relate to a potentially infinite number of persons through a relatively limited number of kin terms, because each term applied, not just to one or a few other people, but to a relatively large number, who, within the logic of the system, were deemed to be ‘alike’.
  3. Like Pannell/Vachon (see [747] above), Dr Sackett illustrated by reference to the kin term ‘mama’. He said that mama means not only a person’s biological father, but all the males whom the person’s father calls kurta or marlanypa (older brother or younger brother) in part because, from the speaker’s perspective, they ‘would all be structurally “the same”.’ That is, any one of them might have married the speaker’s mother, and if the person’s biological father were to pass away, might actually do so.

3. ‘A variety of local totemism, in which a person’s totem is determined by his place of birth’

  1. Pannell/Vachon and Dr Sackett discuss two classes of totem in the Western Desert identified by Professor Elkin (Elkin 1931 pp 69-70). The first is a birth (or local) totem which depended on the person’s place of birth and the Tjukurr (Dreaming) totem associated with that place. The second is a dream (not ‘Dreaming’ or Tjukurrpa) totem, which, in parts of the Western Desert, takes the form of a species of animal or plant associated with a person’s conception (discussed at [779] ff below). Dr Sackett suggests that he had also heard of a moon conception totem, but not, to his recollection, among any of the claimants before the Court).
  2. Elkin wrote in relation to the birth totem (Elkin 1931 p 69):
totemism which is common to all the tribes of this area north of the East-West Line [apparently the Trans-Australian Railway line] both in South and Western Australia, is a variety of local totemism. A person’s totem depends on his place of birth and the totem associated with that place. Further, this totemism is ceremonial; the totemite, being a fully initiated male, is taught the myths and ceremonies which enshrine the story of the culture-hero or heroes associated with the totem, and in some cases also, when such exists, the talu or increase ceremony which ensures the increase of the totem. The talu ceremonies do not seem to exist south of a line drawn west of Oodnadatta. These are, of course, associated with definite sacred sites. The southern hordes merely sing to make the species increase, but the explanation of this may be that having migrated from the homes of their fathers, where the talu sanctuaries are situated, they are not disposed to travel back over the desert for the ceremonies. Females know the name of their totem, but neither the myth nor the ceremony.
person does not eat his totem, and he feels grieved when he sees another man kill it.’
  1. Apparently, then, the ‘local’ or ‘birth’ totem was an animal.
  2. In their primary report, Pannell/Vachon state that Elkin’s field notes made at Mount Margaret in 1930 identified more than 20 individuals, eight of whom they list, noting that these eight appear to have been his key informants. All eight had totems, although this is not to say that the remaining 12 did not. They state that Elkin recorded that Bert Thomas (the father of several Wongatha claimants) had both a birth totem (karlaya or emu) and a dream or conception totem (woma, a sweet white substance found on the back of leaves).
  3. Pannell/Vachon note that for one of Elkin’s informants, his local/birth totem and his dream/conception totem were the same, while for others they were different. For example, Elkin’s notebook states that Jack Angaru had two totems: Karlaya (they spell it Kalaia) (Emu), being his local totem based on his place of birth, and wonangura (wild radish), being his dream ‘conceptional’ totem.
  4. Importantly, according to Professor Elkin, it was the birth totem which provided a person with a connection to one of the Dreaming tracks or paths, and so to the land. By contrast, Pannell/Vachon explain that a person’s dream totem is not necessarily connected with a Tjukurr being or track, but will be if it is also the person’s local totem. They observe that in a later article, Elkin referred to place of birth as ‘fortuitous’ and as a ‘local principle’, adding: ‘It is this principle which seems to underlie individual connection to “country” in the Aluridja region.’ Importantly, Professor Elkin stated that it is ‘birth or conception on the mythological path ... which really makes or constitutes a person’s “country”, the “ancestral estate” as it has been well described’ (Elkin’s book p 137). Thus, whatever may be the nature and extent of the ‘country’ or ‘ancestral estate’, it derives from the individual person’s having been born or conceived on a Tjukurrpa (Dreaming) track or site there.
  5. Dr Sackett said it seems that when Professor Tindale went to Warburton, he found that most people there had a dreaming/conception totem. He thought that Professor Elkin recorded much the same kind of totem. He said he had been able to identify only six of the approximately 128 Cosmo claimants who had dreaming/conception totems, and none who had a birth totem. However, he said that as far as he could recall, Elkin did not find birth totems on the western side of the desert, although he said that they were a characteristic of the Aluridja region generally. Dr Sackett stated, however, that Elkin’s Laverton/Mount Margaret Mission data indicate that at least a few people, some of whom identified themselves as Mandjindja, had both kinds of totems (birth and conception) characteristic of the region. Dr Sackett also noted that the two could be the same or different.
  6. In his Reply submissions, the Cosmo applicant seeks to emphasise that Dr Sackett’s interpretation of Elkin is that Elkin accepted that both types of totem were not necessarily found everywhere in the Western Desert, and that Dr Sackett recorded in his report that Elkin found that the people visiting Mount Margaret and Laverton acknowledged both types of totem.
  7. Dr Sackett agreed that a birth totem is associated with the Tjukurrpa or the Dreaming and its sites and/or tracks, and that because a person is born in the area of a particular site or track, the person’s birth totem provides a very intimate connection between the person and country. He agreed that the conception totem was different, and was associated with a species. Dr Sackett said that although the conception totem is not site specific, some people may refer to place, when explaining how they got their conception totem. Dr Sackett was anxious to point out that birth totems do not exist everywhere. He said that where they exist, they link the individual more to a particular place than to a Dreaming as such.
  8. Dr Sackett agreed that in the past, ‘not necessarily everyone, certainly, but many, most’ people would have had a Dreaming, and that ‘the practice is not as prevalent today as it was in the past’. As will be seen in Chs 4-10 dealing with the individual Claims, the position is vastly different today, at least, as it is represented in the Claim groups.

4. ‘The mythological theme’

  1. In Elkin 1931, Professor Elkin wrote that the ‘tribes’ north of what appears to be a reference to the Trans-Australian Railway line (he refers to the ‘East-West Line’), possessed ‘a mythology which is marked everywhere by a common theme’ (p 69). He continued (pp 69–70):
[the mythology] is associated with the totemism of the area and enshrines the exploits of the totemic heroes of the time long past. The one term, djugur [Tjukurr] (in the Everard Ranges, wabar) denotes a person’s totem and the myth of his particular totemic hero. Thus, when asked for his djugur, a man gives in reply the name of some animal, plant or object, or, very occasionally, merely the personal name of an old-time hero, and then, in order to complete his answer, goes on to recount the myth of the hero who also bore the name of the same totem, travelled about his (the speaker’s) horde country, and probably performed some exploit or other at or near the spot where he was born. A man’s djugur is frequently the same as his father’s, seeing that each horde has its own waters and country, and that a man and his children are very likely to be born somewhere along the route of the same totemic hero.

variety of local totemism is similar to the conceptional variety of local totemism of the Aranda tribe at Alice Springs, in that a person’s totem depends somewhat on chance, and that the members of any one totem tend to belong to the one local horde. But here, the fortuitousness lies in the accident of birth and not of conception. There is no doubt about this in any part of the western area.’

  1. In their primary report, Pannell/Vachon discuss aspects of Elkin’s ‘mythological theme’. Elkin’s view was that the Aluridja’s concept of ‘country’ derived from the location of the sites and tracks of the Tjukurr ancestors. According to Pannell/Vachon, Tjukurr referred, not only to the mythological beings and the sites and tracks associated with them, but also to the personal totem described above, although, they acknowledge, not the dream/conception totem if it is different from the local/birth totem.
  2. According to Pannell/Vachon, Elkin believed that people sharing ‘the same “local totem” or Tjukurr, which he also translates as “cult-totem” or inma purlka, represent “branches of the one cult” [citing Elkin 1934 p 174]’. For example, individuals born at or near a marlu (Kangaroo) site or track can be grouped together to form the marlu cult. Pannell/Vachon report that Elkin said that cult members:
“normally friendly to each other” [and] extend “hospitality” and “protection” to each other, and are free to travel along the track of their cult. The track associated with a cult often extends over hundreds of kilometres, and thus Aboriginal people who may be large distances apart are united by their common cult status. [Elkin observed that] these cults or “cult lodges” ... operate across both “local groups” and tribes’: ibid.

  1. Pannell/Vachon state that while later researchers questioned the very existence of cult lodges, ‘Elkin’s discussion of Aluridja totemism, with its emphasis upon birthplace, highlights the importance of the Tjukurr as an unifying social and cultural theme among the people making up the Aluridja’. Pannell/Vachon observe that, according to Elkin (in Elkin 1934 p 171), the ‘Tjukurr and the ritual activities associated with it, “binds together local groups even of different tribes”’.

5. ‘Dream totemism’

  1. I discussed the distinction between birth or local Dreaming (Tjukurr) totems and conception or Dream totems at [765] above.
  2. Professor Elkin wrote (Elkin 1931 p70):
dream totem in all the tribes of the Western Group in South Australia is the djugur [Tjukurr]; that is, if a person dreams of djugur or local totem, a person belonging to that totem will soon come along to the dreamer. But just west of the north-western corner of [South Australia], the dream totem is the species associated with a person’s conception ... .’

  1. Dr Sackett said that from Tindale’s recording of people’s conception totems when Tindale went to Warburton, we can say that while not everyone necessarily had a conception totem, it seems that in the past most people did.
  2. I referred to Dr Pannell’s discussion of Dream totems at 3.6(c) [715] above in the context of the single society/multiple societies and regional variation issues.
  3. An initial approach to identifying the laws and customs of WDCB in 1829 is to have regard to what the earliest anthropologists said they were at the time of their observations. Pannell/Vachon, however, appear to pay primary regard to what they have learned from the claimants, and, in the light of this, seek to interpret what the earlier anthropologists said. To take conception/dream totems as an illustration, Professor Elkin identified the possession of such totems as a characteristic of the WDCB. They are not, however, a characteristic of any of the GLSC or other Claim groups. Dr Pannell responds by seeking to emphasise the possibility of regional variation. Thus, the fact that claimants do not have conception/dream totems may merely indicate that the Wongatha Claim area is a region within the Western Desert where they were never a feature, rather than a loss of traditional belief.
  4. The general absence of a WDCB characteristic from claimants may be attributable to loss or to regional variation. If claimants fail to prove regional variation at an earlier time, I would find loss to be the explanation. The reason is that the onus of proving continuous acknowledgement and observance of the body of pre-sovereignty laws and customs rests on a claim group, and this involves, as its starting point, proof of the content of the body of laws and customs that were being acknowledged and observed in the claim area at sovereignty.
  5. The Pannell/Vachon interpretation of the earlier anthropologists in the light of what Pannell/Vachon know of the Wongatha claimants’ practices, is endemic. This is not to say that statements made by the earlier anthropologists should not be questioned. Perhaps their statements should have been qualified. The challenge is to distinguish between three things:
  6. It was not only Pannell/Vachon who relied on regional variation to escape a conclusion of loss; Dr Sackett and the Cosmo applicant did so too (see [771] ff above).

6. ‘Spirit-child beliefs’

  1. According to Elkin (Elkin 1931 p 70), all the western tribes of South Australia believe that a definite place (or perhaps a few places) called ‘Yualanya’ is the abode of pre-existent spirit children. This belief has nothing to do with the totem of a child. Children of different totems may all come from the one Yualanya. Having left the Yualanya, some spirit children are believed to play about on the flowers of the mulga tree. The spirit children inhabit ‘a rock hole, possibly a cave, containing water, with a sandhill near by.’ Women must be careful how they approach and obtain water at such a place, or else a spirit-child may enter them.
  2. Reports of spirit-children can also be found in Kenneth Young’s writings (it will be recalled that Young worked in the Duketon area in 1905-1906). According to Pannell/Vachon, Young wrote to the anthropologist, RH Mathews, informing him that the Duketon Aborigines believed that the spirits of children inhabit trees near springs or waterholes. He wrote that when a husband and wife are camped in the vicinity of such a ‘spirit tree’, a woman’s husband may dream that he hears the spirit-child sing out shortly before it enters the woman’s body. Mathews concluded that the ‘Mount Margaret tribes’ did not believe that sexual intercourse was the ‘cause of the birth of children’.
  3. Elkin also recorded that the tribes of south-east central Western Australia who visited Laverton and Mount Margaret believed that spirit-children entered women in the guise of food. He said (Elkin 1931 p 71):
after having eaten something a woman is sick, and later on dreams of a spirit-child, she realizes that when she thought she was eating food a spirit-baby had entered her. Some years after birth the child is informed of its mode of entry into the mother’s womb, that is, of the particular article of food (some animal or plant) associated with the mother’s first sickness of pregnancy. This animal or plant then becomes the child’s dream totem, that is, his symbol in another person’s dream.’

Professor Elkin said that his informants told him that conception could not take place apart from eating ‘child-food’. He said that djugur (Tjukurr) myths explain the association of spirit-children with the foods concerned.

  1. There is no evidence that any of the claimants before the Court still hold spirit-children beliefs. Where, as in the case of spirit-children beliefs, the GLSC applicants do not suggest a continuation of laws and customs, I will not refer to such laws and customs in Chs 4–10.

7. ‘The pattern of cicatrization which marks the fully initiated man’

  1. Professor Elkin wrote (Elkin 1931 p71):
pattern of cicatrization on the backs of all fully initiated men of all tribes in this area is the same. It consists of two sets of six or eight slightly curved parallel scars made in an upright position down from each shoulder; the convex aspect of the curve is set towards the centre of the back. Two horizontal scars are raised under each of these two series. This pattern is called yileri in the south-western corner of the state [South Australia], and is a sign of complete initiation.’
  1. According to Pannell/Vachon’s primary report, Daisy Bates described the practice of cicatrisation of both men and women, the men on the shoulder area and chest, and the women on the back and upper arms.
  2. Cicatrisation is no longer practised in the Wongatha Claim area.

(ii) Professor and Dr Berndt

  1. The remaining anthropological writings to be discussed have less to say on the distinguishing features of the WDCB.
  2. I have referred earlier ([622]) to Professor Berndt and his wife, Dr Berndt, and their work. They referred to Tjukurrpa in their 1942 work, ‘A preliminary report on the field work in the Ooldea Region, Western South Australia’, Oceania, vol 12, no 4, pp 305-330, as ‘the axis upon which the culture of these desert people revolves’ (p 29).
  3. Professor Berndt stated (Berndt 1959 p 97) that ‘[t]he whole Western Desert is criss-crossed with the meandering tracks of ancestral beings, mostly though not invariably following the known permanent and impermanent waterhole routes.’ He stated (p 97) that there were not many ‘major totemic or ancestral beings’; he named several, concluding ‘and so on’ (adding that there were many others that had smaller tracks and whose ritual significance was therefore not so pronounced).

(iii) Toyne and Vachon

  1. In Toyne and Vachon, first published in 1984, and written, or at least completed, in that year, the authors described the requirements for members of the WDCB to learn the Aboriginal names of places and to learn about the Tjukurrpa through participating in ceremonies (pp 13-14):
a person to become a socially responsible human being, the named places and tjukurpa must be learnt. With such knowledge, these desert people know not only where they are, without maps and compasses, but also what the desert can be expected to offer when the quandong and wild fig ripen and the dingoes pup.

is the combined knowledge of all people, but it is so vast that no single person could hope to master it. The task of learning and teaching tjukurpa is a social responsibility, borne by all adults and as important and necessary as making a daily living. This knowledge is gained on a constant and repetitive basis through the song and dance of ceremonies often called corroborees. The processes are reinforced by visiting the places on the land, often in large ceremonial parties, to identify physically the path of the creation ancestors across the country. The transmission of knowledge is a collective act, a check and balance against incorrect information or false claims to knowledge being given.’ (my emphasis)
  1. Mr Vachon agreed that the responsibility to learn and to teach the Tjukurrpa through constant and repetitive involvement in song, dance and ceremonies is ‘at the very core of the body of traditional laws and customs of the Western Desert people’. He also agreed that practices of the sort described in the following paragraph from Toyne and Vachon (p 14) are at the ‘central core of Western Desert laws and customs’, as he understands them:
ceremonial life, the separate ritual activities unique to women emphasise childbirth and relationships. All major ceremonial cycles, however, such as the ceremonies to maintain the number of species of plants and animals and initiations, are set by anangu [Western Desert people] to be the “business” of both men and women; each performs different kinds of essential and complementary activities. Important ritual sites on the land had to be known by all adults, if only so that they could be avoided; the “secret” knowledge of these places, however, was often the exclusive preserve of one sex or the other.’

(iv) The participating anthropologists’ joint report

  1. As noted at [411], the joint report on the anthropologists’ conference states at para (a)(ii) that while none of the following characteristics are unique to the Western Desert, yet ‘taken together and given regional variation, it is possible to identify traditional Western Desert cultures and societies’:
Tjukurrpa – the overarching concept of the dreaming.
  1. Particular Mythological sites, Dreamings, Tracks and associated Rituals. Some of these rituals are regional in character such as male initiation.
  2. Social structure wherein there are multiple pathways of connection. Despite some ethnographic accounts, the model of land owning patrilineal clans does not apply to the Western Desert.
No tribal organisation in the sense of Tindale’s usage.
Particular marriage rules and marriage practices.
  1. No patrimoieties. Paucity of kinship terms. Stress on generational divisions. Section system widespread though not universal.
Widespread movement by the indigenous occupiers.’

Paragraph (a)(ii)’s reference to ‘traditional Western Desert cultures and societies’ is problematical, because of the plural form. Paragraph (a)(ii) speaks in the present tense, but uses the word ‘traditional’. There is a question whether the authors were directing their attention to the position at sovereignty. I will discuss this question later.

  1. Some of the characteristics identified in the joint report call for comment.

1. ‘Tjukurrpa – the overarching concept of the dreaming’

  1. I have already referred to the Tjukurr at [775] ff and [797] ff above. I understand the expression ‘the overarching concept of the dreaming’ to be intended to refer to the fact that the Dreaming underlay all aspects of Aboriginal life. I refer, for example, to the extracts from Toyne and Vachon set out at [797]-[798] above. Toyne and Vachon also states (p 8):
from being a great, undifferentiated vastness, the land is modified conceptually into thousands of separately named ngurra. These places are often sources of water - claypans, rockholes, springs, creeks and soaks - but include other features such as trees, caves, mountains, ridges and sandhills. Taken together, this myriad of names is an enormous bundle of signs for localised features on the land.’

  1. Mr Vachon agreed that men and women performed different kinds of essential and complementary ceremonies, and that important ritual sites had to be known by all adults, if only so that they could be avoided, although the secret knowledge of those places was often the exclusive preserve of one sex or the other.

2. ‘Particular Mythological sites, Dreamings, Tracks and associated Rituals. Some of these rituals are regional in character such as male initiation.’

  1. I need say nothing further on these matters here.

3. ‘Social structure wherein there are multiple pathways of connection. Despite some ethnographic accounts, the model of land owning patrilineal clans does not apply to the Western Desert’

  1. This passage is consistent on its face with both a finite and an infinite number of pathways of connection, but the case, as put, appears to be that the number was limited only by the necessity a having the claim advanced by a person ‘accepted’ or ‘recognised’. The word ‘connection’ itself does not necessarily point to rights and interests, but in fact the evidence made clear that this is what was meant – multiple pathways by which an individual might have a ‘my country’ area.
  2. Dr Pannell frequently referred to the assertion or claim of a pathway of connection by an individual, as if there was nothing against which its conformity to traditional law and culture was to be tested. As the State submits:
is one thing to acknowledge the idiosyncratic nature of the reasons advanced by particular witnesses as to why they assert an interest in a particular area, but it is quite another to accept that each of those bases of claim are sanctioned pursuant to a normative system acknowledged and observed by all, or any, of the various claimant groups.’

If it is indeed not possible to identify a limited number of pathways of connection which will of themselves make a person a member, then recognition of a claimed connection by the present members from time to time of a Claim group becomes all important. Indeed, the group than takes on the appearance of a self-defining voluntary association.

  1. In De Rose/O’Loughlin J ([349]), there were four ways of becoming Nguraritja for the claim area and having a connection to it through traditional law and custom: birth on it; a long-term physical association with it; birth of the person’s ancestors on it; geographical and religious knowledge of it. To these was to be added the additional requirement that the claimant be recognised as Nguraritja for the area by other Nguraritja. The evidence before me, on the other hand, does not establish a finite number of criteria to be applied to all claimants within the eight Claim groups. There is disagreement between, for example, the Wongatha and Cosmo claimants, as to what the pathways are.

4. ‘No tribal organisation in the sense of Tindale’s usage’

  1. Elkin and Berndt rejected Tindale’s tribal model, and none of the expert witnesses supported it, although, from time to time, some have used ‘tribal’ terminology.

5. ‘Particular marriage rules and marriage practices’

  1. There was a system of permissible and impermissible marriage relationships identified by reference to the skin or section system (see [751] ff above). I need not attempt here to identify what were the ‘right way’ and ‘wrong way’ marriages. Polygamy was practised. There was also the practice of infant betrothal: parents of a young girl would promise her as the wife of an older man. Vachon and de Gand’s report notes that Kenneth Young of Duketon referred to this practice in letters of 1905 and 1997 to the surveyor-anthropologist RH Matthews. The practice was also referred to in Margaret Morgan, Mt Margaret: A Drop in a Bucket (Mission Publications of Australia, Lawson, 1991) (‘Morgan, A Drop in a Bucket’) at pp 107–8, where it is said that baby girls were betrothed to men who, in general, already had one or two wives; that when the girl was 5–10 years old, she was given to a man of 40 years or older; and that when she was 10–14 years old, she would be married to him as an extra wife. That part of the book may be taken to have been referring to the position in the 1930s and 1940s.

6. ‘No patrimoieties. Paucity of kinship terms. Stress on generational divisions.
Section system widespread though not universal.’

  1. I dealt with these topics above at [745] and [746] ff.

7. ‘Widespread movement by the indigenous occupiers’

  1. The participating anthropologists apparently intended by this expression, to refer to widespread roaming for water, food and ceremonial purposes. The anthropological evidence was at one on this: rights and interests were not possessed in the large area that was exploited for these purposes (the range).
  2. The GLSC, Maduwongga and NK 1 and NK 2 claimants appear to live basically sedentary lifestyles in towns and cities: Perth, Kalgoorlie, Leonora, Laverton and elsewhere. Some of the MN claimants live in a community established in the early 1980s at Mulga Queen. Nearly half of the Cosmo claimants now live at the Cosmo Aboriginal community, established in 1989/1990.
  3. If ‘widespread movement’ is put as a defining characteristic of ‘traditional Western Desert cultures and societies’, the members of the Claim groups do not exemplify a Western Desert culture or society. However, I doubt that this is what the authors of the joint report meant. My doubt suggests the danger of attaching too much weight to the joint report.

(v) Other matters

  1. In Chs 4–10, addressing the individual Claims, additional laws, customs, beliefs and practices are raised by the various Claim groups. Each Claim group prepared its own list, ie, the content of the list did not form part of the agreed topics for submissions. There is overlap between the lists of the respective Claim groups.
  2. I found the most helpful discussion of the early records of laws, customs, beliefs and practices of the WDCB in the supplementary report on laws and customs prepared by Dr Lee Sackett. In that report, Dr Sackett provided a wealth of detailed references to the following:

The Western Desert Cultural Bloc

Tjukurr/Dreaming and Dreaming Law

Personal Dreamings

Ritual

Dealing with death

Names and naming

Infanticide

Adoption

Siblings and cousins

Sections and the section system

Claims to country

Knowledge of country

Looking after country

Gaining and extending access to country

Preparing, cooking, butchering and sharing kangaroo

Language


In addition, there were many helpful references in Appendix 2 to the Cosmo submissions.

  1. I will not address here all of the additional laws, customs, beliefs and practices that have been raised but will mention two: male initiation and burial and other practices associated with death.

1. Male initiation

  1. Kado Muir said that he imagined that in times past, the expectation was that all males would go through the law. Initiation is the process by which a boy becomes a wati or ‘man’. It seems to be common ground that only initiated males were permitted to have children. Moreover, only they could be told about sacred sites and stories, which they had a responsibility to keep secret and to safeguard.
  2. The early Murrin Murrin resident, David Sanderson McDonald, referred to male initiation in the Goldfields in the 1890s in these terms (reminiscences p 23):
a boy reached a certain age, he would be taken to a chosen spot and made Bundoo; this means man, after which he would be allowed to marry. I am writing exclusively of the Wongi. This ceremony is performed by Ginkin or doctor. This word is not sounded as with a ‘J’, the emphasis being on the ‘G’. Tribal marks are gashed in their respective places and these are healed by the application of powdered charcoal. A surgical operation is performed, not as a prevention to birth, as is widely believed, but as a control. This is too wierd [sic] a subject for me to detail. These operations were performed with sharp edged stone, mostly jasper. When the whites arrived, these were discarded for broken glass, later for knives and still later safety razor blades. One front upper tooth would be broken off and the boy would now be ready and after healing, returned to the tribe to take up his responsibilities as a man and he would have to hunt for himself.’

  1. Daisy Bates, writing of the position in the very early years of the twentieth century, described in detail the various customs in Western Australia for initiating boys into manhood. There was a difference between Aboriginal people to the north and east, where initiation included circumcision and subincision, nose piercing, cicatrisation and tooth avulsion, and those of the south-west, where the physical marks of initiation were confined to nose piercing and cicatrisation. Tindale’s map bears a ‘circumcision line’ and a ‘subincision line’, and it sufficies to say that the entire area with which we are concerned is in the area where both rites were practised.
  2. Dr Sackett agreed that it was traditional Western Desert law, not only that males must be initiated, but also that a male could not marry and have a family unless he was first initiated. He also agreed that this traditional rule was still today being observed in much of the Western Desert.
  3. I infer, retrospectively, that the pre-sovereignty law and custom was that all males must be initiated and so become watis or ‘men’, and must not marry or raise a family otherwise.

2. Burial/reburial and other practices associated with death

  1. I turn now to burial and reburial practices. The former Murrin Murrin resident, David Sanderson Mr McDonald (see 3.6(a)(b) [554] ff), writing of the position in the 1890s, stated:
burial grounds or cemeteries existed [illegible – ‘and the people would choose a place’?] where the ground was soft and pliable. Here a shallow grave would be scooped out, the corpse would then be placed in a sitting position with legs bent at the knees, the left hand placed as though holding the leg in position and fastened with kangaroo sinews or from strings made from their own hair. The right hand is left free to chase away the dingoes. Sticks are placed in position and the body is covered with bushes, leaving the face clear so they can see if any dingoes approach. Only certain members of the family attend the burial, daughters and neices [sic] and other members of the tribe are not allowed. After the burial, the mourners walk away in file, in the direction the corpse is facing, keeping up a mournful howl until they reach camp. In the meantime, those left in camp prostrate themselves in a row and keep up a mournful howl until the return of the burial party. They immediately cease the mourning and move to another place a good distance away. Should one die away from camp, the same applied, even though the ground was suitable, they were never buried where they died. ... At the completion of a year, this seems remarkable but is timed by the number of moons, Bera, the same burial party return to the grave in single file. As they are nearing the grave, they make a complete circle, watching closely for any evil spirit that may be lurking in the vicinity. Satisfied that all is well, they approach from the same direction they had by a year before, this in order to let the corpse see them as they approach. Being only a skeleton a post-mortem is held by a very close examination among the bones. If nothing foreign is located, the bones are spread in the bottom and completely covered with fresh bushes. They move off in single file, as previously, breaking into a mournful howl, which is continued until they reach camp. On approaching camp, those awaiting their return [illegible] widow or widows of a deceased native must jump four times each way across the grave, at the same time waving the arms and screeching in imitation of the call of the crow, after which they must prostrate themselves along side the corpse and set up the howl described. If more than one widow, they follow in turn and should either step or place a foot in the grave, she must die. This is repeated during the post-mortem, after which they are free to remarry, the spirit having been released. On the way to post-mortem, the widow or widows keep up a continuous long drawn out cry like “poo-o-o” this is meant to warn the deceased of their coming. The mournful howl is accompanied by drenching tears at all times, by every member of the tribe.’

  1. In Morgan, A Drop in a Bucket (p 126), the burial practices in the Laverton/Mount Margaret area as in the 1920s and 1930s were described as appears in the following passage (footnote omitted):
was now over two years since Wiljal had died. His funeral had taken place in the bush with the full honours conferred on a significant man of the tribe. The time had arrived for the second part of the funeral: the lifting of the bones.

are two phases to the burial ritual. In the first phase the body is placed in a shallow grave in a sitting position with the spearing arm tied back so that the spirit will not attack a passer-by. The hair is cut off and kept. Logs are placed over the open grave to protect it from wild dogs, and the area all round is swept so that any tracks can be seen. Boughs are hung in the surrounding trees umbrella style to warn people to keep away.

second phase takes place one to two years later in the lifting-of-the-bones ritual and complete burial. Only then is everything finished. Only then can a man have another woman after the death of his wife. As the party set out for the complete burial they stop as they approach the vicinity of the grave. They then call out to the spirit of the dead and wait for an answer. Only when they hear the spirit answer do they approach the grave and inspect the bones for any evidence of injury or malpractice – a bone down the throat, or other objects, then the bones are lifted and completely buried.’

  1. I infer, retrospectively, that at sovereignty, the two-stage burial process, generally as described in these passages, was followed in the Western Desert, and in the Murrin Murrin and Mount Margaret areas, in particular.
  2. There is also evidence of a traditional practice of leaving the place where a person died and disposing of the deceased belongings. In ‘Death, Burial and Associated Ritual at Ooldea, South Australia’, Oceania, vol 12, no 3, 1942, pp 189-208, Berndt and Johnston observed in relation to the camp at Ooldea (p 192):
deceased’s hut and belongings are burnt or left and the camp moved after the body has been removed and the first burial terminated.’

John E Stanton refers to an incident at the Mount Margaret Mission where the missionaries brought a dying woman whom they had found on the track to Morgans, into the Mission, and for whom they cared there in the final stages of her life. Other Aboriginal people, however, requested that she be moved away to die elsewhere, because, they said, if she were to die at the Mission, they would have to depart, yet they were dependent on the Mission for rations. In the event, the missionaries cared for her and only the close relatives moved away following her death, and even they returned after only a short absence: John E Stanton, ‘Mt Margaret: Missionaries and the Aftermath’ in T Swain and D Rose (eds), Aboriginal Australians and Christian Missions (Australian Association for the Study of Religions, SA College of Advanced Education, Bedford Park, 1988) p 294.

  1. A file of the Aborigines Affairs Department contains a report by Police Constable Gravestock of Laverton to the Commissioner of Native Affairs dated 28 November 1937 reporting that the Aborigines had not camped at a site at Claypan Well or in the vicinity for just over two years, since George, the Native Police Tracker, was murdered there.
  2. Tonkinson, in The Mardudjara Aborigines: Living the Dream in the Australian Desert (Reinhart & Winston, New York, 1978) (the first edition of Tonkinson, The Mardu Aborigines) p 84, refers to the deceased body being carried well away from the camping area ‘which everyone abandons shortly after’, and writing that the camping area:
not be occupied again for some years, initially because of the alleged presence of the spirit of the deceased and later because the site will arouse unhappy memories among the surviving relatives.’

  1. I infer retrospectively that at sovereignty there was a practice according to which the relatives of a deceased person and others who knew him or her removed themselves for a time from the place of death.

3. Traditional groupings within the WDCB

  1. I intend to address here various groupings within the WDCB that have been recognised in the anthropological literature (in particular, the question of landowning groups) and in the next section, what I regard as the impermissible aggregation or pooling of ‘my country’ areas that has given rise to the Claim groups and Claim areas in the present case.

Daisy Bates

  1. Daisy Bates did not discuss the basis or bases on which country was claimed or shared, whixh Dr Sackett observes: ‘the body of her data on land tenure is somewhat light on’. Nor, he writes, does she develop her notion of ‘tribes’, although it appears that they were ‘made up of smaller, “local groups”’ which were ‘associated with specific stretches of (“tribal”) countryside’. Dr Sackett suggests that from what Bates said about the situation in general, ‘location of birth possibly played some role in linking a person to place’.

Professor Elkin

  1. Like Daisy Bates, Professor Elkin did not regard ‘tribes’ as playing any real role in landholding. In Elkin 1931, speaking of the indigenous people he encountered in November 1930 in the Laverton/Mount Margaret District, Professor Elkin said (p 49):
kind of country in which they live and travel can be estimated from the fact that one never asks the name of a person’s camp or yura, but of his water, kapi. Man is tied from his birth to his death to the rockholes and soaks, and to the tracks between them, and so too were the heroes of mythology.’

This statement does not, however, expose a basis of the holding of rights and interests in land.


Professor Berndt

  1. Berndt 1959 is a seminal article on WDCB groupings. It was so regarded in De Rose. Professor Berndt describes his understanding of how the Aboriginal population of the Western Desert region was ‘organised’, while emphasising that he had obtained the material on which he was working from Western Desert Aborigines who had come into contact situations, and who could no longer be described as truly semi-nomadic hunters and food collectors. He wrote: ‘[t]hose days have almost gone, and only a very few can be said to follow the “traditional” way of life’ (p 96). Nonetheless, he thought that there was enough evidence on groupings in semi-nomadic times to provide a basis for discussion (ibid). ).
  2. Professor Berndt set out to show that the social structure that might be indicated by the word ‘tribe’ is not applicable to any social unit in the Western Desert, and, in particular, that the largest observable social units were not territory-owing groups. It is important not to be misled by, for example, Tindale’s map, which shows the Maduwongga, Koara and Waljen tribes as located in bounded territories. The anthropologists who testified were at one in rejecting any notion of ‘tribe-owned territories’.
  3. Professor Berndt thought that for anthropologists, the term ‘tribe’ had these common features (p 182):
linguistic and, up to a point, cultural distinctiveness; general acknowledgement, by the persons concerned, of membership in such a unit; and probably the crucial point (since the unit involved is a social one), interaction; the tribe, one might say, would be the widest range not just of consistent interaction but of more or less regular co-activity.’

Berndt also noted (p 84) that other anthropologists considered Australian ‘tribes’ to be a collection of segments called ‘local groups’, which, he said, were the land-owning units.

  1. After identifying ‘the region in question’ (see 3.6(a)(b) [624] above), Professor Berndt said (p 84) that the population of ‘the greater part of this whole region could be referred to broadly in terms of a “culture bloc”.’ Berndt identified (pp 104-105) the following social units within that bloc: a local group, a horde, a lodge (or ‘religious cult unit’), a dialectal unit, and a wider unit which he described as being ‘formed seasonally by members of a number of hordes coming together for the purpose of performing certain sacred rituals’. To this last group, he was prepared to apply the term ‘society’ (see [842]–[843] below).
  2. The positioning of these social units is reflected in the following passage (p 104), where Professor Berndt states that the political autonomy of these semi-nomadic people:
perhaps be shown diagrammatically by means of concentric circles, the innermost “solidary” core representing the local group; outside this, the horde; outside this again the constellation of those, within a rather loosely defined range, who possess the same cult totem; immediately outside the last circle those hordes which consist of more or less contiguous local groups speaking the one dialect; finally, beyond this range, irrespective of cultural similarity and the spread of kin ties, the system is “open” and relatively weak.’

  1. Professor Berndt saw the local group as the land holding core of the horde, and described it as follows (p 98):
persons united by common patrilineal descent, who share a given site or constellation of sites, constitute the local group; this is the land-owning group, with special spiritual and ritual ties, of which the land itself represents the most obvious, most enduring, and most consistently visible, tangible focus. Executive powers are almost entirely in the hands of initiated males, who control, and possess the right to perform, the major totemic rituals relevant to that group and various other religious activities. The female members of such a group move out of it at marriage, but are expected to maintain spiritual and emotional ties with their “country”; they do not relinquish their totemic affiliations. We may therefore speak of this local unit as a patrilineal descent group. Its male members have the most active associations with their country and all it stands for, and with their wives form a relatively closely knit body.’ (my emphasis)

Professor Berndt stated in a footnote to the expression ‘local group’ in this passage, that the local group country was defined, not by boundaries explicitly demarcating it from similar units, but by the actual sites connected with the ancestral being and his acts. Such territory was, he said, ideally ‘unalienable’, but members of other local groups were not debarred from entry, or from hunting game or collecting food within its precincts, although they might be denied access to sacred sites where objects of ritual use were stored.

  1. Professor Berndt also identified the ‘cult or “lodge” as Elkin has called it’, being a men-only religious unit that was ‘the widest acknowledged social unit’ (p 99).
  2. The participating anthropologists agreed in their joint report that the ‘model of land owning patrilineal clans does not apply to the Western Desert’. There remain, however, the definition of the land the subject of ownership as ‘a given site or constellation of sites’ and the ‘special spiritual and ritual ties’ to which Berndt referred. The theme that the land owned is identified by reference to, Tjukurr sites or tracks and had a religious dimension, has been a recurrent one in anthropological writings (see below) and does not seem to have been departed from.
  3. Professor Berndt said (pp 96-97) that what was important was a certain stretch of territory and its totemic associations. Usually, he said, it was not only one site and the country immediately surrounding it which were involved, but a number of sites, the majority having totemic connections. The area might vary greatly in size and in totemic complexity. A child born at one place ‘inherits’, so to speak, all the totemic aspects linked with it. Although only one waterhole may be mentioned, in relation to a person, the understanding is that others, as well as physiographic features, such as hills, stones and sand dunes, are connected with it, and it is these which, in totality, make up the ‘country of one’s birth’.
  4. The most important site economically is given prominence, usually a watering place, and it is not always the actual birth site that is important, but the fact that it takes place within the territory or constellation of sites associated with the principal waterhole. Professor Berndt wrote (p 97):
the waterhole at which he was born, a person may say “That’s my gabi, my country”; this is his most important tie with the land, and he is not as a rule articulate concerning any larger territorially based unit.’

As will be seen below, the constellation of Tjukurr sites with which a child’s birth was associated, featured in the writings of later anthropologists as the child’s ‘estate’.

  1. In contrast to the local group, Professor Berndt observed that the horde, as such, had no territorial claim and was not ‘localized’ except in a very general sense. It moved across the country in search of sustenance within an undefined radius of the respective cult sites. Professor Berndt wrote (p 103):
fifty persons (adult males and females with children) would probably represent the very maximum figure for such a horde; ordinarily the figure would be considerably lower, and certainly this would be so to-day.

horde is the land-occupying group, and has as its core several nuclear families, the male members of which, with their children, are normally linked by close ties of patrilineal kinship. This is a corporate body of some consistency and unity. It was relatively self-sufficient, and for most of the year would be on the move, either by itself or in conjunction with one or more other hordes.’ (my emphasis)

  1. As noted earlier, Professor Berndt identified ‘the wider unit formed seasonally by members of a number of hordes coming together for the purpose of performing certain sacred rituals’. He notes that ‘the significance of this wider unit rests primarily on the degree of interaction taking place among its members’ (p 105). He says that this ‘wider unit’ might be termed a ‘society’, and that on the basis of the material presented in his article, it was ‘more rewarding to speak of Western Desert societies, rather than ambiguously of tribes’ (ibid).
  2. Professor Berndt’s ‘Conclusion’ includes the following paragraphs (pp 104-105):
our purpose, then, we have isolated for discussion the following social units: the dialectal unit; the local group (which in any definition of “tribe” in Aboriginal Australia has been demonstrated by Radcliffe-Brown and Elkin to be of basic importance); the horde; the religious cult unit composed of several local groups having the same cult totem – the “lodge”, as Elkin has called it; and the wider unit formed seasonally by members of a number of hordes coming together for the purpose of performing certain sacred rituals. (I have purposely not dealt with the section and sub-section systems common throughout this region.) My purpose has been, primarily, to delineate the widest functionally significant social unit – a unit which we can broadly define in terms of the interaction of its members, on a relatively regular and consistent basis. ...

It is those who meet regularly and consistently, even if intermittently – and are closely involved in reciprocal duties and obligations – who make up the widest functionally significant group. And one might expect to find a number of these throughout the Western Desert, with some of their members interchangeable from time to time, serving to maintain a linkage over a relatively wide region. Each one of these might be termed a society, the main criteria being (a) sustained interaction between its members; (b) the possession of broadly common aims; (c) effective and consistent communication between them. It is suggested, therefore, on the basis of material presented here, that it is more rewarding to speak of Western Desert societies, rather than ambiguously of tribes.’

There is no suggestion by Berndt that the WDCB is itself a ‘society’. Rather, he would say that there are within it multiple societies, characterised by the three features (a), (b) and (c) he mentions.

‘Estate’ and ‘range’

  1. Some six years after the ‘seminal’ Berndt 1959, Professor WEH Stanner made explicit the ‘estate’/‘range’ dichotomy in the present area of anthropological discourse. Stanner’s analysis is simple enough, although later anthropologists have elaborated upon it. Professor Stanner wrote in ‘Aboriginal Territorial Organisation: Estate, Range, Domain and Regime’, Oceania, vol 36, no 1, 1965, p 1-2:
pattern of aboriginal territoriality should be looked at first from an ecological point of view. The evidence allows us to say that each territorial group was associated with both an estate and a range. The distinction is crucial. The estate was the traditionally recognized locus (“country”, “home”. “ground”, “dreaming place”) of some kind of patrilineal descent-group forming the core or nucleus of the territorial group. It seems usually to have been a more or less continuous stretch. The range was the tract or orbit over which the group, including its nucleus and adherents, ordinarily hunted and foraged to maintain life. The range normally included the estate: people did not usually belong here and live there but, in some circumstances, the two could be practically dissociated.’

  1. In his report, Dr Brunton summarises the views of various anthropologists in relation to ‘Aboriginal Relations to Country’, taking as his starting point Professor Stanner’s statement. He acknowledges that Professor Stanner’s definitions of ‘estate and ‘range’ have been qualified as a result of subsequent research and discussion; that patrilineal descent groups were not as prevalent as Stanner thought; and that Stanner probably overstated the extent to which the group utilising the range (‘the band’) was predominantly comprised of people from a single estate.
  2. Dr Brunton elaborates as follows:
is the term widely used to refer to the primary unit of land tenure, and the relationship between people and their estate is often characterised as “predominantly religious in character”, although important economic and political consequences flowed from the relationship. “Range” entailed a relationship with land which was primarily economic. The range of any band was invariably larger than any single estate, and unlike estates, which seem to have remained reasonably stable over long periods of time, ranges could differ in size and the extent to which they overlapped each other from year to year. The variability of ranges would have been considerably greater in arid regions subject to unpredictable patterns of rainfall, such as the country covered by the Wongatha Claim area.’

  1. Dr Brunton cites Peter Sutton, ‘Aboriginal Country Groups and the “Community of Native Title Holders”’, NNTT Occasional Paper Series, no 1, 2001, pp 22–23, as stating that the ‘estate’ is usually portrayed as:
set of sites and surrounding landscapes considered to belong to a single, relatively small, country. The degree to which this set of sites is conceived of primarily in terms of key sacred sites ... as opposed to an approach in which the whole estate [is seen as] a “block” including its non-sacred sites ... is a matter of regional variation. So also is the extent to which estates may overlap and intertwine. Such variations to a significant extent are in line with the aridity of the region, estates being less neatly bounded and more inclined to intertwine along Dreaming track segments, and to rest elementally on the sites of Dreaming track or song line segments, in semi-desert areas.’

According to Dr Brunton, Sutton states that estates ‘appear virtually everywhere’ in Aboriginal Australia, although he (Sutton) thinks that the concept may be of ‘debatable usefulness’ in at least ‘some sub-regions’ of the Western Desert. Nevertheless, Dr Brunton observes that the two major recent monographs on specific Western Desert peoples, the Pintupi and the Mardu, by Professors Fred Myers and Robert Tonkinson respectively, both of which are cited by Pannell/Vachon, use these concepts: Fred R Myers, Pintupi Country, Pintupi Self: Sentiment, Place, and Politics among Western Desert Aborigines (Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, 1986) (‘Myers, Pintupi’) pp 128-9; Tonkinson, The Mardu Aborigines pp 67-68.

  1. In Myers, Pintupi, Professor Myers dealt with the Pintupi People of an area of the Western Desert which lies north of the Wongatha Claim area and straddles the Western Australia/Northern Territory border.
  2. Professor Myers distinguished between ngurra as ‘camp’ and as ‘country’. He wrote that ngurra as ‘country’ represented named places which were the camps of The Dreaming. While ngurra as ‘camp’ is a transient human product, ngurra as ‘country’ endures, because its creators are outside the immediate social world. Professor Myers referred (p 59) to the country as ‘story’, that is, a story of The Dreaming.
  3. In chapter 5 of his book, Professor Myers took up a theme that he had referred to earlier, namely, that Pintupi landholding formations were the outcome of processes of individual negotiation, the individual’s ‘claim’ to country being based on multiple pathways of connection. He said (p 129):
in the Western Desert is thus an elusive matter. Only belatedly did I come to see the mystery as part of the system itself: Ownership is not a given, but an accomplishment. Although rights over sacred sites are acquired only through political activity, this historicity is disguised by the fact that the cultural basis of claims lies in the ontological priority of The Dreaming. ... Ultimately, landownership is tied to a politics that emphasizes both the claims of relatedness and those of personal autonomy.’

  1. Professor Myers listed possible pathways of connection which the individual might assert to place A as follows (p 129):
conception at the place A;
  1. conception at a place B made by and/or identified with the same Dreaming as A;
  2. conception at a place B whose Dreaming is associated mythologically with The Dreaming at A (the story lines cross);
  3. initiation at A (for a male);
  4. birth at A;
  5. father conceived at A or conditions 2–5 true for father;
  6. mother conceived at A or conditions 2, 3, or 5 true for mother;
  7. “grandparents” (tjamu, kaparli, including all kin types so classified) conceived at A or conditions 2–5 true;
  8. residence around A;
  9. death of close relative at or near A.’

Following this list, Professor Myers wrote that one can claim identification with any place with which one’s close relatives are identified, and that ‘[a] fundamental link in the chain is a person’s identification with his conception Dreaming and its place. He or she is, after all, its incarnation.’

  1. Myers stated that he interpreted ‘range’ and ‘estate’ as ‘properties of individuals rather than well-defined groups’ (Myers, Pintupi pp 128-9).
  2. Professor Myers did not depart from Berndt’s understanding of the Dreaming and Dreaming sites and tracks as underlying the subject matter of land ownership. He emphasised the individual as the owner, and the variety of pathways between the individual and that subject matter, by which ownership might be ‘accomplished’.
  3. Professor Tonkinson studied the Madudjara, whose home territories lie in the areas surrounding Lake Disappointment on the western side of the Gibson Desert.
  4. While there are differences between the 1978 and 1991 editions of his work (for a start, the main title of the 1978 edition is The Mardudjara Aborigines, while that of the 1991 edition is The Mardu Aborigines), there is no difference of significance in relation to Professor Tonkinson’s discussion of ‘the Estate Group’. I will not discuss his analysis. It suffices, I think, to say that, again, a tie to the Dreaming is present. Professor Tonkinson also states (1991 edition, pp 67–8):
the larger dialect-named unit, the entity here referred to as “the estate group” has no reality as an exclusive, on-the-ground collectivity, so it can be difficult to identify. There are no unilineal descent groups such as lineages or clans in the Western Desert region, but certain cultural principles operate to ensure that the estate group has a core of patrilineally related men and women. Nevertheless, membership criteria are not rigorously defined, and most people are able to maintain a primary allegiance to one group and secondary allegiances to a number of others. Possible affiliative criteria are many, and individuals can exercise choices in their estate group memberships.’

Like Professor Myers, Professor Tonkinson refers to a variety of avenues of connection to the estate. He describes the estate as follows (p 66):

estate is the traditional heartland of what is most often some kind of patrilineal descent group. It consists of a limited number of important waterholes and sacred sites to which the members of the group are intimately related through strongly felt bonds of attachment and belonging. Whereas the tie to the estate is primarily a religious one, the relationship of social groups to their range is principally economic. A range is the large area exploited by bans during the food quest, and it normally includes within it an estate which a majority of members of the bands concerned think of as their home area ...’ (my emhasis)

  1. Dr Brunton also refers to observations by Professor Berndt, referred to earlier, that are consistent with the existence of ‘estates’ being defined by a number of sites, the majority having totemic connections, and their immediately surrounding landscapes: Berndt 1959 p 97.
  2. Finally, Dr Brunton notes that Stanton used the concepts of ‘estate’ and ‘range’ when describing people’s relations to country: John Stanton, Conflict, Change and Stability at Mt Margaret: An Aboriginal Community in Transition, PhD thesis, Uni of WA, 1984, pp 196-8.
  3. I note that the concept of the ‘estate’ described in the anthropological literature to which I have referred above seems also to be consistent with the expert evidence accepted in De Rose, in which the claimants identified their relevant country as an area described by reference to a ‘constellation’ of important sites (generally water points), that were, most often, associated with, and connected by, the Tjukurrpa (De Rose FCAFC/O’Loughlin [100]: see 3.5 [506]).
  4. The result of the discussion above of Berndt, Stanner, Myers and Tonkinson, is that the subject matter of land ownership was based on Tjukurr sites and tracks; that ‘ownership’ was at the level of the individual; that there were multiple pathways by which the individual had the status of owner; and that the landowning group comprised those individuals who were owners of the same subject matter.

Pannell/Vachon

  1. Responding to Dr Brunton’s criticism that they had not paid due regard to the anthropological work on the estate/range dichotomy, Pannell/Vachon, in their supplementary report, stated:
avoid the confusion and problems that Dr Brunton himself identifies with the application of Stanner’s model in the Western Desert, Pannell and Vachon refrained from imposing a model formulated from research in a different region on our recording of ethnographic material in the southwestern region of the Western Desert. We also refrained from attempting to fit this ethnographic material in an uncritical manner into a Stanner-like model post fieldwork. Like Fred Myers, we focused upon indigenous cultural constructs rather than solely relying upon “a priori analytic assumptions of what constitutes the most ‘basic’ level of a system”’ [citing Myers, Pintupi, p 20].

  1. It seems to me that, and the above passage seems to confirm, that the approach of Pannell/Vachon has been to accept the Wongatha claimants’ claims to country at face value, and as establishing an entitlement to rights and interests, without comparing the claims made to any notion, derived otherwise, of what traditional Western Desert laws and customs allowed (see [875] below). Dr Pannell followed Professor Myers’ analysis in several respects, however: his emphasis on ownership being at the level of the individual; his reference to ownership as being an accomplishment rather than a given, his reference to individual negotiation, and, of course, his ‘multiple pathways of connection’. However, I did not understand her to accept, or at least to emphasise, that the subject matter of ownership was based on Dreaming sites and tracks. I cannot recall any individual claimant in the present case who described his or her ‘my country’ area in those terms. The tendency was to describe ‘my country’ areas in terms of the pathways of connections themselves: place of birth, place of residence, parent’s country, and so on. It is possible I suppose that references to some places may in fact be references to Dreaming sites or tracks, but I cannot recall any case where this was articulated.
  2. The present Claim groups do not fit any of the groupings discussed above. First, they do not fit Berndt’s ‘local group’ model and are not the holders of the same ‘estate’ referred to by later anthropologists. Second, they do not fit Berndt’s ‘wider unit’ or ‘society’.
  3. The nature of the Wongatha Claim group, in anthropological terms, was taken up with Dr Pannell. Asked whether the Wongatha claimants as a group constituted a society of the ‘wider unit’ kind described by Berndt, or part of some broader group, Dr Pannell said:
suggesting that what we see is a number of overlapping interacting networks ... of which the Wongatha claimants are a part ... But, as Berndt suggests, these networks cannot be sharply demarcated and they shift over time. The personnel shift over time, and the nature of the communication moves over time and space. ... So we’re dealing with a very labile society.’
  1. Dr Pannell agreed that the ‘territorial location’ of Wongatha claimants, as a group, changes over time, ‘given the nature of the way that people are connected to country in the Western Desert’. There followed these exchanges:
HUGHSTON: The societies as you describe them, could I suggest, are very ephemeral units. They’re not enduring over time. Their membership changes, their boundaries change. Would you agree?
PANNELL: YesHUGHSTON: You’re describing ephemeral, rather than units with some degree of permanence.PANNELL: I’m – yes. I’m suggesting that these networks actually do change over time and in space ...HUGHSTON: Okay.PANNELL: ... but that’s the feature of the Western Desert.’
  1. Dr Pannell said:
our report] we suggest that the group – rather than assuming its existence, we suggest that a group is a process. It’s not an existing structure, but groups come into being through a variety of means and manners.’

Dr Pannell was not prepared to adopt Berndt’s description of his ‘society’ set out earlier. She said she had problems with his analysis in several respects. In my view, she distanced herself from his ‘local groups’ and ‘cult lodges’, for example. However, she said she accepted his idea of ‘networks of interaction’.

  1. The Cosmo applicant submits that the Cosmo Claim group conforms to Berndt’s model of the local landowning group. He cites Dr Sackett’s principal and supplementary reports. In the former, Dr Sackett considers ‘Depictions of Land Tenure in the Area of the Claim’ by Bates, Elkin, Tindale, Berndt and Stanton. Dr Sackett observed that ‘the reality of land holding was, and is, more varied and complex than earlier researchers imagined.’ In his later report, he referred to anthropological evidence in favour of a variety of bases of connection.
  2. Like the other Claim areas, the Cosmo Claim area is not defined by being a constellation of the ‘actual sites connected with the ancestral being and his acts’ mentioned by Berndt. Neither the Cosmo Claim group nor any of the other Claim groups conforms to Berndt’s ‘local (landowning) group’.
  3. According to the Cosmo submission, Dr Sackett subscribes to the notion of ‘overlapping societies’ as ‘best replicating the likely traditional system of organisation in the Western Desert’. Dr Sackett said of the Cosmo Claim group:
just seems to me that the society that they’re part of is not the Wongatha society as it’s been described. It includes part of that, but others, as well.’

He also thought that the Cosmo ‘people’ probably shared a social zone from people from Tjirrkarli/Kanpa and possibly from Mulga Queen.

  1. In their primary report, Pannell/Vachon seem to accept Berndt’s conclusion that there are ‘societies’ rather than ‘tribes’ within the WDCB. They say that Berndt suggested that ‘societies’, in the sense of units which can be broadly defined in terms of the interaction of their members, should replace ‘tribes’, at least in the context of the Western Desert. They say that there may be a number of societies within the WDCB, to which broad labels may attach. They cite the labels wangkatha (Wongatha), martu (Mardu) and arnangu. They state: ‘The claimants’ network of interaction – or what could be called the “Wongatha society” – extends from the [Wongatha] claim area out to Wiluna, Warburton, Coonana and, to a lesser degree, Ooldea and Tjuntjuntjara’. Dr Pannell was questioned as to the kind of ‘society’ she had in mind:
HUGHSTON: And you, of course, accept his [Professor Berndt’s] concept of the society, but you don’t accept that it’s a society as defined by him – that is, one which is comprised of, inter alia, a number of local groups.
PANNELL: If I recall, Mr Hughston, in our report, we actually indicate that Wongatha – the claimants can be considered as a society in the sense of Berndt. We weren’t actually suggesting in a – as – the same as Berndt, but in that sense of actually delineating a network ...HUGHSTON: Yes.PANNELL: ... of interaction.HUGHSTON: Well, insofar as you refer to the Wongatha claimants as being part of a society, could I suggest to you that, clearly, they are not part of a society of the kind that was described by Professor Berndt in his seminal 1959 paper. Do you accept that?PANNELL: I accept they don’t have these features that Berndt suggests, but I think there’s some problems with some of the concepts he’s suggesting here. The existence of the patrilineal descent group throughout the Western Desert is quite problematic.HUGHSTON: Yes. You see, my difficulty, Dr Pannell, is I thought that you were suggesting ... that what he had [sic – we have] in the Wongatha claimant group was a society of the kind described in what you said was Professor Berndt’s seminal 1959 paper.PANNELL: I think we qualify, in our report, Mr Hughston, that the society we have in mind insofar as it refers to Berndt’s idea of a network. I don’t think we actually suggest that we subscribe to some of the other ideas that he’s – he’s presented in this article about cult lodges or patrilineal descent groups.
  1. The kind of ‘Wongatha society’ Dr Pannell and Mr Vachon describe does not have the features of the Western Desert ‘societies’ described by Berndt. If a ‘society’ of the Wongatha kind they describe had then existed, Berndt would have referred to it. If it exists now, it must have come into existence since he wrote in 1959. Dr Pannell accepted that the ‘Wongatha society’ does not have ‘any of those traditional features described by Berndt in the sense that they are composed of local groups of that sort, dialectal units, cult lodges, and hordes’. She said, however, that in any event she did not subscribe to Professor Berndt’s ideas of cult lodges or patrilineal descent groups.
  2. Essential to the concept of the Wongatha society referred to by Dr Pannell is the concept of a web or network of zones of interaction that shift over time and space. While this idea is to be found in Berndt 1959, Dr Pannell took it to new lengths, and tried to substitute it for any concept of a ‘group’. She said that over time and space the zones are ‘transmogrified’, that is to say, that the composition of groups change and their territory changes. In this sense they are not territorially based. Although the actual composition of any group with a degree of permanence can be expected to change over time, Dr Pannell was describing a situation in which groups form, dissolve, re-form, merge, and so on, that is, the criteria for group membership change over time.
  3. It is difficult to avoid the impression that, having correctly perceived that the Wongatha Claim group does not fit Berndt’s description of the landholding local group, Dr Pannell has seized upon his ‘wider unit’ or ‘society’ and attempted to redefine it into a Wongatha network of interaction. In my opinion, however, the Wongatha Claim group, like all other Claim groups before the Court, simply does not fit any of the groupings described by Professor Berndt.
  4. I do not understand how Dr Pannell’s ephemeral, changing, overlapping, interacting networks could be accommodated to s 225 of the NTA which provides for a determination that rights and interests are held by a group in a particular area. This is not to say that Dr Pannell’s analysis is wrong as a matter of anthropology. Indeed, Mr de Gand’s evidence is in some respects similar. He said that people can activate their connections, and, by implication, de-activate them, so that people can be part of a mob at one time, but at another time be very distant from it. The analysis discussed suggests, however, a difficulty in reconciling the Western Desert network discussed with the concept of group rights and interests in an area underlying the NTA.
  5. All of this tends to reinforce the individualistic nature of the claimed rights and interests. Mr de Gand emphasised that ‘my country’ relationships were at the individual, not the group, level. He said that the individual’s ‘my country’ area is ‘a small portion of his or her orbit of occupation, movement and land use ... [or] run’.
  6. Dr Pannell was suggesting an analysis based on what she was told by the claimants of their and their parents’ and perhaps their grandparents’ movements. Frequently she sought to derive support from the connections which individual claimants ‘express’, as though that was the end of the matter. It may be suggested that this approach subverts that mandated by the NTA: claims made are not to be taken as necessarily conforming to traditional laws and customs, but must be tested against them, the existence and content of those laws and customs being ascertained otherwise. However, if traditional Western Desert laws and customs do indeed allow for virtually limitless pathways of connection to be the subject of assertion by the individual and recognition by others, the process of ‘negotiation’ and ‘accomplishment’ of the holding of rights and interests does not subvert the NTA, notwithstanding the difficulty or impossibility of accommodating the process to it.
  7. Ultimately, Dr Pannell’s scheme suggests, not group rights and interests, but either relationships not related to landholding at all, or, alternatively, individual rights and interests. The overlapping of the present Claims and the fact that it seems to be a matter of chance which Claim group a person chooses to join and is accepted into, is consistent with this view. In the present case, the criteria for membership of the GLSC Claim groups are not fixed in such a way that a person cannot be a member of more than one group or move between groups. Indeed, Dr Pannell said:
of the fortuitous principles of connection to country within the system of the Western Desert Cultural Bloc, which is earth, and so in time, people’s connection over time can be seen to move throughout that landscape, and as such their interactions with other individuals expands and contracts on the basis of those kind of connections.

they shift also in terms of people’s experience – their social experience and cultural experience in terms of ritual, for example.’

  1. Groups 5B/5F submit that ‘Professors Berndt, Elkin and even anthropologists in more recent times such as Fred Myers, Professor Tonkinson and Dr Stanton, all support the conclusion that there were smaller groups within the Western Desert [who] held particular rights and interests in relation to smaller areas’.
  2. Dr Pannell agreed that Professor Berndt, and, at least, on one view, Professor Tonkinson, thought that initiated paternal kin in each local group shared special responsibilities towards certain sacred sites in the local group’s ‘estate’, and that people belonging to this exogamous patrilineal landholding group travelled as members of hordes. Their view was that at the time of first contact Aboriginal people had a ‘traditional heartland’ or ‘estate’, and a larger area that they exploited, by way of hunting and gathering, called a ‘range’.

Conclusions

  1. I draw the following conclusions on the basis of the evidence surveyed above:
    1. Exploitation, such as by camping, hunting and foraging over an ‘orbit of occupation’ or ‘range’ or ‘run’ did not give rights and interests in the area exploited.
    2. Under traditional Western Desert laws and customs, any recognition of rights and interests in land was based on the Tjukurr (Dreaming) and the subject matter of ‘ownership’ was defined by reference to a Tjukurr site or constellation of Tjukurr sites or tracks.
    3. This ‘estate’ as it has been called, was not limited to the actual site or sites or track, but extended to related or nearby topographical features, and apparently its size could vary greatly.
    4. Ownership was at the level of the individual.
    5. The individuals who owned the same estate could, however, be seen as constituting, in a loose sense, a landowning ‘group’.
    6. The individual’s place of birth was the primary form of connection to the estate, but there were others, leading to the anthropological acceptance of the notion of ‘pathways of connection’.

I cannot recall any claimant who claimed a ‘my country’ area defined by reference to Dreaming, sites or tracks. Certainly, generally speaking, the ‘my country’ areas claimed were described by reference to names and places that featured in the pathways of connection relied upon, such as, place of claimant’s birth, parents’ country, place where parents or grandparents ‘came from’, place of long term residence, country known to claimant. What appears to have happened in the present case is as follows: sedentarisation and urbanisation have placed distance between the claimants and Dreaming sites and tracks; the concept of multiple pathways of connection, while it can apply to an area defined by reference to such sites or tracks, is not of itself inherently limited by reference to such subject matter; the claimants have invoked the multiple pathways concept to define the subject matter of their claims, that is to say, their ‘my country’ areas. I do not see this abandonment of the Tjukurr basis of the subject matter of ownership as a permissible adaptation. The above is a generalisation, and it may be that some exceptions can be found in the case of the ‘my country’ claims of some individuals.

4. The aggregation or pooling of ‘my country’ areas in the present case

  1. Section 223(1) of the NTA provides for recognition of native title rights and interests held at the ‘communal, group or individual’ level. In the present case, all eleven Claims are made on behalf groups to group rights and interests in group areas. However, the claims to country made by the claimants are at the individual rather than the group level. This is a fatal problem, as it contradicts their assertion of groups having group rights and interests in group areas.
  2. The four GLSC Claims and the Cosmo Claim are clearly based on aggregations of the rights and interests of individuals and their ‘my country’ areas.
  3. The Maduwongga Claim is of a ‘group’ type, membership being purportedly based on cognatic descent from an apical ancestor, Kitty Bluegum. However, as noted at 9.2(c) [3478], Dr McDonald could not support the proposition that a claim so formulated was supported by traditional Western Desert laws and customs. Ultimately, he seems to have supported the same individual ‘my country’ areas approach that underlies the GLSC and Cosmo Claims. By joining in the participating anthropologists’ report, for example, he supported the ‘multiple pathways of connection’ by which individuals acquire ‘my country’ areas.
  4. Although the NK 1 and NK 2 applicants did not lead evidence from an anthropologist, a similar observation applies to those Claims, even though the NK 1 and NK 2 POCs’ criterion for membership of those Claim groups is descent from an apical ancestor, WaruTjukurr.
  5. I refer to the individual/group issue many times in these reasons. Ultimately, it is not in dispute that, according to the evidence, the claims to country that have been made by the witnesses are in fact founded upon claims by individuals to their own different ‘my country’ areas. Because of the importance of the question, however, I will spend some time in this section outlining some of the evidence.
  6. Before doing so, I will summarise my conclusions, treating all Claim groups in the same way, but in Chs 9 and 10 I will deal with the apical ancestor basis of the Maduwongga and NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups.

1. The Claims are put on the basis that:

  1. Native title group rights and interests cannot be created in this way. Group rights and interests of the kind claimed do not owe their existence to pre-sovereignty laws and customs, but to the agreement to aggregate or to pool – conduct that is governed by the Australian general law. The group rights and interests cannot have existed prior to the making of the agreement.
  2. Additionally, the agreement involves an impermissible alienation, in whole or in part, of the individual’s rights and interests in his or her ‘my country’ area, because, as a result of the agreement, those rights and interests have been subjected to the rights and interests of the Claim group, albeit in exchange for rights and interests in the ‘my country’ areas of all the other members of the Claim group. The evidence does not show that alienation, whether as part of an aggregation or pooling arrangement or otherwise, was permitted in accordance with pre-sovereignty Western Desert law and custom: see Mabo (No 2) at 51, 60 (Brennan J).

The individual’s multiple pathways of connection – a non-group or non-corporate concept

  1. The notion of ‘multiple pathways of connection’ is referable to the individual.
  2. Mr Vachon said that the Western Desert characteristic of multiple pathways of connection produced the result that a person would be recognised as having a connection by being born and growing up in a place, rather than as a result of membership of a corporate land-owning group. He continued:
criterion of connection was a bit fortuitous. I mean, it was unpredictable where a person might be born, particularly in an environment such as the Western Desert, and particularly amongst people who had a rudimentary technology and were nomadic.’
  1. The individual indigenous witnesses claimed land in relation to which each stood in a ‘my country’ relationship personal to him or her (it seems that the Aboriginal word most nearly synonymous with ‘my country area’ is ngurra – see 4.7(a)(b)(4) below). The claim does not depend upon his or her membership of a group. Each ‘my country area’ is smaller than the Claim area claimed by the Claim group of which the person is a member. The bases of the claims included, but were not limited to these:
    1. place of birth of the claimant;
    2. place of conception of the claimant;
    3. place of birth of one or other of the claimant’s ancestors;
    4. country (or any other basis of the claimant’s ancestors);
    5. place where the claimant grew up;
    6. place where the claimant lives;
    7. place which the claimant knows and with which he or she is familiar
  2. In cross-examination Dr Pannell listed the bases on which people might assert a connection to country in the Wongatha Claim area as follows:

1. birth and growing up in the area;

2. mother and/or father born and growing up in the area;

3. one of the persons’ co-lateral grandparents born and/or growing up in the area;

4. death and burial of an antecedent in the claim area;

5. initiation of the person at a site within the area.

  1. The laws and customs that provide for the multiple pathways of connection must themselves be pre-sovereignty laws and customs, but in fact the multiple pathways of connection do not have great genealogical or chronological depth. In particular, none of them call for a link back to sovereignty. In fact, even (3) and (4) in each list above will, in practice, refer to only the first or second ascending generation (‘my mother’s country’, ‘my grandfather’s country’).
  2. So, a person may be the first person in his or her family ever to be born and to grow up within the Wongatha Claim area, for example, yet he or she will satisfy the POC criteria for membership, subject to that connection (birth and growing up in the Wongatha Claim area) being recognised by the other members of the Claim group (see, for example, Wongatha POC para 1(b) set out at [129]).
  3. The potential pathways of connection and bases of land ownership do not encounter the problems of an ‘apical ancestor based group’ kind confronted by the Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 Claims, and discussed in Chs 9 and 10. They make it entirely clear, however, that we are dealing with individual rights and interests claimed by individuals in ‘my country’ areas personal to them.
  4. The only sense in which such claims are group claims is that individuals who claim to have connections on one or more of the bases mentioned above (or others), have come together, through their respective family groupings, with other individuals and families, and ‘pooled’ their claimed individual rights or interests to make group claims. Then, under the impulses described elsewhere, groups themselves combined. In the GLSC supplementary submissions, the present point is clearly made, with reference to the Wongatha/MN overlap:
whole of the Overlap is embraced by the totality of the individual “my country” relationships held by individual claim group members; and the rights and interests of the group as a whole, or in a corporate sense, arise from the aggregation of those relationships and the “connectedness” of the members.’

  1. The evidence does not establish a set of criteria by reference to which I can establish who, in their capacity as members of any group, have rights and interests in relation to the Wongatha Claim area or any part of it, under traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed. The ‘my country’ areas of individuals are not held by them in their capacity as members of any group.

Dr Pannell and Mr Vachon

  1. Dr Pannell accepted that the principle of recruitment, or a primary principle of recruitment, into the Wongatha Claim group is that a person must assert an individual claim to an area that falls, in whole or in part, within the Wongatha Claim area. Dr Pannell also accepted that there are places, such as Baker Lake and Karonie, which have been historically associated with ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’ people, but which are not within the Wongatha Claim area.
  2. Mr Vachon said that the ‘my country’ relationship over an individual’s life is not predictable. He illustrated by reference to Marnupa/Biddy Ross, the mother of Frances Murray (née Ross) who is the mother of Harvey Murray. He said that when she was a child living at Tjirrkarli or Mangkili or Tjintjira (all outside the Wongatha and Cosmo Claim areas), her family would possibly have said at that time that her country was Tjirrkarli, yet later in life she may well have said that it was Puntitjara or Mitika or Mantjal or Cosmo. According to the evidence, a person’s ‘my country’ area can change throughout life. The obvious question arises how, if at all, this circumstance can be accommodated to the NTA.
  3. Mr Vachon said that it was ‘difficult to know who the Mantjintjarra Ngalia people were’. He added:
point that I want to make is this: people with rights and interests to the Mantjintjarra Ngalia overlap do not have those rights and interests as a people ... As in a Mantjintjarra Ngalia people ... They have the connections as individuals. They have personal histories as individuals. But the connections that they have are connections that others have. They’re sort of legitimate connections in their eyes, I suppose. They’re legitimate. But as far as I can work out, the people who have connections to the Mantjintjarra Ngalia overlap and express rights and interests there, do so as individuals within a system. They don’t do so as Mantjintjarra Ngalia people. They only do so as Mantjintjarra Ngalia people as a claimant group, which is still undecided, as I understand it.(my emphasis)

Mr Vachon said that the notion of ‘a people’ was problematic for the MN Claim group, although the individual claimants had various connections to the MN Claim area and shared a certain social history as well certain common life experiences, based on having lived in the desert and in the Mulga Queen area. Mr Vachon said that as far as he could work it out, the MN Claim group did not have rights and interests in the MN Claim area ‘as a people’, but individuals, who already had rights and interests (as individuals), came together and became a people in the form of a claim group.

  1. The following exchange is in the same vein:
HONOUR: quite a few times when Mr Parsons has asked you questions, you have said “I’m thinking of”, Dolly Walker, “I’m thinking of”, Dimple Sullivan, “I’m thinking of”, some other individual. Is that because, really, you are forced – one is forced to conceive of the rights and interests we’re speaking of as those of an individual, and then you work from that and see whether you can produce a people for the purpose of the making of a claim?

VACHON: Yes.’

  1. Mr Vachon said that while all or many of the MN claimants who are connected to the Wongatha/MN overlap would say of that overlap: ‘It’s my country’, and he would expect that taken together they would all hold all the rights and interests claimed, yet this was not to say that each individual would claim to hold all those rights and interests. Asked to consider Kado Muir, Mr Vachon said:
example almost proves that a person doesn’t have rights and interests on the basis of being a member of a people as a claimant group. Or, another way of looking at it, that he can be a member of a people at one time and not be a member of that people at another time and still have rights and interests in the claim area. I’m talking about Kado as being Mantjintjarra Ngalia ... and now Ngalia Kutjungkatja.’

  1. According to Mr Vachon, it is not possible to list the rights and interests of ‘the Wongatha’ or of ‘the MN people’ in the Wongatha/MN overlap, because it is necessary to look at each individual’s life story and circumstances in order to determine what bundle of rights and interests that person is claiming when he or she says ‘my country’.
  2. Mr Vachon was not able to provide an exhaustive list of those Wongatha claimants who asserted ‘my country’ rights and interests in the Wongatha/MN overlap. He gave a few names, said that he did not conduct an exhaustive survey, and noted that conflict can arise once names are attached to country and to rights and interests. He made it clear, however, that not all Wongatha claimants asserted ‘my country’ rights and interests in the overlap. I discuss further the testimony of Mr Vachon on the problematic composition of the MN Claim group at 5.5(a) [2027] ff.
  3. The present point is that it is not shown that under WDCB laws and customs, any of the Claim groups have, or that any predecessor groups had, group rights and interests derived from pre-sovereignty laws and customs. Rather, the Claim groups exist because individuals have come together and pooled their claimed countries, not in conformity with traditional laws and customs, but for the purpose of making an application for a determination under the NTA. If any of the claimants within any of the Claim groups possessed traditional rights and interests in relation to land or waters, they are individual rights and interests.
  4. Pannell/Vachon accept that the individual Wongatha claimants make ‘my country’ claims to different parts of the Wongatha Claim area, and that other people also have rights and interests in that area, or, more precisely, in specific parts of it. For example, they accept that there are non-claimants at Warburton, Wiluna and Coonana who are Wongatha, and have rights and interests within the Wongatha Claim area.
  5. Pannell/Vachon did not take as the starting point of their research the task of identifying all those individuals who, in accordance with traditional laws and customs, have rights and interests in any part of the Wongatha Claim area. Rather, they took as their starting point the Wongatha Claim group as defined in the Wongatha Form 1. Thus, they did not attempt to interview individuals from other overlapping ‘non-client’ Claim groups who also claim to have rights and interests in parts of the Wongatha Claim area. Dr Pannell did not explore with the people she interviewed the problem of the competing Cosmo Claim, that is, the legitimacy of the claims made by individual Cosmo claimants to a part or parts of the Wongatha Claim area.
  6. Dr Pannell said she took the composition of the Claim groups and the boundaries of their Claim areas as givens, ‘[b]ecause our brief was to research the Wongatha claimants’. That is to say, she did not pose for herself the question: Who are the persons or group or groups, if any, who, in accordance with traditional Western Desert laws and customs, have rights and interests in the Wongatha Claim area or in any part of it?
  7. The testimony of Dr Pannell also supports the view that the Wongatha Claim group is a recent construct based on a pooling of the ‘my country’ areas of individuals. The following exchange occurred between her and senior counsel for the State:
HUGHSTON: ... [W]e are dealing with, if you like, the claims of a large number of individuals as opposed to dealing with the claim made by the members of some corporate group.
PANNELL: Could you clarify what you’re referring to by “corporate”? MR HUGHSTON: Well, if we take, for instance, some Aboriginal groups are clearly corporate in the sense that they have enduring qualities over time. Could I use as an example, the Warlpiri people? We will find in the historical records writings about the Warlpiri people being a group of people who identify as Warlpiri, have certain characteristics in common and who have a territorial focus. We’ll find writings about the Warlpiri people from the time basically of first contact right through until the present time. Now, that’s one type of group isn’t it? That’s what I mean when I’m talking about a corporate group. We’re not dealing with the Wongatha people with something akin to the Warlpiri people are we?PANNELL: No, we make that quite clear, and the evidence from the Western Desert suggests that the idea of corporate groups is probably an anathema to the Western Desert.HUGHSTON: What we’re dealing with is, in effect, a multiplicity of native title claims made by individuals, and if one draws the physical boundaries of the Wongatha claim area, it’s the boundaries of the claim area that in fact define who the claimants are because it’s each individual who has asserted a connection with country within that larger Wongatha claim area.PANNELL: I would also suggest here, Mr Hughston, that the term of identity that is used by the claimants has some bearing on the constitution of the claimant group.HUGHSTON: Isn’t the term which the Wongatha people use - and I take it you’re referring to Wongatha?PANNELL: Or Wangkayi.HUGHSTON: Or Wangkayi. Could I suggest to you that using some maritime parlance, that that’s no more than a flag of convenience that’s been adopted for use in this claim following the amalgamation of a large number of smaller claims?PANNELL: I would suggest to you, Mr Hughston, that that’s a term that’s found in the secondary sources from – dating from, let me see, it or its synonym dating from circa 1895 consistently referred to in the sources for this area that we’re talking about. And it seems to suggest that there is some kind of enduring quality about this particular label.HUGHSTON: That may well be the case, but in relation to this claimant group could I suggest to you that Wongatha was simply chosen as perhaps the most inclusive term to be used to describe a host of individual and small group claimants once agreement had been reached to amalgamate a large number of claims within the Wongatha claim area?PANNELL: Yes, I would agree with your statement that Wongatha refers – can be used in an inclusive sense to refer to the individuals who express a connection to the claim area, yes, but it also can be used by other individuals.HUGHSTON: Well, Wongatha is a term which is – can be applied to Aboriginal people outside the boundaries of this claim area isn’t it?PANNELL: Yes, I agree with that.’ (my emphasis)
  1. The following further exchanges occurred:
HUGHSTON: ... So what we’re dealing with is not a claim by some corporate group known as the Wongatha people which includes all those who identify as and are identified by others as Wongatha, we’re dealing with a claim by a smaller group than that or a smaller number of individuals than that?
DR PANNELL: It’s not a corporate group insofar as there’s a single principle– single mechanism or principle for recruitment or that we would necessarily predict that this particular group of individuals, their descendants would be connected to the claim area in the – in the distant future.HUGHSTON: Well, is it the case that the claim area boundaries don’t represent any traditional territorial boundaries as such, but simply represent the sum total of the individual areas claimed by those persons who are within the Wongatha claimant group?PANNELL: Yes, the claim area boundaries as they stand, they encompass those connections, yes.HUGHSTON: But they are, in effect – can I put it to you, they are an artefact of the native title claim process are they not, that they have no other meaning whatsoever other than that they represent the sum total of claims that have been put forward by the members of the Wongatha claim group?PANNELL: I think the claim area boundaries indicate, and also broadly coincide with, the various historical recordings of the use of Wongatha. I say broadly.HUGHSTON: Does the claim area include Baker Lake?PANNELL: No, it doesn’t.HUGHSTON: Is that an area which historically is associated with Wongatha or Wangkayi people?PANNELL: I was referring to the secondary sources, Mr Hughston.HUGHSTON: Yes. Well, I’ll ask you now: is Baker Lake a place associated with Wongatha or Wangkayi people?PANNELL: Yes, it is.HUGHSTON: Okay. And it’s not in the claim area is it?PANNELL: No, it’s not.HUGHSTON: And is Karonie a place associated with Wongatha or Wangkayi people?PANNELL: To my knowledge it is, yes.HUGHSTON: Yes. And Karonie is not in the claim area is it?PANNELL: No, actually I said broadly, I didn’t say specifically.’emphasis)
  1. Dr Pannell accepted that Phyllis Thomas, an MN applicant, expressed a connection to part of the Wongatha Claim area in accordance with laws and customs that were similar to, if not the same as, those of the Wongatha Claim group. However, according to Dr Pannell, she did not include Phyllis Thomas on the genealogy of persons connected to the Wongatha Claim area by Wongatha laws and customs, only because she (Ms Thomas) had indicated that she wished to be an MN claimant, not a Wongatha claimant. Dr Pannell explained that her various genealogies indicated persons who were connected to the Claim area in question according to traditional laws and customs and who identified with the Claim group in question.
  2. Again, the problem is exposed: individuals who claim to have rights and interests in respect of ‘my country’ areas have aggregated themselves into Claim groups of their choice for the purposes of the NTA, rather than having already been part of landholding groups identified by traditional laws and customs.
  3. The problem of the non-traditional basis of the various Claim groups is further suggested by a statement in the Pannell/Vachon primary report. The authors identify the Wongatha claimants as ‘part of a larger community of people – called the Western Desert cultural bloc – who share common laws and customs’. They continue:
community of like-minded people are connected to and inhabit places in a vast region. It needs to be emphasised that we are not saying that all Western Desert people are Wongatha claimants. While early anthropologists argued that specific rights and interests were required through membership in a clan, we find that the clan/horde model of the Western Desert is, at best, both unproven and probably unprovable.’ (my emphasis)

But Pannell/Vachon do not identify any traditional landholding group lying between the individual and the WDCB.

  1. In their primary report under the heading ‘Ngurra and Connection to the Claim Area’, Pannell/Vachon state:
claimants express a common identification with the claim area by referring to both themselves and the claim area as Wongatha. As far as we are aware, no other Aboriginal person or group expresses a connection to an area of land in this way. This common identification with the claim area on the part of the claimant group does not mean that each claimant expresses a cultural or emotional attachment to all of the named places and areas within the claim area. Rather, as is commonly found throughout Aboriginal Australia, individuals express a connection to particular places or ngurra, which have both European and indigenous names. The common identification of the claim area as Wongatha is derived, in part, from the sum of the connections each Wongatha claimant has to the land in question.’

I discuss the identifier ‘Wongatha’ at 4.6(a)(b)(1) [1331] ff. The passage quoted acknowledges that landholding is at the individual level, and refers to the individual’s being part of a non-landholding group called ‘Wongatha’. In fact, the Aboriginal people of the south-western part of the Western Desert, who are known as ‘Wongatha’, extend beyond the Wongatha Claim area, and are certainly not a landholding group.

  1. Mr Vachon was taken to several uses of the word ngurra in the Pannell/Vachon report, and agreed that the word was used to refer to a ‘my country’ area of the individual. He made the point that while some claimants spoke of their ‘country’, others spoke in terms of named places. He agreed that if one added up all of the Wongatha claimants’ ‘my country’ areas, and added to them other areas to which they express ‘connections’, the total would cover ‘pretty well the whole [Wongatha] Claim area’.
  2. Dr Pannell agreed that a ngurra was individualistic, in the sense that no two people have identical ngurras, but she pointed out that there is overlap, so that, for example, Mount Margaret may be within the ngurras of several people (I assume she had in mind the fact that quite a few claimants spent various periods of their childhood years in the Mission). She agreed that every person’s ngurra depended on his or her life history which will be unique to the person. Again, however, there are overlaps, as in the case, for example, of siblings, who may have grown up in the same area, and, in any event, will share the same parents and co-lateral relatives.
  3. In their supplementary report, Pannell/Vachon state that all claimants express a ‘my country’ relationship with the Wongatha Claim area, but that none expresses such a relationship with the entire area.
  4. Mr Parsons SC for the Cosmo applicant put to Dr Pannell that ‘it’s all over the place, in the Western Desert’, but that within the context of the present case, people have gone out of their way to separate themselves off from the Wongatha Claim group. Dr Pannell agreed that people had identified themselves as constituting separate Claim groups, but said:
research ... reveals or the findings suggests that there are people with “my country” connections to some of these claim areas that aren’t presently contained within the claimant group descriptions.’

That is to say, there are individuals who fall outside the description of the Wongatha Claim group, whose ‘my country’ areas are, nonetheless, within the Wongatha Claim area.

  1. In response to questioning as to why all of the individuals who claim ‘my country’ areas within the Wongatha Claim area are not part of the Wongatha Claim group, Pannell/Vachon state that ‘claiming a connection to the Claim Area involves a process of individual assertion and social recognition’. They adopt as applicable to ‘the Wongatha’, a statement made in Myers, Pintupi p 73: ‘groups are the outcome of processes of individual choice and negotiation ...’.
  2. Professor Myers also noted (p 138), in relation to the Pintupi, the individual nature of claims to country or ngurra. After giving particular illustrations, he stated (pp 139-140):
are, as these examples illustrate, numerous claims that an individual can assert in identifying himself or herself with a country (ngurra). Though all of these should have a logical basis, not all of them are given the same weight. Furthermore, not everyone agrees on the status of an individual’s claims.’

Relevance to all Claims

  1. Although some of the passages set out above may refer specifically to the Wongatha claimants, they apply to all Claims (they apply to the evidence and submissions made in support of the Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK  2 Claims, but not to the apical ancestor basis of membership of those Claim groups as identified in the Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 POCs).
  2. The following passage from the Vachon/de Gand report filed in support of the MN Claim is pertinent:
to fix a particular group, constituted by a principle of descent or by some other means, to an area of land in perpetuity is a very problematic exercise in this region. We would suggest further that it is probably inappropriate in terms of indigenous law and custom. Of course, we would agree that over two or three generations there may well be cases of physical continuity of connection to a roughly defined area for certain individuals who are very likely genealogically related. We would also agree that a person’s “own country” (ngurra yungarra or ngurra ngayaku) is a rather durable connection, but there is some evidence that this too can change with long-term occupation shifts within the Western Desert. As we shall see, Turada [Daisy Bates’ informant] is one example of such a possibility. These considerations not only apply to clans and bands but, as was argued in the Wongatha report [of which Mr Vachon was a co-author], also with respect to “tribes” and tribal territory.’ (my emphasis)

This passage frankly acknowledges that in traditional terms, the concept of a group with an ongoing existence having group rights and interests in a group area is foreign to the Western Desert.

  1. Perhaps the present issue was nowhere explored more fully than in the following passages from the testimony of Mr Vachon:
VACHON: ... They have the connections as individuals. They have personal histories as individuals. But the connections that they have are connections that others have. They’re sort of legitimate connections in their eyes, I suppose. They’re legitimate. But as far as I can work out, the people who have connections to the Mantjintjarra Ngalia overlap and express rights and interests there, do so as individuals within a system. They don’t do so as Mantjintjarra Ngalia people. They only do so as Mantjintjarra Ngalia people as a claimant group, which is still undecided, as I understand it.

...
VACHON: The problem is “a people” and what significance you place on that expression, “people”. As a claimant group, they’re – obviously, they’re people. But as an indigenous concept of connection, right, something that they rely on to express a connection to land and get rights and interests as a result of that connection, I don’t think it’s that – that – I don’t think it works that way. They have various connections to the Mantjintjarra Ngalia area, and they share a certain social history as well, which I’ve tried to describe in the report. They have common life experiences from the desert and living around Mulga Queen and that area. But they don’t – as far as I can work out, they don’t connect themselves in the Mantjintjarra Ngalia area, nor have rights and interests to it as a people. They already – they’ve got it .... and then come together and become a people, as a claimant group.’
...
HONOUR: ... quite a few times when Mr Parsons has asked you questions, you’ve said, “I’m thinking of”, Dolly Walker, “I’m thinking of”, Dimple Sullivan, “I’m thinking of” some other individual. Is that because, really, you are forced – one is forced to conceive of the rights and interests we’re speaking of as those of an individual, and then you work from that and see whether you can produce a people for the purpose of the making of a claim?VACHON: YesPARSONS: And so, in terms of the Mantjintjarra Ngalia individuals, take Dolly, take whomever, if the Mantjintjarra Ngalia person says of themself “I have a ‘my country’ relationship”, because, as I understand it, the “my country” relationship is the same for the Wongatha as it is for the Mantjintjarra Ngalia people, that’s the way you’ve written of it in your reports – if the individual and the Mantjintjarra Ngalia person says of themself “I have a ‘my country’ relationship”, that expression imports with it the bag of rights and interests we talked of earlier that equate with the ‘my country’ relationship. Or is it different in the Mantjintjarra Ngalia area? Or is it – sorry.VACHON: It’s not different in the Mantjintjarra Ngalia area, but you’re asking me, if Kalman Murphy says, “Mulga Queen’s my country”, it imports all of the whatever number of rights I mentioned, into the Mantjintjarra Ngalia area.PARSONS: Mm.VACHON: Well, I don’t know about that. I mean, I don’t know if Kalman Murphy would express, eight rights and interests to the entire Mantjintjarra Ngalia area. I don’t know if I – I talked to Kalman Murphy. I’ve heard his evidence. I honestly can’t remember to what degree – what area of the Mantjintjarra Ngalia overlap he expresses various rights and interests. I’m not trying to be evasive. What I’m trying to say is that if – if we were to take those people – just people in general who are connected to the Mantjintjarra Ngalia overlap, and, of those people, many of them, or most of them say “It’s my country”, I would expect that, together, they would hold all the rights and interests that are required – that I know about, in terms of land, in the Western Desert.PARSONS: MmVACHON: In this area of the Western Desert. In the Western Desert fairly generally.
...
HONOUR: ... I understood you to say earlier that we simply cannot assume that, when two individuals say “This is my country” or “my ngurra”, they necessarily mean the same thing; they’re not necessarily talking about the same bundle of six, whatever it may be, rights and interests.VACHON: Yes.HONOUR: You have to look at that individual’s history and all of – a lot of circumstances to determine what bundle of rights and interests that person is asserting by saying ‘my country’.VACHON: Yes.HONOUR: Yes, thank you.PARSONS: So is it – is it simply an impractical question to ask you to – the question that started off this exchange, to list the rights and interest of the Wongatha in the overlap area, and the rights and interests of the Mantjintjarra Ngalia people in the overlap area? In a sense, that’s a nonsense question. You can’t ...VACHON: YesPARSONS: You can’t do it.VACHON: Yes.’
...
PARSONS: ... who is it, do you say, of the Wongatha people, who assert rights and interests in the overlap area?VACHON: Who are a member of the Wongatha people, in the sense of a claimant group ...PARSONS: YesVACHON: ... is what you’re saying? Because, you see, Mantjintjarra Ngalia often – sometimes call themselves Wongatha, as well.PARSONS: Not talking about people that his Honour would currently understand as being Mantjintjarra Ngalia.VACHON: Right.PARSONS: I’m talking about the Wongatha people who – who aren’t Mantjinjarra Ngalia who say of themselves they have rights and interests in the overlap area. Who are they?VACHON: Individuals?PARSONS: Well, I don’t know. I mean ...VACHON: You mean individual names?PARSONS: Well – well, who is it?VACHON: Oh.PARSONS: Is it all the Wongatha, or some of them?VACHON: Now, this is a difficult question to answer, and it’s because of what we’ve already been talking about. A person can have rights and interests to country from a number of connections. And rights and interests to country change in a person’s life. I’m only there for a short period of time, and I know that it changes over time, rights and interests to country, so to attach rights and interests to a particular individual so that, you know, it’s on paper forever more, is not appropriate. And I’m not evading the question. When I was there, there were people that expressed rights and interests to the Mantjintjarra Ngalia overlap that were Wongatha claimants, alright? I didn’t do a full survey, but I did put my mind to that question. Some of those people are Aubrey Lynch, Cyril Barnes from memory Bessie and Dulki – Bessie Dimer and Dulki Rundle. I know that attaching names to country and rights and interests is a very dangerous thing to do, because people write it down and – it’s – from my experience, that kind of activity, writing rights and interests down to individuals, can lead to a great deal of conflict. People will use those papers and there’ll be debates about it. But there are – there were people at the time of research which expressed, as Wongatha claimants, connections to the Mantjintjarra, and, in the primary evidence – in the primary evidence there were, I think, Cosmo claimants who expressed rights and interests in the Mantjintjarra Ngalia overlap. And there were people that are attached to the Cosmo claimant group that, at the time of Daniel de Gand’s research, as I understand it, expressed rights and interests to that Mantjintjarra Ngalia overlap. (my emphasis)
  1. In his report, Mr Barber, who was called by the Koara and Wutha applicants, did not distinguish between the Koara and Wutha claimants or between them and ‘[o]ther individuals who identify with other groups [who] may also have traditional rights in the claim area’. His position, in this respect, is consistent with that of Dr Pannell, who said that, while individual Koara claimants may have land owning status in relation to land within the Koara Claim area, they do not have it ‘via a mechanism of a group organisation’, and it is ‘more an individual connection’.
  2. The Cosmo Claim is also an aggregation of individual claims to ‘my country’ areas. Relevant evidence and parts of the Cosmo submissions are referred to in Ch 8.
  3. My conclusion as to the effect of the testimony of the anthropologists who testified is that:

Maduwongga, NK 1, NK 2

  1. Dr McDonald was retained by the Maduwongga applicants on behalf of a Claim group that claimed to be the last surviving members of the Kitty Bluegum cognatic descent group (see Ch 9). Nonetheless, he was able to say in his report:
summary, research over the last two decades has concluded that the reality of indigenous relations to land is that there may be multiple criteria for affiliation to land and a number of different interests in land.’ (my emphasis)

In addition, Dr McDonald was one of the participating anthropologists who authored the joint report that followed their conference, and that referred to multiple pathways of connection (see 3.5(a) [411]). Dr McDonald seems to support the multiple pathways of connection as between individuals and land, notwithstanding the apical ancestor basis of group rights the Maduwongga Claim group identified in the Maduwongga POC (see 2.6 [250]).

  1. Mr GM McIntyre, senior counsel for the Maduwongga applicants, addressed the present issue in the following way:
... the Court takes the view that there must be a traditional law base for the claims, then it may be that what we are seeing in a case like this is merely the current political affiliations which are part of how these groups today play out their traditional laws and customs, and obviously their traditional laws and customs are not the same today as they were in 1829.

fact that they choose to group themselves together in the ways in which they have for the purpose of this case may merely be a reflection of current day laws and customs. I mean, clearly there are a whole range of reasons why people have made personal decisions to join one group or another. That seems to have something to do with the way in which they relate to one another within the Goldfields area, we would say.

view could be taken that that is merely a question of current day cultural practice.’ (my emphasis)

  1. I do take the view that the NTA, as explained in Yorta Yorta HCA, requires that there be a ‘traditional law’ basis for all the Claim groups and Claim areas before the Court. With respect, I do not think that ‘current political affiliations’ connected with the making of applications under the NTA satisfies that description.
  2. Kado Muir also agreed that the various members of the NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups would have personal interests in country that related just to them. Asked whether it followed that it is artificial to refer to an NK 1 or NK 2 ‘group’, because they were really just a collection of individuals with different rights and interests rather than a group sharing the same rights and interests in the same country, Mr Muir replied:
necessarily. What you have is a – you need to be able to keep track of who’s marrying who and where, and coming back to a core group.’

I do not think that the answer confronts the problem.

  1. Dolly Walker said that Carter Soak was ‘Kado’s country’ because of a personal connection that he had to that country – yet another recognition that country is held at the individual level.

Conclusion

  1. The evidence that I have discussed at some length above shows that, if anything, the claimants, as individuals, have individual rights and interests in a ngurra or ‘my country’ area, as distinct from constituting groups having group rights and interests in group areas.
  2. There are people outside the Claim groups who have ‘my country’ areas within or partly within the respective Claim areas, and people within the Claim groups who have ‘my country’ areas at least partly outside the Claim area of their Claim group. The level and form of aggregation has been adventitious, resulting from political affiliations at the times when the respective groups were composed. In the overlap areas, individuals might just as well have been in a different group. Pre-sovereignty laws and customs have not dictated the existence of the groups or their composition.
  3. On the evidence, there are no group rights and interests of any of the kinds claimed in any part of the Wongatha Claim area. It is conceivable that there may be individuals who could establish that they have individual rights or interests in smaller, personal ‘my country’ areas. No individual has applied for a determination of native title on that basis. The rights and interests claimed would apparently be different from the group rights and interests presently claimed. I do not propose to say anything further about that possibility, and certainly do not mean to suggest that such an application by an individual would or would not have any prospects of success.
  4. For the reason just outlined, the Court should dismiss the Wongatha and Cosmo application, and the MN, Koara, Wutha applications in so far as they claim rights and interests in any part of the Wongatha Claim area. As well, the Court should dismiss the Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 applications in so far as they claim rights and interests in any part of the Wongatha Claim area, to the extent that they may be also based on the aggregation of the ‘my country’ areas of individuals.

5. General issues relating to acknowledgment and observance

Introduction

  1. Several issues of general application concerning acknowledgement and observance arise:

(i) Acknowledgement and observance as distinct from knowledge.

(ii) A practice or activity dictated otherwise than by an intention to acknowledge or observe (the question of the inference of attribution).

(iii) How is acknowledgement and observance by a ‘group’ to be proved?

(iv) How many traditional laws and customs must be shown to be still acknowledged and observed?

(v) What is the appropriate measure of acknowledgment and observance?

(vi) What was the level of acknowledgment and observance in 1829, and what is the level of acknowledgment and observance that should be looked for today?

(vii) Acknowledgment and observance by the Claim groups not to be decided

  1. These issues of acknowledgement and observance arise in two respects. First, there must be acknowledgement and observance continuing since sovereignty in order to sustain the existence of a society which itself sustains the body of laws and customs out of which rights and interests spring. This acknowledgement and observance is by the society in question. I have been prepared to assume, although on slim evidence relating to places outside the Wongatha Claim area, such as Warburton, that, regarded as a whole, the WDCB society continues to acknowledge and observe its pre-sovereignty laws and customs. Second, it must be shown that the respective Claim groups acknowledge and observe that body of laws and customs.

(i) Acknowledgement and observance as distinct from knowledge

  1. This question was discussed to some extent at 3.0(i).
  2. In Yorta Yorta HCA, the authors of the joint judgment distinguished ([50]-[52]) between knowledge of laws and customs on the one hand, and acknowledgment and observance of them, on the other. It is the latter that goes to define a particular society. In the present context, to ‘acknowledge’ means to ‘acknowledge as a law or custom’, that is to say, as having normative content; as imposing obligation or conferring entitlement. There can be acknowledgement without observance, but not observance without acknowledgement. Mere knowledge, however, falls short of both.
  3. Dr Pannell and Mr Vachon were prepared to regard evidence of knowledge of a law or custom, as evidence that it is ‘acknowledged’.
  4. Mr Vachon was cross-examined in relation to testimony of Mervyn Sullivan, Cyril Barnes, Dennis Forrest and Marjorie Strickland. He maintained that their testimony showed that they acknowledged a law or custom, but it did not do so in the sense referred to in Yorta Yorta HCA.
  5. Mervyn Sullivan said that he had not been through the law because he was sent to work for the DAA, and when that work finished, initiation had ceased to be practised around Laverton and had died out there. Mr Vachon treated this evidence as evidence that Mr Sullivan currently acknowledges a traditional law regarding male initiation.
  6. Cyril Barnes was asked why he had not been initiated, and the following exchange occurred:
HUGHSTON: And is there a reason why you haven’t become initiated?
BARNES: Probably yes HUGHSTON: What would that reason be?BARNES: Because of the missionaries and times change, you know. HUGHSTON: Yes BARNES: Education, European-isedHUGHSTON: YesBARNES: I suppose, you know, time changed for you people. HUGHSTON: YesBARNES: So times changed for us too.HUGHSTON: OkBARNES: But having said, for me to win native title, don’t – don’t take me back in time because nobody go back in time, you know.’

Mr Vachon treated this testimony of Cyril Barnes as an ‘acknowledgment’ of a traditional law of male initiation. When it was put to him that Mr Barnes was not participating in that particular Aboriginal law, Mr Vachon said that he understood that Mr Barnes had not been initiated in ‘that formal sense’, but he nonetheless acknowledged various relationships and practices associated with men’s law.

  1. Dennis Forrest said that it would be contrary to his Christian beliefs and principles for him to go through the law. Nonetheless, Mr Vachon said that this was an acknowledgment of a traditional Aboriginal law in relation to men’s initiation. Pressed on the matter, Mr Vachon said that while Dennis Forrest’s father was also not initiated, Dennis Forrest gave evidence that his father used to provide support to men coming through Kookynie on law business. Then he said that Dennis Forrest had himself said that as a child he was obliged to lie under a blanket and not to watch those parts of the Kurangarra ceremony that involved men’s law. Mr Vachon said that in his mind, that had constituted ‘participation’ by Dennis Forrest when he was a child.
  2. It was put to Ms Strickland that she and her sister had never participated in women’s law, and she replied that they had attended corroborees when they were young. Mr Vachon said that this evidence was of the same kind as that given by Mr Forrest in relation to his childhood, and said that he treated it likewise as evidence of the sisters’ participation in women’s law.
  3. Similarly, Dr Pannell took statements made by Wongatha claimants about traditional practices of which they were aware but that are no longer followed, as supporting a conclusion that they still acknowledge and observe traditional laws and customs. Dr Pannell referred to the warnmala or raiding parties of the early twentieth century, and the fact that GLSC claimants still referred to them, as showing that those claimants ‘still acknowledge that there is a concept called warnmala and can freely describe ... the content of that concept’.
  4. I put it to Dr Pannell that what she was referring to was no more than knowledge of a historical fact, but she said that what was important was that the knowledge had been transmitted from generation to generation through various oral processes. She said:
an anthropological point of view, I would be reluctant to differentiate and to distinguish between and say that what people say is not in itself a cultural practice, that the very saying and the statements and the reproduction of society is often through the very narratives that society constructs about themselves and their identity and their elements....
I would be reluctant to suggest that there’s a – there is a division between what people say and what people do in terms of – and to privilege one and to basically under-value the other. I think in this society the very reproduction of society is through those statements that people make about their culture, and that in itself is a – that in itself is an action, that in itself is a practice, a very statement of acknowledging that this cultural value exists, this cultural concept itself exists.– the very statement is a practice in itself. And it’s not necessarily leading another practice.’
  1. The Pannell/Vachon supplementary report gave transcript references to testimony of indigenous witnesses said to support the proposition that a section system is still observed. The report did not refer to evidence such as that of Leo Thomas who said that he did not know what skins his children had and that he had never bothered to go into it. This omission was taken up with Dr Pannell in cross-examination:
PANNELL: ‘I think it goes back to the statement I was saying before in my discussions with his Honour in terms of, again Leo Thomas might not be familiar with the various sort of manifestations or operationalisation of the system, but he’s familiar with, in fact acknowledges, a section system. And, again, it seems to me that he’s acknowledging an element that comprises some of the laws and customs of the claimant group.
HUGHSTON: So the fact that someone acknowledges that yes, there is a section system “but I know absolutely nothing about it”, you take that, again, as evidence that the Wongatha group acknowledge and observe traditional laws and customs?PANNELL: I take it as evidence that Mr Thomas is familiar with some of the elements or the cultural concepts that comprise the system we’re talking about. But there is, as we’ve indicated, there’s variation within that society.’
  1. I can accept that in some contexts the word ‘acknowledge’ may have a broader meaning than it has in s 223 of the NTA. But s 223 refers to acknowledgment of laws as laws, that is to say, as rightly coercive or right-giving. Where the issue is one of current acknowledgment and observance, the evidence must show that the person today acknowledges a law in that sense or acts in conformity with a custom.
  2. As indicated in the passages set out above, the views expressed by Dr Pannell and Mr Vachon were based on an understanding of the word ‘acknowledge’ that did not conform to its meaning in s 223. As a result, I place little or no weight on any opinion they express that there is continuing acknowledgment of traditional laws or customs.

(ii) A practice or activity dictated otherwise than by an intention to acknowledge or observe (the question of the inference of attribution)

  1. I discussed this issue to some extent at [329]–[331], and referred at [331] to Mason v Tritton. Should an inference of attribution be drawn, that is, an inference that observed behaviour is attributable to, or explained by, a law or custom?
  2. Although the present issue arises in relation to all Claims, it is highlighted in the submissions of the Cosmo applicant and the State. The State submitted:
first respondent does not submit that “observable behaviour” is irrelevant or insignificant to an enquiry into whether or not laws and customs exist. It is not, however, correct to say, as the Cosmo Newberry respondents submit, that “any patterning in what claimants do, and what their ancestors have done, must be attributable to, or alternatively, be regarded as evidence of the existence of a law acknowledged or custom observed.” This, it is submitted, is to read too much into behaviour that may be attributable to instinct, impulses or desires that are not normative in nature. The utilisation of food and other resources that occur in the natural environment provides an example of behaviour which, in itself, sheds no light upon whether or not laws or customs exist. The procurement of food is essential to survival. The presence of human beings in any place, prior to the development of rapid transport, is attributable to, and at the same time evidence of the fact that food has been procured by those people. To suggest that hunting, fishing or gathering per se should be regarded as evidence of the existence of a law acknowledged or custom observed is, it is submitted, inappropriate. The first respondent acknowledges that where behaviour that might be attributable to an impulse, instinct or desire that is not normative in nature is executed in a way that is not relevantly related to the satisfaction of the instinct, impulse or desire, those embellishments in the behaviour may provide evidence of the existence of a law or custom. It is necessary, however, to exercise considerable caution and careful analysis in attempting to distinguish between aspects of behaviour that may be attributable in a practical way to the satisfaction of instinct, impulse or desire, and aspects of behaviour that indicate the existence of a law or custom. For these reasons it is not appropriate to infer, simply because everybody does something, that there must be a law requiring people to behave in that way, or a custom under which that behaviour is expected to occur.

first respondent does not suggest that there must be a particular level of precision or conciseness in the way in which traditional laws and customs are articulated by a person to acknowledge and observe those laws and customs. There should however be an identifiable proposition which becomes apparent with reasonable clarity from an examination of the whole of the evidence on a particular subject. A large number of references to a particular subject and repetitious assertions that laws exist in relation to a topic does not, in the first respondent’s submission, assist the Court in identifying whether or not a law or custom is acknowledged and observed. It is only when a particular form of behaviour can be identified as a requirement of a traditional law or custom that there can be said to be a law or custom relating to the particular subject.’

  1. The Cosmo applicant responded:
Cosmo Newberry Respondents are at a loss to know how it could ever be proven that a person for example, hunts on their traditional country because they have that right under traditional law and customs, as opposed to hunting on their traditional country because they want to eat a kangaroo. Impulses, instincts and desires are inseverable from the impact, expectations and normative influence of one’s society. It is a nonsense to expect the level of proof, consistency and categorisation of human behaviour implicit in the Respondents’ submissions in relation to traditional laws and customs. The Cosmo Newberry Respondents submit that your Honour should consider all evidence of patterns of “observable behaviour” within the context of Western Desert laws and customs and in accordance with the submissions of the Cosmo Newberry respondents.’

  1. A problem with the first sentence in this response is that it commences with an assumption that the hunting takes place on the ‘traditional country’ of the hunter – the very thing to be proved. In any event, the conundrum posed in that sentence highlights the difficulty rather than suggesting an answer. If hunting is equivocal, and cannot be said to be attributable to an exercise of traditional rights, then the hunting does not assist to discharge the onus of proof. The question is which characterisation applies to it: ‘equivocal’ or ‘logically probative of the exercise of a traditional right’.
  2. Hunting would be probative of a body of laws and customs if, for example, there was evidence of mutually exclusive hunting zones. In such a case, hunting within one zone and the avoidance of others, would be probative of the exercise of a traditional right to hunt within one zone. But on the evidence, the nomadic way of life did not divide the Western Desert into hunting zones in which only particular groups were free to hunt. On the contrary, the evidence is that Aboriginal people were at liberty to hunt, forage, drink and camp anywhere, and it is perhaps difficult to see how it could be otherwise, given the sparsely populated, arid and relatively featureless landscape.
  3. All of this is not to say that there is not still a connection between the claimants and the land. Indigenous witnesses gave evidence that they still go out hunting, and in some cases camping, often with their families. Of course, non-Aboriginal people, particularly those who live in rural areas or have done so at some time in their lives, also hunt kangaroos, and some of them camp out on those occasions. Although there is no evidence on the matter, it is difficult to avoid the impression that if one were to take a ‘random’ cross-section of the non-Aboriginal population in the Goldfields, one would find that the proportion of the claimants who hunt would exceed the proportion of the cross-section who do so. I also have no doubt that one reason for the claimants’ hunting is the intergenerational passing on of experience and knowledge – generations ago, hunting, gathering, camping and drinking from pools, waterholes and soaks, were necessary to survival for the Aboriginal people, but was not so for Europeans (although there is intergenerational passing on of knowledge and experiences in the case of non-Aboriginal people too). Reasons why the claimants hunt are: inexpensive recreation; socialising with family and friends; passing on knowledge and skills gained from previous generations to children and grandchildren; and obtaining a supplement to supermarket food.
  4. The question is what to make of all the evidence concerning hunting. I think it shows that there is a connection between claimants and the land in general of a kind and degree that non-Aboriginal people do not have, but it is not necessarily probative of a law or custom. It would be necessary to consider carefully the evidence given by each individual as to where he or she hunts, and why he or she hunts there.

(iii) How is acknowledgement and observance by a ‘group’ to be proved?

  1. I discussed this question to some extent at [324] ff.
  2. The number of LIP-listed claimants in the respective Claim groups was given at 1.7 [116]. Whether a particular Claim group continues to acknowledge and observe traditional laws and customs of the WDCB society requires a fair overall view to be taken, and raises questions of fact and degree. It is not simply a matter of the proportion of the claimants within a Claim group who were called to testify. On any reckoning, however, in each Claim that proportion was quite small. Moreover, most of the witnesses were members of the older generation – only the Cosmo applicant called some teenagers, and only a small proportion of the witnesses for other Claim groups were individuals in their twenties, thirties or forties.
  3. Many senior claimants gave evidence of their childhood and of the activities of their parents and other persons in their parents’ generation, which they, as children, observed. Evidence alone of their childhood experiences does not establish the situation today.
  4. It would be possible for a witness to give evidence, not only of what he or she does, but of what he or she has observed others doing. For example, a person giving evidence of participating in a traditional bush funeral ceremony would be able to give evidence that he or she saw co-claimants also participating in it – it would not be necessary to call the co-claimants. However, generally speaking, evidence of this kind was not given, and the evidence took the form of the individual witness’s testimony as to what he or she does, and perhaps what members of his or her immediate family, do.
  5. Where the evidence takes the form of an individual’s testimony simply as to his or her own activity, it will be a question whether it is appropriate to infer from the number of witnesses who give evidence of that kind that the Claim ‘group’, on a fair overall view, engages in that activity. Group 6A frequently submitted that where some only of the witnesses from a particular Claim group testified on a particular matter, I should draw an inference of the kind associated with Jones v Dunkel [1959] HCA 8; (1959) 101 CLR 298 at 308 (Kitto J), the inference suggested being that evidence from the other witnesses from that group would not have assisted with respect to that matter.
  6. Where it is clear, as it has been in this case, that evidence in respect of acknowledgement and observance of laws and customs is being adduced by reference to a list of topics, and only some of the witnesses from a Claim group testify in relation to a topic, it does seem appropriate to draw a Jones v Dunkel inference. However, I see this issue as part of the larger issue mentioned: how is acknowledgement and observance by a ‘group’ to be proved?
  7. I will not attempt to give a general answer to this question here, but note that little attempt was made by the various applicants to demonstrate why I should infer that the Claim group on a fair overall view (not every member) should be found to acknowledge a particular law, or to observe a particular custom.

(iv) How many traditional laws and customs must still be acknowledged and observed?

  1. It is a ‘body’ of laws and customs to which Yorta Yorta HCA refers ([50]). Section 223(1) of the NTA predicates the continued acknowledgement and observance of a pre-sovereignty body of laws and customs.
  2. If it were established that one law or custom was still observed, that would not necessarily establish that the body of law and customs of which it formed part was still observed. No useful general answer can be given to the question, how many laws and customs must be proved to be acknowledged and observed before we can say that the body of them is acknowledged and observed.
  3. At times in submissions, it seems to be suggested that it is sufficient to find particular laws or customs that are acknowledged and observed, and then to inquire if they are traditional, without attempting to understand what the total pre-sovereignty body of laws and customs was.
  4. The Cosmo applicant joined issue with the non-indigenous respondents on this matter. The Cosmo applicant identified the question as one concerned with ‘starting points’. The approach that he supports can be outlined as involving the following sequential steps:

(1) start by identifying laws and customs of which there is some acknowledgment and observance today;

(2) draw a retrospective inference that those laws and customs were acknowledged and observed at sovereignty;

(3) conclude that there has been continuous acknowledgement and observance of a body of per-sovereignty laws and customs.

  1. In my opinion, this approach is flawed. It fails to take into account the reason why the inquiry as to continuous acknowledgment and observance must be made. That reason is to ensure that pre-sovereignty society that sustained the existence of rights and interests in land or waters still exists. I suggest that, to this end, it is necessary to have some conception of that body of laws and customs, the acknowledgment and observance of which unified people into a society at sovereignty.
  2. This is not to suggest that we must be confident that we have identified no less than all the pre-sovereignty laws and customs that went to make up the body of them. Nor is it to suggest that because it is no longer practicable for some pre-sovereignty practices to continue in modern conditions, it is no longer possible for the body of laws and customs to be acknowledged and observed on a fair overall view. It is, however, to accept the emphasis place in Yorta Yorta HCA on the concomitance of the right and interest sustaining society with a body of laws and customs.
  3. The deficiency in the Cosmo applicant’s approach can be illustrated by reference to the practice of male initiation. Assume that a male in a particular claim group is initiated today. To what pre-sovereignty law, custom, belief or practice would that instance of male initiation point? That single instance would say nothing about the universality of male initiation, the fact that male initiation was required to precede marriage and procreation, or the relationship between initiation and admission to the ranks of those permitted to know about sacred stories and sites.
  4. Notwithstanding the difficulty of establishing what the relevant body of laws and customs was in 1829 (at least in the Western Australian Goldfields), this is what is required by the NTA as explained in Yorta Yorta HCA. Retrospective inferences can be drawn from the early records of observations of indigenous life back to sovereignty. Indeed, it may be appropriate to draw retrospective inferences as to the position at sovereignty, from more recent observations. The present point, however, is that the attempt must be made to identify the body of laws and customs of the WDCB society that operated in the Wongatha Claim area in 1829, and to inquire whether such acknowledgment and observance as exists today amounts to acknowledgment and observance of that body of laws and customs on a fair overall view.

(v) What is the appropriate measure of acknowledgment and observance?

  1. The starting point must be sovereignty. What was the nature and extent of acknowledgment and observance then? I draw the retrospective inference that virtually all males were initiated and that an uninitiated male did not marry or have children. Apparently, then, the relevant norm is that all male claimants must be initiated and must not marry or have children until they are initiated. In such a case, measuring the extent of present day acknowledgment and observance is straightforward, the only question being whether that extent suffices (see [972] ff below). In the case of other laws and customs, however, the parties did not propose any particular standard or norm against which acknowledgment and observance is to be measured. It seems reasonable to expect the parties to formulate the law or custom in question, to refer to adaptations to be allowed for, and to come up with a suggested present day form of the law or custom. It is not particularly helpful simply to have a heading ‘Tjukurrpa’, but it is helpful to say, for example: ‘All claimants must know the location of all Tjukurr-related sites within area X, and all except watis must avoid them’ (I do not imply that this does or does not reflect the rule in 1829).
  2. The case would have been more manageable if a more rigorous approach had been taken to formulating the pre-sovereignty laws and customs constituting the body of laws and customs that applied in the Wongatha Claim area.

(vi) What was the level of acknowledgment and observance in 1829, and what is the level of acknowledgment and observance that should be looked for today?

  1. The Western Desert people of 1829 did not spend every waking moment acknowledging and observing laws and customs, and we should not look for evidence that the claimants do so.
  2. In Yorta Yorta HCA, the joint judgment speaks ([47]) of a system of laws and customs that has had ‘continuous existence and vitality since sovereignty’ (my emphasis). How did that vitality demonstrate itself in 1829? Did it do so in daily behaviour? I doubt it. How frequently did occasion for acknowledgment and observance arise? I do not know. I assume that the nomadic lifestyle meant that occasion for the avoidance of sacred sites, for example, arose more frequently than it does today, when most of the claimants live in towns, and a small number live in Aboriginal communities.
  3. This issue was not seriously addressed by the parties. Allowance must be made for adaptation, but urbanisation and sedentarisation are necessarily related to the present issue. I think that ‘vital’ was chosen by their Honours to indicate that there might be acknowledgment and observance so fragmentary and infrequent that it would not be probative of a generally operative ‘body’ or ‘system’ of laws and customs.
  4. Clearly, questions of degree are involved. The joint judgment indicates, however, that in order to sustain the existence of rights and interests, the ‘body’ or ‘system’ of laws and customs must be one that is truly regarded by the members of the Claim group, on a fair overall view, as still yielding norms that are authoritative for them.

(vii) Acknowledgement and observance by the Claim groups not to be decided

  1. After careful thought I have decided not to resolve the question whether the Claim groups continue to acknowledge and observe the body of traditional (pre-sovereignty) Western Desert laws and customs. That issue would, of course, have to be decided Claim group by Claim group. Since I have reached a decision adverse to each Claim’s success on other grounds, resolution of the issue is not necessary.
  2. I have referred in the earlier parts of this section to several general issues that arise relating to acknowledgement and observance. I have also set out in the sixth section (.6) of each of Chs 5-10, and the seventh section (.7) of Ch 4 summary accounts of the evidence relating to acknowledgement and observance by the individual Claim groups, and have sometimes expressed preliminary or tentative views in relation to individual laws and customs, though not in relation to them overall.
  3. In the event of a successful appeal against my order in any of the eight proceedings, and in the event that the Full Court should think it right to deal with this issue, my setting out of what seems to me to be the primary facts is intended to provide a complete factual basis upon which the Full Court could reach its own conclusion.

(d) Whether the WDCB is a basis of a normative system, and if so, to whom and to what area does that system apply?

  1. I touched on this question 3.6(c)(1) and (2) under ‘Characteristics of the WDCB’. In Yorta Yorta HCA, the joint judgment referred to native title as marking an intersection of two sets of norms or of two normative systems ([39]). Their Honours said ([40]):
fundamental premise from which the decision in Mabo (No 2) proceeded is that the laws and customs of the indigenous peoples of this country constituted bodies of normative rules which could give rise to, and had in fact given rise to, rights and interest in relation to land or waters.’
  1. Their Honours said ([42]) that there was no need to distinguish between what was a matter of traditional law and what was a matter of traditional custom, and continued:
because the subject of consideration is rights or interests, the rules which together constitute the traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed, and under which the rights or interests are said to be possessed, must be rules having normative content. Without that quality, there may be observable patterns of behaviour but not rights or interests in relation to land or waters.’
  1. According to the joint judgment ([43]), it is important to recognise that the rights and interests concerned originate in a normative system.
  2. Their Honours remarked on the relationship between laws and customs and the concept of a ‘society’, stating, in a well known passage, that in the present context, ‘society’ is to be understood as ‘a body of persons united in and by its acknowledgement and observance of a body of law and customs’ ([49]). That is to say, a single society exists by reason of its members’ acknowledgment and observance of a single body of law and customs. In the same vein they stated ([50]):
speak of rights and interests possessed under an identified body of laws and customs is, therefore, to speak of rights and interests that are the creatures of the laws and customs of a particular society that exists as a group which acknowledges and observes those laws and customs.’
  1. The kind of society of which their Honours spoke continues to exist only in so far as it continues to acknowledge and observe its body of traditional laws and customs, and that body of traditional laws and customs continues to be acknowledged and observed, only if, and to the extent that, the relevant pre-sovereignty society continues to exist ([51] – [53]). It is not sufficient that:
  2. The non-indigenous respondents contend that the WDCB is not a single society in the sense of a body of persons united in and by its acknowledgment and observance of a body of law and customs. They submit that the evidence reveals the possibility of various societies within the Western Desert which have similarities and differences, the similarities having led to their being characterised as composing a ‘cultural bloc’. They invoke in aid of this submission the following features of the evidence:
    1. The acknowledgment by anthropologists, past and present, that there is regional cultural variation throughout the Western Desert;
    2. Express references in the expert evidence to the existence of ‘societies’ (in the plural) and the implicit rejection of the notion of a single society;
    3. The existence of overlapping Claims without any law or custom that can be pointed to providing for a resolution of the conflict.
  3. Before turning to the evidence, I think it appropriate to note that there are some Western Desert laws and customs of which evidence has been given that are clearly normative. One need think only of the section system and the associated prohibition of certain marriage alliances, in-law avoidance, and the avoidance of sacred places. (As ever in this chapter, I am not addressing present day acknowledgment and observance.) Other activities may be no more than behaviour that is necessary or desirable for the survival of nomadic people.
  4. Daisy Bates recorded details of various forms of physical punishment for tribal offences under the heading ‘Native Justice, System of Punishment’. She referred to ‘spearing for ordinary tribal offences’. Professor Tonkinson discussed punishment for elopement, for example, in Tonkinson, The Mardu Aborigines at 146-7. Professor Tindale also referred to spearing in the leg as a punishment for the theft of another man’s wife.
  5. In their supplementary report, Pannell/Vachon address the ‘anthropological concept’ or ‘anthropological construct’ of the WDCB. The fact that an anthropologist, Professor Berndt, was the author of the ‘cultural bloc’ terminology, and that subsequent anthropologists have used it, is not, of course, conclusive against the WDCB’s being a single normative society. At [84] of the report, Pannell/Vachon seem to disavow the WDCB as the normative system under which rights and interests in land exist. However, at [85] they suggest the opposite.
  6. I referred to some of the evidence on the single society/multiple societies’ issue above at 3.6(c)(1) [227] ff.
  7. In oral evidence Mr Vachon was asked what were the indicia of the normative nature of the system of laws and customs referred to in the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report. Pannell/Vachon had stated:
our opinion, the normative nature of the system is evident in the recurring social and cultural values, principles and constructs expressed by the Aboriginal witnesses when speaking about their practices. We would argue that together their evidence on their laws and customs points to the normative possibilities and limits of a cultural discourse characteristic of the Western Desert bloc.’

and

our consideration of these sources, it could be inferred that the normative system of the claimants consists of laws and customs which, themselves, are unlikely to have been manifestly different from those exercised, say, fifty or so years earlier (ie the date of sovereignty).’
  1. Mr Vachon said that it was not possible to list all of the aspects of a normative system, because to do so would do violence to a living system. In any event, his response to the question concentrated on the Wongatha claimants, not on the pre-sovereignty WDCB.
  2. The Cosmo applicant submits that the relevant ‘society’ is that of the Western Desert, and that the laws and customs practised within the area of the WDCB constitute a normative system. He acknowledges ‘regional variations’, but asserts that there is:
commonality across the Western Desert to say that at a certain level of generality, the laws and customs have normative content.’
  1. I referred earlier to the absence of any attempt to define the regional variations or the regions where they apply, and the Cosmo applicant states that it would be impossible to delineate ‘discrete areas’.
  2. Although I do not think it makes any difference to the result in the present case, I think Yorta Yorta HCA requires applicants for a determination of native title to establish the content of the body of pre-sovereignty laws and customs on which they rely, allowing for any relevant regional variations, so that they can establish that the normative system has continued. It is the continuance of that normative system that supports the existence of native title rights and interests today.
  3. Dr Pannell was also questioned about the notion of a ‘normative system’. Asked to relate the assertion and recognition of ‘my country’ areas to the notion of a normative system, she said that the former took place within the context of a cultural system of belief and practice. She said that she understood from a reading of the transcript in Yorta Yorta HCA, that the High Court ‘had a particular idea about ... what the normative system looked like’, then added:
would suggest here that the system has a degree of flexibility in terms of individual variation, but there’s a limit to that system and a limit-limit to that variation that – so we would talk about regulated variation within that system.’
  1. Later, Dr Pannell said that there is a normative system operating at a wider region that is marked by reference to belief in the Tjukurr, acknowledgment of places as pika ngurlu, reference to a kinship system, ritual and regional ceremonies, gender-based or age-based distinction in behaviour and relatedness, the operation of a section system, and certain marriage requirements.
  2. Dr Pannell said that ‘normative’ is not a term commonly used in anthropology these days and is more commonly found in the discourse of sociologists. She said that anthropologists tend to refer to ‘regular values or ideas or beliefs or practices ... which could all be gathered under that rubric of “norm”’. Dr Pannell’s concept of ‘normative’ is broader than that espoused in the joint judgment in Yorta Yorta HCA, as her inclusion of ‘regular ... practices’ makes clear. Their Honours distinguished between ‘rules having normative content’ and ‘observable patterns of behaviour’ ([42]). Similarly, in relation to ‘rules’, Professor HLA Hart, in The Concept of Law (2nd ed, OUP, New York, 1994) stated (p 57):
is necessary is that there should be a critical reflective attitude to certain patterns of behaviour as a common standard, and that this should display itself in criticism (including self-criticism), demands for conformity, and in acknowledgments that such criticism and demands are justified, all of which find their characteristic expression in the normative terminology of “ought”, “must”, and “should”, “right” and “wrong”.’

  1. In the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report, the authors state that in their opinion, the normative nature of the system of the claimants’ laws and customs is evident in ‘the recurring social and cultural values, principles and constructs expressed by the Aboriginal witnesses when speaking about their practices.’ By reference to this passage, in his oral testimony Mr Vachon seemed to me to define the normative system affecting claimants to embrace virtually anything and everything that they do. He said that one can look at the normative system in terms of the way people normally do things such as the way in which they normally relate to their uncles as opposed to their sons, or the way they normally cut up a kangaroo.
  2. Mr Vachon made the point that the claimants themselves are not able to articulate a normative system. I agree – they should not be expected to do so. Indeed, he said that it is not possible, in an exhaustive or comprehensive way, to set out the content of the normative system applicable in the Western Desert. He agreed with the proposition that there might be a range of aspects of the normative system operating at all sorts of different levels in relation to a particular act, such as the cutting up of a kangaroo, and that it does violence to the complexity of that living system to draw up a list of normative acts.
  3. Dr Sackett was also asked about the normative society. He said that while there were similarities between the laws and customs described in his and the Pannell/Vachon reports, there were differences. Dr Sackett was asked why the Cosmo claimants could not ‘properly be said to form a society ... with at least some members of the Wongatha group, those resident in and around Laverton particularly’. I discussed his answer at 3.6(c) [727] above. It was, with respect, unsatisfactory. A more ample account of the exchange is as follows:
SACKETT: I’m glad we came back to society. It’s true that the Cosmo people have social interaction with some of the Wongatha claimants and some of the Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants, but they also have social interaction with Ngaanyatjarra peoples and others [by ‘Ngaanyatjarra peoples and others’ he was referring to people outside the Claim groups].

WALKER: Yes. The – and you really leave it there, do you? It’s – it’s an open question as to what society the Cosmo Newberry claimant group can be seen as being part of, other than the broad Western Desert Cultural Bloc.

SACKETT: No I think they’re much more finely honed than that, but it just seems to me the society that they’re part of is not the Wongatha society as it’s been described. It includes part of that, but others, as well.

WALKER: And yet, of course, you’ve got people like Nowie Westlake [a Cosmo claimant], with very significant links, you would agree, to Mulga Queen [within the Wongatha, but not the Cosmo, Claim area] knowledge of that country.

SACKETT: Yes. Yes.

WALKER: You’ve got people like her and Frances Murray [a Cosmo claimant], and Estelle Ross [a Cosmo claimant], having worked extensively and for many years on stations in the Wongatha claim area?

SACKETT: Yes.

WALKER: You’ve got people like Harvey Murray [a Cosmo claimant, and the Cosmo applicant] and, really, all of his family having had long connections with Wongatha Wonganarra in Laverton and with Mt Margaret [both in the Wongatha, but not the Cosmo, Claim area]?

SACKETT: Yes. As I’ve said, there’s overlap.

WALKER: Yes. And the ---

SACKETT: They also have – inner links to the Warburton area [to the east of the Wongatha Claim area], to the Westlakes, marriage links, family.

WALKER: And those links, or the extent of those links, with people like the Westlakes, they’re much – it’s a much smaller part of the Cosmo Newberry group with those connections compared to those with connections into the Wongatha group, isn’t it?

SACKETT: Yes, sheer numbers, that’s probably true.’

  1. In the second passage attributed to him, Dr Sackett seems to be saying that the Cosmo claimants are part of a society which is something less than the WDCB, and which includes particular Wongatha and MN claimants and perhaps some Ngaanyatjarra people. This confuses the position further, again suggesting the artificiality of the composition of the Cosmo Claim group.
  2. The competition between overlapping claims cannot be explained by regional variation in the same system of laws and customs, since any regional variations would affect both Wongatha and Cosmo claimants in respect of the Cosmo Claim area (ie the Wongatha/Cosmo overlap). I accept the State’s submission:
presence of overlapping claims and the lack of agreement as to who possess native title rights and interests in the Cosmo Newbery area, the lack of agreement on the relevant principles that should apply, and the lack of any means to either resolve or objectively determine those disputes, evidences the lack of any overriding normative system.’

  1. The Cosmo applicant noted differences and variations, as well as the similarities, within the WDCB. He referred to the fact that some Western Desert peoples are reported as not having any form of section system, others as maintaining a four-section system, others a six-section system, and yet others as having adopted (eight/sixteen) sub-sections. Again, he notes that in some areas, place of conception is held to be fundamental in linking a person to the Dreaming and to country, while in other areas it is place of birth that does so. He states: ‘The emphasis on different aspects varies in different sub-regions’.

Conclusion

  1. With considerable doubt, and not withstanding the many references in the evidence to ‘societies’, regional variation and dissimilarities between cultural practices in different parts of the Western Desert, I will assume without making a finding, that the WDCB is a single normative society as contemplated in Yorta Yorta HCA (see 3.6(c) [738]). There can be no doubt that there were and are some similar cultural practices observed right across the Western Desert and that at least some of them had and have a normative content. If this is sufficient to characterise the people of the Western Desert as a normative society so be it. I will assume, in favour of the present Claim groups that it is.

(e) The Western Desert and the Claim groups

  1. While the possibility cannot be excluded that one Claim group establishes that it has native title and that others claiming the same area do not, as noted above the existence of multiple claims for the same land under what are, according to the Claim groups, the same body of WDCB laws and customs, gives rise to questions. If the same body of WDCB laws and customs is to determine whether a group has group rights and interests in land, it must provide a resolution of the competing overlapping group Claims. Yet the anthropologists called by the various Claim groups do not attempt to come to grips with this problem. They simply support, as best they can, the Claim made by the Claim group that retained them.
  2. Three possibilities should be noted. The first is that one Claim group’s claim is supported by traditional laws and customs and the others are not. The second is that traditional laws and customs provide for a sharing by groups. The third is that claims by groups resembling the Claim groups are simply alien to traditional Western Desert laws and customs. I accept that the third reflects the true position.
  3. Two further matters should be noted. First, it would, of course, be no solution to say that various Claims arise under the laws and customs of different societies or sub-societies of the WDCB. How would I know which society’s or sub-society’s laws and customs applied? In any event, the Claim groups propound the WDCB as the one and only society in question.
  4. Second, it appears that no Claim group acknowledges that any overlapping Claim group has rights and interests in the overlap. Some Claim groups acknowledge that individual claimants within other Claim groups have individual rights and interests in the overlap, but that is a different matter. I say ‘it appears that’, because there was some reference to the possibility that an overlapping Claim group might have group rights and interests in the overlap, but on the basis that within that overlapping Claim group, only claimants having ‘my country’ areas within the overlap would have active rights and interests there.
  5. The position of Claim groups that acknowledge sharing can be put in this way:

(1) Claim group X has group rights and interests in, relevantly, an overlap;

(2) Claim group X acknowledges that there are individual members of overlapping Claim groups who have ‘my country’ areas in the overlap;

(3) Claim group X does not acknowledge that any other Claim group has group rights and interests in the overlap, but to the extent that any may be found to have them, Claim group X claims shared rights and interests with that group, as it does with the individuals mentioned in (2) above.

  1. While the Wongatha applicants concede that individuals from other Claim groups may be able to establish native title rights and interests in parts of the Wongatha Claim area, the Cosmo applicant does not, at least formally (his evidence is different) make a similar concession in relation to the Cosmo Claim area. He asserts that fundamental differences between the Wongatha and Cosmo Claim groups about the way in which people claim country, has prevented resolution of native title matters between the two groups. The State submits that such a fundamental difference would demonstrate that both Claims cannot be in accordance with the laws and customs of the WDCB, and that the Wongatha and Cosmo claimants cannot all be members of a single society ‘united in and by its acknowledgement and observance of a body of law and customs’: Yorta Yorta HCA at [49]. (In fact, I do not accept the Cosmo submission that there are ‘fundamental differences’ between the bases of the Wongatha and Cosmo Claim groups.)
  2. This difficulty which the anthropological evidence poses for the Court is recognised in the following ‘submission’ by Professor Maddock:
If there has been a lot of movement of people since the 19th century, then conflicts expressed in competing claims today would be no cause for surprise. But if the migration hypothesis is rejected, as Dr Pannell and Mr Vachon do, one is left with a problem of explanation.

Another explanation for the multiplicity of claims would be that the tide of history has washed away so much knowledge in this region that people are unable to discriminate between claims which, in traditional terms, are well founded and those which are not. But none of the anthropologists puts forward this hypothesis. They all maintain that the claimants for whom their reports were prepared acknowledge traditional laws and observe traditional customs to a significant degree.

The good opinion held of the several claimant bodies by their respective anthropologists has an awkward implication. If claimant group P acknowledges traditional laws and observes traditional customs in relation to land, and thus has a solid claim, will not the same be true of the other claimant groups (Q, R, S, ...)? If so, why the conflicts and overlaps?’

  1. In my opinion both explanations are valid. First, there has been much movement and relocation of people since, and under the influence of, European settlement. The semi-nomadic lifestyle has been replaced by a sedentary one. The present Claims have been founded on the locations where people have ‘finished up’. The Claim groups have been constructed from the claimants’ individual connections to country and affiliations. There is little historical depth to the connections and affiliations because of the disruptive effect of settlement. Generally speaking, the pre-sovereignty ancestors of many of the claimants lived far from where the claimants now live.
  2. Second, so much knowledge has been lost that neither the indigenous people nor the anthropologists whom they have called can any longer say why one Claim group’s claim is valid under traditional laws and customs and another not.
  3. Distinguishing the notion of a single WDCB society supporting a single body of laws and customs, Pannell/Vachon, in their supplementary report, say that the Wongatha claimants and other Western Desert Aboriginal people share some similar laws and customs. I understand that they propose a single WDCB society, with local variations in its laws and customs. Apparently, however, their final position is that there are a number of societies or sub-societies (which they do not identify) within the Western Desert, including a ‘Wongatha society’ with a membership extending beyond the Wongatha claimants. They leave undefined the extent and basis of that Wongatha society or sub-society.
  4. Dr Sackett said that ‘the Cosmo people [had] social interaction with some of the Wongatha claimants and some of the [MN] claimants, but ... also ... with the Ngaanyatjarra peoples and others’. He said that it seemed to him that the society of which the Cosmo claimants were a part was not ‘the Wongatha society as it’s been described. It includes part of that, but others, as well’. I found Dr Sackett’s evidence in this respect confusing. He did not attempt to identify this society, smaller than the WDCB but larger than the Wongatha society, of which he said the Cosmo claimants formed a part.
  5. I agree with Dr Brunton that:
is no obvious independent traditional or historical basis for differentiating either the Wongatha claimant group from the other collectivities of Aborigines in the region, or the Wongatha claim area as a cultural landscape from other tracts of country.’ (my emphasis)

The observation also applies to the other Claim groups before the Court.

  1. Pannell/Vachon reply by referring to early references to ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’ in secondary sources (McDonald, Young and Bates) in the period 1896-1908. Dr Brunton counters at length, that Pannell/Vachon have misunderstood him. His point was not that these terms were not used ‘as regional terms of identity for Eastern Goldfields Aborigines’ (he accepts that they were), but that he has doubts about ‘the basis on which the specific claimant group was constituted and the boundaries of [the] claim area [were] decided’. Dr Brunton cited passages from the indigenous testimony of 18 witnesses as to the meaning of ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’ and demonstrated the diverse understandings that exist of the terms (see 4.6(a) [1331] ff. I agree with Dr Brunton’s conclusion (modified in cross-examination as indicated by the bracketed language):
least on the basis of this evidence from the various claimants, there is [very little] to suggest that the specific boundaries of the Wongatha claim and the specific composition of the Wongatha claim group can be explained in independent terms that are derived from traditional understandings or even historical experiences.’

  1. Dr Brunton also pointed out that Pannell/Vachon’s original report states that according to McDonald, Young and Bates, in the period 1896-1908, the terms ‘Wangkayi’ probably included a far wider area than the Wongatha Claim area, and extended to the Western Australian/South Australian border area and an area south-west of Broad Arrow, and that Bates and Young, like some of the indigenous witnesses, said that ‘Wongatha’ was a generic term for ‘black fellow’.
  2. Yet further evidence of the problematical composition of the Wongatha Claim group is provided by Pannell/Vachon in their principal report. They said (appropriately) that as researchers they did not confine their research to the ‘“biological descendants” of over a hundred named forebears’ identified in the Wongatha Form 1. They add that, in particular, they have identified persons, commonly resident at the Coonana and Tjuntjuntjara communities ‘who express a connection to the [Wongatha] claim area’. They say that at the time of writing their report (30 May 2001) they were unable to complete their research with these people. But all or many of the members of the MN, Koara, Wutha, Cosmo, Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups also express connections to (parts of) the Wongatha Claim area. Pannell/Vachon did not explore all of their claims.
  3. The Cosmo applicant submits that ‘right across the Desert it was local groups, operating under the laws and customs of their regions, that owned and took responsibility for stretches of landscape’, citing Dr Sackett’s principal and supplementary reports. The Cosmo applicant submits that ‘this is an appropriate basis on which to bring a native title claim – either on behalf of one landholding group or many’, and that the Cosmo application is brought on behalf of a single landholding group.
  4. The reference to ‘local groups’ is a reference to Berndt 1959 (discussed at [831] above). The Cosmo claimants are not, however, a ‘local group’ of the kind described by Professor Berndt.
  5. The Cosmo applicant submits that the Cosmo claimants are ngurarrangka for the Cosmo Claim area and hold the area in accordance with the laws and customs of the WDCB. He submits:
expression parallels that of nguraritja, used by the claimants in De Rose (FC), pointing to people’s direct link to country – their ngurra. In fact, the method of becoming a Cosmo Newberry ngurarrangka is much the same as that found and upheld to be the case in De Rose (FFC).’

  1. This attempt by the Cosmo applicants to assimilate their application to that which was successfully made on behalf of the Nguraritja in De Rose fails. The men, women and children constituting the Cosmo Claim group, numbering 128 according to the Cosmo LIP bear no resemblance to the 29 site custodians in De Rose. The criteria for being Nguraritja found by the trial judge in De Rose were set out in De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J at [454]–[458], and those for membership of the Cosmo Claim group appear at 2.5(a) [210] above. They are quite different. As noted earlier in the discussion of De Rose, essential to the concept of Nguraritja in that case were the Dreaming sites and tracks of which the claimants were the traditional custodians, but they form no part of the identification of the members of the Cosmo Claim group or of the Cosmo Claim area.
  2. The Cosmo Claim group is not a landholding group of the kind described in Berndt 1959. As Dr Sackett himself noted in his principal report:
like Elkin, Tindale and Berndt before him, suggested these land owning groups were “essentially patrilineal (in) orientation” and that there was “a preference for children to be born in or near the estate of their father in order that they may share his own mythic associations” (Stanton 1984:184). Likewise, Stanton saw the “cult lodge” as an important manifestation of individual and group relations to sites and country.’

Dr Sackett states that in the light of the research of Bates, Elkin, Tindale, Berndt and Stanton, it would be expected that the Cosmo claimants ‘must’ and ‘would’ be claiming ‘along the supposedly intertwined paths of chains of births and lines of patrilineal descent’. But they do not. Nor do the Cosmo claimants make claim to share a ‘Dreaming’, ‘totem’ or ‘mythic association’ connecting them to the land – another characteristic of the ‘local group’ described by Professors Elkin, Tindale and Berndt and by Dr Stanton. Even Harvey Murray, the Cosmo applicant, a prominent witness and spokesperson for the Cosmo Claim group, was not born on the Cosmo Claim area, does not claim a connection to it through his father, and does not claim to have a Dreaming or totem, let alone one which he shares with other members of the Cosmo Claim group and which connects him to the Cosmo Claim area or to any part of it.

(f) Languages – whether important and if so what the significance of language is

  1. I referred to the linguistic evidence at 3.5(c) [447] ff where I also set out the substance of the report on the linguists’ conference.
  2. Notwithstanding the undoubted expertise of Dr Clendon and Dr Sommer, I have not found matters relating to Aboriginal language of particular assistance in resolving the issues before the Court.
  3. The picture that emerges is that across the Western Desert, there was a ‘chain’ or ‘spread’ of dialects; that the dialects were mutually intelligible; and that the mutual intelligibility was greater or less according to the geographical distance between speakers. The mutual intelligibility was therefore least as between people at opposite extremities of the Western Desert. In his report, Dr Clendon referred to ‘mutually intelligible varieties of a larger linguistic taxonomic category referred to as the Western Desert language’.
  4. In Berndt 1959, the author explained that the dialectal units were not tribes. He said (p 102) that since each dialectal unit was associated with ‘(a) the local groups, and (b) a constellation of more or less of contiguous local groups’, that were territorially based, indirectly each dialectal group ‘could be taken’ as ‘extending over a specified tract of country’.
  5. While there is necessarily some relationship between language and territory, the evidence does not support language groups as the holders of rights and interests. People who find it necessary or desirable to communicate with each other will find a means of doing so, and those living within a certain proximity to each other will find this necessary or desirable. In Berndt 1959, Professor Berndt produced maps showing the areas where certain dialects were spoken. However, Dr Clendon observes:
boundaries cannot be drawn between speech varieties in a dialect chain: the differences are too slight and often too ephemeral, and the borderlines are too fuzzy. Only at the extremities of such chains do differences of the “dialect” type emerge, and this is certainly the case in the Western Desert.’
  1. An illustration was found in the linguistic evidence concerning the use of lamino-palatal consonants and lamino-dental consonants (see [447]). Vocabularies and transcriptions recorded in the early 1900s, show that in the eastern part of the Western Desert, only lamino-palatal consonants were used, whereas, in the far south-west, only lamino-dental consonants were used. Between those two extremities, both kinds were used. Dr Clendon recorded that Wongatha claimants used both kinds.
  2. I accept the Cosmo submission, that ‘[p]erhaps the most that can be divined from the linguistic gradations across the scope of the Western Desert is a general positioning of dialect.’
  3. A particular problem that besets the identification of dialect with country is the profusion of names that have been given to dialects in the Western Desert. In his report on the overlapping Claim groups Dr Clendon explained that this circumstance is attributable to ‘an emic system of isoglossing’. He said:
involves the grouping together of all locations where people share particular terms in common, just as isobars in meteorology bring together all locations sharing a common barometric pressure on some occasion.’
  1. The Aboriginal people commonly identified speakers by reference to a particular word they used. But the same people might be referred to by several names because others perceived their distinctive words differently. Thus, the perspective of the label giver was all important.
  2. Dr Clendon suggested that it appeared that in the Warburton-Goldfields region, it could have been the case that with respect to a reasonably small group of people in a particular location:
● the word kuwarra “wait!” was commonly used,
  1. Dr Clendon explained that these people could be called ‘Kuwarra’ (cf ‘Koara’), ‘Pitjantjatjarra’ or possibly ‘Pitantharra’ (people who used the verb pitjantja ‘move’), ‘Ngalitjarra’ or possibly ‘Ngaliya’ (people who use ‘ngali’ for ‘we PLURAL’) or ‘Ngaanyatjarra’ or Ngaanhatharra’ or ‘Ngaatjatjarra’ or ‘Ngaatharra’ (people who use ‘ngaa’ for ‘this’).
  2. Obviously, the practice of isoglossing makes it difficult to be sure that one understands correctly whether the same group or different groups are being referred to.
  3. Another difficulty in the assessment of the significance of language in relation to the claimants is the considerable loss of language that has occurred. According to Dr Clendon’s report, Aboriginal language is now largely in decline among them and the only claimants able or confident enough to speak it are the elderly or older middle-aged people. Even the older claimants who have retained any knowledge of Aboriginal language, have tended to describe the languages their parents and others of their parents’ generation used to speak, or that they themselves spoke in their childhood, rather than an Aboriginal language that they use today. Some of the witnesses knew only a few Aboriginal words. Some could, with apparent difficulty, compose a sentence or two. Some said that while they could not speak an Aboriginal language, they could understand one when it is spoken. Samantha Murray, however, gave evidence of a new course in indigenous language being established at the school at Cosmo, although there is debate, she said, about whether the Ngaanyatjarra or Wongatha language should be taught.
  4. Most of the people whom Dr Clendon interviewed gave him the impression of having spoken Wongatha as children, and perhaps as young adults, but of not having used the language consistently as a medium of communication for many years. Again, generally speaking, these people are no longer accustomed to using the language or have forgotten how to use it.
  5. Although the subject of language loss will be taken up in later chapters dealing with the individual Claims, for present purposes what is important is that it is difficult to come by language speakers among claimants for the purpose of expert analysis.
  6. Several witnesses spoke of the ‘mixed up’ way in which their parents and others of their parents’ generation spoke. They were referring to the melting pot of dialects that the Goldfields had become. The picture that emerges is one, not only of mutual intelligibility, but of mutual accommodation and adjustment, or ‘merger’. That is to say, people modified the original dialects by embracing features of other dialects, in particular, that spoken by a husband or wife or other close relative, perhaps reverting to their original dialect when conversing with ‘their own people’. A good illustration of the speaking of ‘mixed up language’ is found in the experience of the children at the Mount Margaret Mission.
  7. The Cosmo submissions state:
the various varieties (or “dialects”) of Western Desert language were, and continue to be, mutually intelligible to speakers of other varieties (or alternatively that people are multilingual or that the varieties are easily merged) is ... supported in the evidence.’

This passage correctly reflects the elements of mutual intelligibility, multilingualism and merger disclosed by the evidence.

  1. There is some evidence that some modern Wongatha words are also found in records made by Daisy Bates and others writing in the early period following European settlement. It is not in dispute that the dialect called ‘Wongatha’ is of a Western Desert type, indeed, of a south-western Western Desert type, but the submission that is made on the basis of that coincidence of certain words, seems to be that the same Aboriginal language was being spoken prior to migration as is spoken today (by those few people of the older generation who can still speak ‘Wongatha’). No doubt there is a degree of continuity, but then there is some continuity right across the Western Desert. I do not make too much of the evidence of this kind. The evidence is not of the kind: word A was used at first contact in area X and nowhere else, and word A is used today in area X and nowhere else.
  2. I have concluded earlier that the WDCB does not completely disappear until the Menzies-Lake Darlot line, and nothing in the linguistic evidence persuades me to think that it extended or extends further west than that line.

3.7 THE WONGATHA CLAIM AREA: RELEVANT EUROPEAN HISTORY

  1. I referred to the expert historical evidence generally at 3.5(b) ([433]–[446]), and to the joint report on the historians’ conference at [438]. In this section, I discuss relevant aspects of the history of Wongatha Claim area from ‘first contact’ onwards. That history provides background evidence relevant to the issue of whether and which Aboriginal people were present in the Wongatha Claim area at first contact; their groupings, laws and customs; and the extent to which their presence at particular places was the result of an ‘unnatural’ migration following first contact.
  2. Before proceeding, I must note that the term ‘first contact’ is a term of uncertain connotation. ‘First contact’ between European and Aboriginal people occurred at different times at different places – later the further afield. There was the rather fleeting contact that the early explorers had with Aboriginal people beginning in 1869. Then came the discovery of gold in the early 1890s, which led to the progressive establishment of mining camps, settlements and towns. It was only then that European and Aboriginal people had contact with each other to any great degree, living uneasily in juxtaposition to each other. Still, many Aboriginal people did not see European people for the first time until later, and in some cases, much later.
  3. Below, I summarize observations made of Aboriginal people at various locations in the Wongatha Claim area, by explorers, followed by surveyors, prospectors, police and other government officials.

(a) Explorers

  1. The first explorer to have contact with Aboriginal people in the Claim area was John Forrest (later Sir John Forrest, Premier of Western Australia). In May and June 1869, accompanied by two Aboriginal guides, Forrest entered the Wongatha Claim area from Toodyay, to the west of that area, travelled in an easterly direction to Mount Weld (near Laverton and Mount Margaret), then returned.
  2. In the course of the journey, Forrest’s party encountered Aboriginal people. On 31 May 1869, apparently when travelling south-southeast down the western side of the range of hills that includes Mounts Bevon, Mason and Ida, towards the western end of Lake Ballard, and therefore within the western boundary of the Wongatha Claim area, they encountered not less than 100 Aboriginals engaged in a corroboree. During the remainder of his exploration, Forrest encountered Aboriginal individuals and families, including three Aboriginal men, not far from each other, just north of present-day Leonora. Forrest’s Nyungar guide (from the York area) attempted to communicate with them, with varying degrees of success.
  3. Over the years, other explorers, prospectors, surveyors, and their parties, traversed parts of the Wongatha Claim area and recorded their observations. They included Ernest Giles (1874-6), David Lindsay (1891-2), LA Wells (1892), Gus Luck (1894), David Carnegie (1894-7), Frank Hann (1902-1908), and the East Brothers (1905). Reports of these expeditions mention encounters with indigenous people, and many signs of their presence, at places within and close to the Wongatha Claim area.
  4. In 1875 Ernest Giles noted the existence of a corroboree ground a little south of the Wongatha Claim area at Queen Victoria Spring (roughly half way between Kalgoorlie and the South Australian border). In 1894, David Carnegie and Gus Luck visited the same site (see [1052] below). Giles had his first face to face meeting with Western Australian Aborigines, at Ularring Rock, six km outside the south western edge of the Wongatha Claim area in October 1875. He saw more than 100 of them and noted that some possessed European artefacts.
  5. In 1891 David Lindsay’s party diagonally crossed the eastern end of the Wongatha Claim area from the northeast corner, southwest to Queen Victoria Spring. His party found many signs of Aboriginal occupation, including campsites, freshly burned country, human tracks and campfires.
  6. In 1892 LA Wells recorded recent tracks of Aboriginal people at Mount Arthur (just north of the northwest section of the Wongatha Claim area near Lake Darlot); old camping places just north of the future Cosmo; and footprints, old camps and burned country between the Ernest Giles Range and the lake that bears his name (north of the future Cosmo).
  7. In 1894 David Carnegie and Gus Luck travelled from Coolgardie to Queen Victoria Spring and north into the Wongatha Claim area, reporting an encounter with Aboriginal people in the Cosmo Claim area. On 16 April 1894, apparently between Coolgardie and Queen Victoria Spring, Carnegie recorded finding an Aboriginal burial site. They then travelled towards Mount Margaret and Mount Ida before heading to Kalgoorlie. At Queen Victoria Spring, they found abandoned camps and artefacts – spears, waddies, and pieces of bark shaped for digging or for carrying infants.
  8. In 1896 Carnegie mounted a separate expedition travelling through the northern part of the Wongatha Claim area (Halls Creek), beyond which European settlement had by then reached, between the future Cosmo settlement and Lake Wells and to the north east of it. He noted signs of an Aboriginal presence. He recorded an encounter with an Aboriginal man whom he forced to reveal the location of a rockhole, now known as Empress Spring.
  9. Both Gus Luck and David Carnegie, and other early explorers and settlers, referred to use of the term gabbi or gaby for water. Numerous indigenous witnesses on the hearing said that the word kapi (gabi) meant water or a source of water, such as a rockhole. Carnegie also recorded items associated with ceremonies at Empress Spring and a corroboree at Alexander Spring.
  10. From a base in Laverton, explorer and prospector Frank Hann explored extensively in the Wongatha Claim area between 1902 and 1908. He travelled in the area east of Laverton and Lakes Carey and Minigwal and beyond the Claim area to the Western Australia/South Australia/Northern Territory borders. Hann reported encounters with family groups and individual Aboriginal people within the Wongatha Claim area, as well as signs of land use. On 20 May 1903, at the eastern end of Lake Yeo, Hann found Aboriginal drawings in a cave near a waterhole, which he named Lily Rock Hole.
  11. In 1905 the gold prospectors, the East Brothers, recorded an encounter with a group of Aboriginal people about 50 km south of Laverton. They noted that one of Aboriginal people could speak English. They also recorded seeing tracks near Queen Victoria Spring.
  12. The Cosmo applicant also refers to people who went through the Cosmo Claim area, in particular, including a mining surveyor who was sent to investigate the discovery of gold by WH Carr-Boyd, and a government surveyor’s expedition from Laverton to the South Australian border in 1916.
  13. Later expeditions were also made to areas beyond European settlement, such as a survey expedition in 1931 by HL Paine and Hugh Barkley, who recorded encounters with Aboriginal people at Laverton and Minnie Creek.

Conclusion

  1. Both historians who testified agreed that the earliest European sources show that Aboriginal people, or signs of their presence, were observed at many places in the Wongatha Claim area. They also agreed that those Aboriginal people, in general, displayed knowledge of the areas where they were observed.
  2. The presence of indigenous people within the Wongatha Claim area at first contact is not in dispute. Nor is it in dispute that I should infer, retrospectively, from their presence at first contact that indigenous people were to be found in the area at sovereignty, in 1829. More specifically, I infer that Aboriginal activities of the kind of which the explorer saw evidence, had also occurred before and since sovereignty (eg camping, corroborees, burning of country).
  3. The explorers’ observations of the Aboriginal people in the Wongatha Claim area, referred to briefly above, tells us little about the group identity of the people whom they encountered or of whose presence they saw signs, and little about the laws and customs of those people.
  4. Other early contact with Aboriginal people in the Wongatha Claim area is recorded by other explorers; by government officials, such as the ‘Protector of Aborigines’ and the local ‘Travelling Inspector’ (see [1078] ff below); by local police officers at Menzies, Mt Malcolm, Laverton and Leonora; by the Goldfields resident, David Sanderson McDonald (see [554]–[561]); and by journalists of newspapers in the Goldfields.

(b) Mining discoveries and associated developments

  1. European settlement came to the present Western Australian Goldfields in the early 1890s following the discovery of gold at Coolgardie in 1892 and Kalgoorlie in 1893. With the gold rush, prospectors soon made their way further north within the Wongatha Claim area. Mining extended up to such places as Darlot and Morgans by 1894/5. By 1900 the settlements of Menzies, Gwalia, Leonora, Murrin Murrin, Morgans and Laverton were established. The European populations of the towns that developed in the area fluctuated significantly and quickly according to the intensity of mining activity. Some towns disappeared entirely, after a relatively short life.
  2. European settlement was largely confined to the western half of the Wongatha Claim area for many years. For example, although gold was first discovered in the Cosmo area in 1902 and a number of prospectors worked in the area, it was not until the 1920s that the area was surveyed and settled more permanently by prospectors and pastoralists.
  3. There were two major impacts of mining discoveries and associated developments on the Aboriginal people. First, there was competition and conflict over scarce resources, in particular, water. (The historians, Mr Muller and Mr Stronach, appear to agree on this.) It was common for waterholes to be emptied or destroyed as Europeans arrived in the 1890s in pursuit of gold. As Mr Muller puts it:
1894 Aborigines began to defend their water resources with greater determination. While water was not always the source of the conflict it was a major reason in many cases.’

  1. According to Mr Stronach’s report, the Aborigines Department noted in 1899 that mining operations throughout the area had resulted in the small and rare water holes on which the Aboriginal population relied ‘having been converted into wells or otherwise interfered with by mining operations’. As a result, the Department incurred costs in providing Aboriginal people with water from condensers.
  2. Mr Stronach also reports that Mr CA Bailey, Protector of the Aborigines in the Eastern Goldfields, wrote on 1 December 1896:
Natives on the fields have entirely abandoned the bush as a means of gaining their living, the fact of the natural water holes or soaks in nearly all cases being utilised by the mining population in a measure is responsible for the change in their habits.’

  1. Mr Stronach noted that Bailey’s statement that Aboriginal people in the region had ‘entirely abandoned’ the bush may have been ‘a broad generalisation ... not supported by further evidence’, but considered that it showed that there was already (in 1896) ‘an observable change in Aboriginal life, even that soon after settlement’. Mr Muller, however, notes that Mr Bailey and his successor, GS Olivey, only briefly visited towns in the region, including the larger and settled town of Kalgoorlie, and suggests that their knowledge of Aboriginals living in the bush may have been limited.
  2. The second major impact was the movement of indigenous people to the towns and settlements. The records in the first years of contact do not always indicate where the indigenous people present at towns and mining settlements were from, although sometimes they were described as being from certain places or of ‘tribes’ belonging to particular areas in which Europeans had settled. These places included Kurnalpi, Pindinnie, Edjudina, Granite Creek, Laverton, Erlistoun and Darlot, as well as from the ‘Spinifex’.
  3. According to the historians’ reports, the circumstances of indigenous people at Laverton is described in a report by Mr Bailey’s eventual successor as Travelling Inspector for the Aborigines Department, Mr Olivey, a report from Laverton Constable Malone in 1912, and a report from Laverton Constable Thompson in 1915. Although no doubt the position was not identical at all these points of time, generally speaking, the three reports paint the following picture: large numbers of Aboriginal people had arrived from the Spinifex; most were dependent on what they could get from the Europeans, including Government rations; they made occasional visits back to the Spinifex but did not stay there long; they were continually moving from one town to another; they appeared to hunt very little; native game was at times very scarce and water was available only when it rained and for a few weeks afterwards; they were driven out of towns by the police and threatened with violence by other Europeans; they often begged for and sometimes stole food.
  4. On the other hand, in Leonora, a police report in 1915 gives a rather different perspective. It noted that when the drought broke, Aboriginal people left the town (the report states: ‘all natives able earn a living left for bush month ago’ (sic)). Other circumstances also affected the dynamic as between Aboriginal and European people, such as the decline of the European population in certain places as mining ceased (I refer to the demise of the town of Darlot at [1089] below and at 6.7(a)(b) [2692] ff..
  5. European expansion brought more Aboriginal people into contact with European settlement. Mr Muller observes:
is also worth noting that between 1902 and 1908 European settlement in the region had expanded. For example, the area around Yundamindera and south along the shores of Lake Carey was settled in this period, and so Aboriginal populations previously uncounted because they were beyond the then frontier might have been enveloped by settlement. Finally, if Aboriginal newcomers, presumably from the desert areas, did augment the number of Aboriginal people within the settled northern goldfields this does not necessarily indicate that Aborigines were voluntarily associating with Europeans. At various stages in the first half of the twentieth century major droughts, combined with the appropriation of water supplies and destruction of game, forced Aborigines to seek access, at least temporarily, to European-controlled water supplies.’

  1. Mr Muller and Mr Stronach agree that Aboriginal people moved into European towns during periods of drought and that towns became an alternative source of food and water supplies. Mr Stronach said that this was consistent with a ‘traditional practice of moving into better-resourced country during times of drought’, but pointed out that there was evidence that people remained near towns even when drought conditions had eased and natural resources were available. Some witnesses (for example, May O’Brien and Margaret Morgan) also gave evidence that drought and the destruction of water sources by miners resulted in movement to places such as government ration depots and the Mount Margaret Mission. Dimple Sullivan said that her family went on a long walk to the desert towards the South Australian border to tell others about the food available from the European settlers back at Laverton.
  2. The historians who testified disagreed on the extent to which Aboriginal people remained near the towns and became reliant on European sources of food and water after drought conditions eased. The evidence demonstrates that Aboriginal people increasingly camped around European towns, although such shifts were not always permanent. Government and police measures were also taken, with limited success, to remove them from the towns. Hunting and other traditional practices did not immediately come to an end upon European settlement, but they decreased over time.
  3. The historians’ reports also refer to other historical sources recording hunting and food gathering at places within the Wongatha Claim area from the early contact period. The early historic records also report corroborees and ceremonial gatherings of Aboriginal people within the Wongatha Claim area, beginning with John Forrest’s report of a corroboree in 1869, noted above. Travelling Inspector Bailey reported in 1896 and 1897 on gatherings at Goongarrie and Niagara. In the following decade other ceremonies were reported at places such as Morgans, Mount Malcolm, Menzies and Leonora. Ceremonial activities are noted in the historical record considered by the historians through to the 1960s.
  4. The historians refer to the record of internecine Aboriginal conflict, including a series of conflicts between Darlot and Laverton Aboriginal people in about the first decade of the twentieth Century.

Conclusion

  1. Mining development had an adverse effect on water resources, and, perhaps to a lesser extent, food resources, naturally available to the indigenous people. This contributed to an increasing reliance by the indigenous people on European towns and settlements for water and food, where both were more readily and reliably available. Drought and the effects of the European presence combined to push or draw Aboriginal people from the desert towards European resources. The issue of migration from the east, north and north-east, is discussed at numerous places throughout these reasons. It suffices to note here that the towns and settlements provided a strong incentive to leave one’s ‘traditional’ country and to camp at or near European centres.

(c) Government administrators – ration depots, police, the Protector of Aborigines

Early controls

  1. European settlement was accompanied by governmental activity of various kinds. The administration of Aboriginal affairs had been a concern of local and imperial authorities in Western Australia for some time prior to European settlement in what became the Goldfields. In 1883, a ‘Native Commission’ was appointed to consider measures which should be taken in the interests of Aboriginal people, and in 1886 an Aborigines Protection Board (‘APB’) was established. The APB was empowered to distribute rations, medicine, clothing and blankets to Aboriginal people in need of them; to manage reserves; and to supervise generally all matters affecting Aboriginal people. Mr Muller notes that governmental intervention in the region began with the arrival of the first police officers in 1895 and 1896. In 1896 and 1897, three Aboriginal people were receiving assistance distributed by the police at Menzies. In 1896 the APB appointed Mr CA Bailey as ‘Protector of Aborigines’ in the Eastern Goldfields. Blankets were first distributed in the Northern Goldfields as early as 1897, 100 being issued by police at Menzies and 12 at Mount Margaret in that year.
  2. In his report, Mr Muller quotes the Secretary of the APB as stating in that Board’s 1897 Annual Report:
demands on the Board for rations to sick and infirm Natives in the various districts have considerably augmented and the rapid expansion of Gold field centre and the increase in the whole population has had the effect of depriving the Natives of their means of obtaining food and water, and made them dependent on the Board for relief. The duties of Mr C A Bailey, Protector of Aborigines have consequently considerably increased and owing to his careful supervision and frequent inspection of the Eastern Gold field centre aided by the kind assistance of the Resident Magistrate and Police Officers, the Natives have been provided with food, water, hospital accommodation, medicine, medical attendance and blankets and the general improvement in their condition has been a source of gratification to the Board, so much so that it is a matter for regret that competent paid Protectors had not been appointed through the Colony.’

  1. In 1898 the APB was replaced by a government department, the ‘Aborigines Department’, and the position of Protector ceased to exist (the ‘protector’ role being performed by the local police) until 1901, when a Travelling Inspector was appointed. The role of distributing rations and exercising other government controls over Aboriginal people in the area was often the responsibility of the police.
  2. Government control was extensive. The Aborigines Act 1905 (WA) as amended, especially as amended by the Aborigines Act Amendment Act 1936 (WA), granted the Government wide powers over the employment (s 17), movement (various sections), and family life (cf s 42) of Aboriginal people in Western Australia. The Chief Protector of Aborigines was the legal guardian of Aboriginal children as defined by the Act (s 8), and had the power to authorise the removal of people, including children (s 12). Areas could also be declared prohibited to Aboriginal people (s 39), and they could be removed from towns (s 37). Such controls were gradually repealed from the mid 1950s through to the 1970s.
  3. Another relevant legislative measure was the Natives (Citizenship Rights) Act 1944 (WA), which allowed Aboriginal people to obtain a certificate of citizenship upon complying with certain assimilation requirements. One requirement was that they had to have ‘dissolved tribal and native association’ (s 4 – there was an exception in favour of lineal descendants and first degree relatives), and to have ‘adopted the manner and habits of civilised life’ (one of the requirements of s 5).
  4. Aboriginal people in the Wongatha Claim area attempted to avoid the operation of certain government controls, in particular, the removal of their children. Several witnesses gave evidence of being hidden from police or escaping capture by them as small children. In this respect the Mount Margaret Mission provided an alternative: children accommodated in the Mission would not be removed from the Goldfields and could be visited there by parents who could camp nearby.

Ration stations

  1. Section 6 of the Aboriginal Act 1905 (WA) included as one of the roles of the recently established Aborigines Department that of distributing blankets, clothes and other relief to the Aborigines, at the discretion of the Department.
  2. Ration depots or stations operated at various times at Kookynie, Lawlers, Burtville, Laverton, Leonora, Linden, Menzies, Morgans, Mount Margaret, Cosmo and Mulga Queen, and at places just outside the Wongatha Claim area, in particular, at Darlot.
  3. A difficulty in reading the evidence relating to the distribution of rations is to distinguish between the supply of rations by pastoralists in return for labour, and that by government, such as through the local police or through persons appointed by the government as superintendents of ration depots. The position is rendered the more complex by the fact that local pastoralists were sometimes appointed as the superintendents.
  4. Aboriginal people congregated around centres of European settlement that were also sources of rations. Police and other authorities used the ration depots and nearby Aboriginal camps to find mixed-race children for removal to institutions. The provisional withholding of rations was a means of control.
  5. I turn now to those ration stations that had particular significance for the purpose of the present Claims: those at Darlot, Mount Margaret Mission, Cosmo and Mulga Queen.
  6. According to Vachon/de Gand: ‘An official rationing depot for Aborigines was set up at Darlot as early as 1906 and a few Aborigines were receiving rations there until 1929’. They also note that rationing at Darlot was mentioned in the Aborigines Department Annual Report 1907, but is not mentioned again until the Departmental report for 1923. Reports show that five Aborigines were receiving government rations at Darlot between 1923-9. In their report, Vachon/de Gand state:
reasons not entirely clear, it seems that several people who previously occupied the eastern half of the [Wongatha/MN] Overlap and who later lived in and around Darlot came to be identified as Kuwarra [Koara] by a number of Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants and others.’

I do not know when the ration station at Darlot ceased to function. The Darlot post office closed in 1952, but the little town’s heyday seems to have been from, say, the late 1890s to about 1930 (see 6.7(a)(b) [2691] ff).

  1. The ration depot at Mount Margaret occurred through the auspices of the Mount Margaret Mission. A brief history of the Mount Margaret Mission appears at [1114] below.
  2. The history of the ration depot there began when the State Government closed the ration stations at Linden and Morgans at the end of 1927, and that at Laverton, some three years later, and transferred all those who had been receiving rations at those places to a single new ration station at the Mission (the Mission had been established five years earlier in 1922). At the Mission, this development was regarded literally as a godsend.
  3. Just as the State Chief Protector of Aborigines, Mr AO Neville (and the State Government policy influenced by him), assisted the Mission in its early days, they took a course unfavourable to it in the mid 1930s, that led to the establishment of the Cosmo ration station in January 1940 (see [1095] below). Government policy was that the indigenous people who had been receiving rations at the Mission should go to Cosmo and receive them there. However, the Department allowed the Mission, at its own cost, to continue providing rations to a small number of old Aboriginal people.
  4. Accordingly, the Mission was an officially resourced ration station from late 1927/early 1928 to early 1940. Apparently at the beginning of this period, it provided rations to more than 200 people, but in January 1940 the number fell to some fifteen odd people.
  5. The subsequent history of the Mission as a ration station is unclear on the evidence. According to Mr Muller’s chronology, Mr Schenk informed the Department of Native Affairs in April 1952 that the Aboriginal people receiving rations from the Mission were: Children, 80; Adults, 27; ‘Special cases’, 6. That was the year before the Schenks retired (see [1117] below).
  6. I now turn to the ration station at Cosmo. I discussed certain historical aspects of the Cosmo Claim area at 2.5 [196]-[199] and will discuss further aspects of it in Ch 8. A ration depot was established on 29 January 1940 in the vicinity of the location of the present Cosmo Aboriginal Community. On 21 February 1940, Albert James Donegan was appointed, with his wife, superintendent of the Cosmo ‘feeding depot’. An increased number of Aboriginal people had been reported to have been moving into the Laverton area from the east and north east, and in order to keep them away from towns there as well as train lines, the Government wished to draw Aboriginal people to Cosmo.
  7. By June 1940, 140 Aboriginal people were receiving rations at the Cosmo ration depot. They had come from Laverton, Mulga Queen, mining centres such as Cox’s Find and Burtville, and from the Warburton Ranges. The number coming from Warburton increased. Mr Donegan reported that in November 1941, 59 people were being rationed at Cosmo, in 1942, 40, and in 1947, 30. The Commissioner for Native Affairs periodically instructed the police to force Aborigines away from Laverton (which had been declared a ‘prohibited area’) to Cosmo. Mr Donegan pursued a policy of relocating Aboriginal people in the area surrounding Laverton to the Cosmo Reserve. The indigenous evidence was that he was feared. In the 1940s the total Aboriginal population at Cosmo fluctuated from around 50 to over 200 people.
  8. In 1948, the Government declared a policy of turning Cosmo from a containment area into a pastoral training station. Additional grazing land was acquired, livestock was introduced, and Aboriginal people began being paid cash for their labour. However, by the end of 1951, Cosmo became a detention centre (mainly for juveniles). Mr Donegan subsequently resigned. In 1953, the administration of the Cosmo Reserve was transferred to the United Aborigines Mission (‘UAM’) missionaries of the Mount Margaret Mission. The ‘feeding depot’ continued, together with dormitory accommodation and schooling for children, but the institution for delinquents was closed. In 1956 the ration system (including the supply of blankets and clothes) was replaced by a cash allowance of £ 1 per person per week.
  9. I turn finally to the ration station at Mulga Queen. In the early years of the twentieth century, Mulga queen was established as a mining centre. In or about 1910, a gold processing battery and pastoral station were established there. Aboriginal people were recorded at places at and near Mulga Queen early in the early years of the century.
  10. Witnesses gave evidence of being at Mulga Queen and of the presence there of a pastoralist, Jack Shepherd, a man of European descent, who traded with Aboriginal people and apparently the Aboriginal people found him to be kind and well disposed towards them.
  11. Mr Muller states that Mulga Queen’s status as a town, and its European population, are unknown. Although it was never gazetted as a townsite, it had a hotel and several other major buildings and businesses, including a bakery, general store, and blacksmith, and several houses. According to Mr Muller, in the inter-war years, 1920-1940, Aboriginal people from the Laverton area often visited ‘the mining towns just east of Mulga Queen’.
  12. In 1953 a ration depot was established at Mulga Queen under the supervision of Mr Shepherd and his wife. In 1955, Department of Native Welfare Patrol Officer AO day reported that there was an Aboriginal population of 40 at Mulga Queen of whom 20 adults and five children were being rationed, the others being visitors for reburial ceremonies. Among the Aboriginal people who received rations at Mulga Queen in the 1950s was Marnupa (Biddy) Ross, the mother of senior Cosmo claimant, Frances Murray. The number of ration recipients at Mulga Queen increased during the 1950s, but after Mr Shepherd’s death and other events in the late 1950s and early 1960s, many Aboriginal people departed to such places as Milkupurrul, Flower’s Well, Biddy’s Patch, and possibly Leonora. Witnesses gave evidence, and there were reportings, of gatherings and ceremonies taking place at Mulga Queen in the 1950s and earlier.
  13. The presence of ration stations was an encouragement to migration from the desert, especially in periods of drought. The historians agreed in their joint report that there is some evidence in the historic record which indicates that from the 1950s there was some permanent migration to the Goldfields from the Warburton area. Indigenous witnesses (eg Dimple Sullivan, Dolly Walker, and Paddy Walker) also referred to migration from a number of areas decades earlier. Mr Muller observes that a report dated May 1957 stated, with reference to Mulga Queen’s Aboriginal population in the 1950s:
particular natives at Mulga Queen are not directly connected with the natives who frequent Cosmo Newbery and Laverton. These latter natives have drifted in from around Warburton Ranges whereas the original Mulga Queen natives came from the country north west of the Warburton Ranges and west of the Rawlinson Ranges. During the first ten years of this century when the Mulga Queen, Blue Spec and Duketon mines were operating in full production the particular natives (many have since died) were attracted to these centres and eventually settled at Mulga Queen where they have remained since.’ [citing Patrol officer’s report dated May 1957].

(d) Pastoral industry

  1. While there were pastoral stations in the Wongatha Claim area from an early time, the pastoral industry developed slowly in the Goldfields. Cattle stations developed first, and sheep stations later. Mr Muller states` that outside the Leonora district, the Northern Goldfields pastoral industry remained largely undeveloped prior to the end of the Second World War.
  2. Pastoralists and Aboriginal people had a sometimes difficult interaction. Fencing, poison baits, and the depletion and fouling of water sources by livestock, led to a decrease in the availability of game for Aboriginal people, while pastoralists complained that Aboriginal people and their dogs disturbed stock.
  3. However, the pastoral industry provided employment opportunities for Aboriginal people that were not available to them in the mining industry for much of the twentieth century. According to Mr Muller’s report, Aborigines Department records on employment began in 1910 when the Menzies police reported that 24 Aboriginal people were in employment in the ‘district including Leonora and Laverton’. Mr Muller states that when the pastoral industry began expanding, employment was confined to limited numbers, most Aborigines being considered to lack the necessary training. The expansion of the pastoral industry after 1945 provided greater employment opportunities for Aboriginal people on stations.
  4. Aboriginal people provided cheap labour. The stations often provided Aboriginal employees with accommodation and keep. A source of friction between pastoralists and the Mount Margaret Mission was that the Mission superintendent, Mr Schenk, insisted that Aboriginal workers, whom he sometimes organised in teams, be paid at a certain minimum level.
  5. Hunting and gathering continued to an extent that varied according to the circumstances on the particular station, such as whether European food was available, whether the Aboriginal station hands were located on an outstation, and whether good hunting grounds were close by. It is reasonable to think that the hours of work and the arrangements made between the particular pastoralist and the Aboriginal employees would also be relevant. Some witnesses gave evidence of visiting relatives on stations. Some were put through the law during their period of employment on a station. For example, Paddy Walker, LA and Danny Harris (all probably born in the 1930s) were put through the law after they had begun work in the pastoral industry.
  6. There is archaeological evidence of the use of European materials in Aboriginal shelters, that had apparently been used by indigenous people engaged in the pastoral industry (Veth’s Wongatha report, pp 89-90).
  7. Traditional activities were limited in different ways by the requirements of work, and the fact that much work in the pastoral industry was seasonal. Generally speaking, pastoral work enabled Aboriginal people to gain employment in a European industry, while remaining in the Goldfields. Employment in the pastoral industry ceased for many Aboriginal workers after about 1970, due to the combined effects of drought, the requirement to pay award wages, and industrial changes, such as increased mechanisation.
  8. Other occupations, such as sandalwood collecting, dogging (killing of wild dogs for the Agriculture Protection Board), specking (looking for gold) and road work, also provided indigenous people with employment, often within the areas they now claim. For example, Cecily and Gay Harris engage in prospecting, and Dolly Walker and her husband, Peter Muir, engaged in dogging over a long period.
  9. More recent relations between indigenous people and pastoralists have often been good. On the whole, the evidence is that Aboriginal people have not often been refused permission to access pastoral lands for hunting and other activities, provided they avoid stock and pastoral activities (discharging firearms is not conducive to lambing). Some witnesses said that they do not always ask permission. There was also evidence, in both the historic record and from witnesses, that at times some pastoral leaseholders have restricted access. Evidence was given that in recent years some Aboriginal people have sought to acquire pastoral stations themselves. The GLSC submissions refer to the acquisition of pastoral leases at Pinjin, Glenorn, Morapoi and Adelong, and state that this provides ‘Aboriginal people with the ability for continuing contact with the industry and those areas of land’. There is evidence that Morapoi is used for other purposes. Within Morapoi station is an Aboriginal community, where, for example, Jessie Evans and Laurel Cooper live. Jessie Evans said that it is now called ‘Morapoi Community’, and is a place where older people can go. Richard Evans said he is setting up a ‘cultural trail’ there.
  10. The ration station that was established at Mulga Queen in 1953 (see [1098] above) was established on an 8,600 acre commonage designated ‘Reserve 9881’. While the site had always been of significance to Aboriginal people, this led to an increase in the Aboriginal population there in the 1950s. There were pressures from the European settlers for the land to be available for pastoral and mining activities. Muller quotes a Department of Native Welfare officer reporting in 1957 that the Aboriginal people at Mulga Queen were ‘subject to “constant harassing tactics by pastoralists in the area, who appear determined to drive the natives from this locality”’. In 1958 three Aboriginal reserves totalling something less than 500 acres (subsequently handed over to the ALT) were created, incorporating the ration station and a ceremonial site. In the early 1980s the present day Mulga Queen community was established on the reserves.
  11. The indigenous testimony cannot fail to convey the significant role which the pastoral industry has played in the lives of the present claimants. Many of the older witnesses, mainly, though not exclusively, the men, have spent much of their lives working on pastoral stations within the Wongatha Claim area or nearby, in particular, between the end of the Second World War and about 1970.

(e) Missionary activities/the Mount Margaret Mission

  1. Christian missions were established in the first half of the twentieth century at Mount Margaret and Cosmo. Missionary activity had an impact, not only through evangelisation, but also, directly and indirectly, in other ways. Perhaps the most notable of these was the provision of education for children at Mount Margaret.
  2. The GLSC applicants refer to their Appendix A1(e) which identifies the witnesses who lived at the Mount Margaret Mission.
  3. In 1921, Rodolphe Samuel Schenk, under the auspices of the UAM, went from Melbourne to Laverton, intending to evangelise the Aboriginal people in the Western Australian Goldfields. En route he called in Perth on the State’s Chief Protector of Aborigines, Mr AO Neville, an officer with whom he was to have dealings over the years. In Laverton, he found that the Aboriginal people called themselves ‘Wongutha’. He discovered that there were two distinct groups amongst the Aboriginal people who travelled through Mount Margaret when the Mission was first established: one from the Laverton (northern) side of Mount Margaret, and the other from the Linden (southern) side. Margaret Morgan gave evidence that the people at the Mission called themselves ‘Wongatha’, and that as the teenage boys grew up and became stockmen, they would proudly say when they came home (to the Mission) ‘We Wangkayi, Mount Margaret Wangkayi’. She said that the word ‘Wangkayi’ then caught on. There is evidence, however, that such a word (sometimes rendered ‘Wongi’) was used much earlier (see [554]-[561]).
  4. Over the decades following 1922, when Mr Schenk laid the foundations for the Mount Margaret Mission, numerous missionaries served there. Mr Schenk and his wife, Isobel May Schenk (known as ‘Mysie Schenk’) were the missionaries in charge until they retired to Esperance in 1953. In Esperance, they supported their son, Rod Schenk junior, at the ‘Wongatha Mission Training Farm’, which provided vocational training for Aboriginal people coming down from the North-Eastern Goldfields, and, in particular, from the Mission. The Mission continued to function until the 1970s under various successors to the Schenks. These included their daughter, Margaret Morgan, who lives in Perth, and who testified before me, and her husband Keith Morgan.
  5. At the end of 1927, Aboriginal ration stations at other places such as Linden and Mount Morgans were closed. Mount Margaret became the main rationing depot in the region until Cosmo began operating in 1940.
  6. The Mission provided an alternative for ‘half-caste’ children who risked being removed by local police under the direction of the Chief Protector of Aborigines and transported hundreds of kilometers away to the facility at Mogumber (Moore River). Typically, there would be no contact between the European biological father and the half-caste child. The role and responsibilities of ‘father’ were assumed by an Aboriginal man whom the child would regard in all respects as his or her father. The mother and father would attempt to conceal the child in the bush, away from the European towns and settlements in order to prevent the child’s being taken by the police. The difficulty of concealing a child in the long term, coupled with the educational and other advantages offered by the Mission, led many parents to place their half-caste children in the Mission, where they were accommodated, fed, educated, taught useful skills, found employment, and, in some cases, ‘converted to Christianity’. Some children were also forcibly removed from their parents and placed at the Mission. In general, the ‘Mission children’ entered the Mission at a young age of four to or six years (presumably the age at which the risk of seizure of a child by the authorities became a reality) and did not leave it until their late teenage years. There were also full-blood Aboriginal children at the Mission.
  7. Some parents of children in the Mission camped in wiltjas nearby, in order to be near their children. Parents were free to spend time with their children each day in the creek bed at the Mission, and often supplied bush food to the children. During school holidays, in particular, the six-eight week Christmas holiday period, boys and full-blood girls accompanied their parents on camping trips, to be returned to the Mission for the start of the next school year. But half-caste girls remained at the Mission, except where they were taken out by the missionaries. According to Ms Morgan and indigenous witnesses, this was because of a fear that they would be taken by the police and transferred to Mogumber. Once Aboriginal workers began entering the pastoral industry, some children’s parents would be absent for periods working on cattle and sheep stations in the region. Muller reports that by 1960 the Mission had become ‘primarily a hostel for children whose parents were living and working on pastoral stations’.
  8. Over time, the Mission buildings came to include children’s dormitories, a school, a hospital (established in 1936), and work-rooms, where skills were taught. Aboriginal families also built houses on ‘the hill’ to live in. The children living as part of those families were referred to as ‘the hill children’, distinguishing them from those who lived in dormitories in ‘the Graham Home’, who were sometimes called the ‘Home children’.
  9. The Mission played a most important role in the lives of many of the senior Wongatha claimants and claimants in other Claim groups. Its influence should not be underestimated. A significant number of the indigenous witnesses before me had spent their childhood years there. Some witnesses were born in the Mission hospital. The place where the Court first sat to hear evidence was a hall at the Mount Margaret Aboriginal Community, from which indigenous witnesses indicated places where their childhood experiences took place. As noted elsewhere, the bringing together of children in the Mission in their formative years influenced their language development in the direction of assimilation.
  10. To some extent, the Mission, controlled the behaviour, associations and movements of the Aboriginal children who lived there. For example, the Mission discouraged the use of Aboriginal language and encouraged the use of English. Controls were placed upon children leaving the Mission, although some ran away. Mr Schenk himself complained that sometimes the parents did not bring their children back after holidays. There was evidence that some young women married because that was the only way they could leave. There was also some evidence that the Mission pressured Aboriginal people to choose between Aboriginal Law and Christianity. Some witnesses said that initiated people could not live in the Graham Homes or in the Mission itself (Thelma O’Loughlin; Elvis Stokes). Others testified that the Mission generally opposed and discouraged people from participating in Aboriginal ceremonies, or at least in those that Mr Schenk perceived as ‘evil’. He discouraged polygamy. He succeeded in converting some people to Christianity and in discouraging some men from being initiated. The Christian influence resulted in less participation in ceremonies and law business.
  11. Of course, this general influence did not mean that ceremonies stopped at once. Historical sources record a number of ceremonies taking place at Mount Margaret between the 1920s and 1940s. Margaret Morgan said that as a child she used to hear the corroborees at night. Indigenous witnesses also testified about ceremonies taking place and attending ceremonies around Mount Margaret from the 1920s through to the 1960s.
  12. In 1947, Mr Schenck wrote to the acting Commissioner of Native Affairs claiming that boys at the Mission were being threatened with being taken away to undergo initiation. He forwarded a petition from the boys or young men, including the parents of some prominent claimants. The petition, referred to in Mr Muller’s principal report, stated:
the undersigned wish to say that we have been educated in the Mt. Margaret School and, being educated, wish to live on a higher plane than the bush natives. We do not want to be initiated and cut about by the camp natives, and have no desire to follow the customs connected with the initiation ceremonies.

T. C. Evans, Donald Stokes, Arthur Stokes, Morris Brownley, Woobalie Blizzard, Charlie Winter.’
  1. Margaret Morgan said that her father did not discourage Aboriginal people from engaging in ceremonies or following traditional laws and customs otherwise. She said that if the people at the Mission abandoned traditional laws and customs, they did so of their own free choice. I accept, however, that inevitably they or some of them would have felt that they were under some pressure to do so, even if the missionaries’ hope was that they would do so of their own free will.
  2. The missionaries at Mount Margaret established another mission at Warburton in the 1930s, and in 1953 took over responsibility for Cosmo. The UAM ceased to function at Mount Margaret in the early or mid-1970s, and finally withdrew from Cosmo in 1979. Ms Morgan said that the Mission ceased to function ‘when the people moved out and ... they weren’t tied to the mission for employment’. She said: ‘[A]lthough they ... worked on the station owners’ properties, they still came back to Mount Margaret. But there came a time when they started to move and they were accepted in the towns ... they were excluded from the towns before that, but they began to find employment in the towns and that’s when it [ceased to be a mission]’.
  3. When the Mission ceased to function, its assets were transferred to AMOS Incorporated (‘AMOS’). AMOS stands for ‘Aboriginal Movement for Outback Survival’. AMOS took over from the Mission the management of the affairs of the Aboriginal community living at Mount Margaret. AMOS’s activities have been managed by a succession of Aboriginal people (currently Ron Bonney). Some, perhaps all, of the managers to date have been individuals who spent their childhood at the Mission. AMOS conducts an annual Christian Convention at Mount Margaret. (As will be discussed in Ch 8, the management of the Cosmo community was also vested in an Aboriginal corporation. After Government funding was withdrawn in the mid 1980s, the community cased to function, but in 1989/1990 a number of the present Cosmo claimants returned to Cosmo to re- establish a community there.)

3.8 MEANING OF ‘COMMUNAL’, ‘GROUP’ AND ‘INDIVIDUAL’ IN S 223(1) OF THE NTA, AND THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THOSE TERMS


  1. At 3.6(c)(4), I referred to the nature of the claims to country made by the indigenous witnesses as being claims by individuals of individual rights and interests in ‘my country’ areas that have been aggregated or pooled to create group claims of group rights and interests in group areas. The present section is principally concerned with the meaning of the terms ‘communal’, ‘group’ and ‘individual’ in s 223(1) of the NTA.
  2. Paragraphs (a) and (b) of s 223(1) are based on what was said by Brennan J in Mabo (No 2) at 70: see Ward HCA at [16] (joint judgment). In Ward HCA, the joint judgment acknowledged that account may be taken of what was decided and said in Mabo (No 2), when the meaning and effect of the NTA is being considered (ibid). Deane and Gaudron JJ stated in Mabo (No 2) (109-110):
common law native title is a communal native title and the rights under it are communal rights enjoyed by a tribe or other group. It is so with Aboriginal title in the Australian States and internal Territories.’[
  1. Also in Mabo (No 2), Brennan J stated (51):
it be necessary to categorise an interest in the land as proprietary in order that it survive a change in sovereignty, the interest possessed by a community that is in exclusive possession of land falls into that category. Whether or not land is owned by individual members of a community, a community which asserts and asserts effectively that none but its members has any right to occupy or use the land has an interest in the land that must be proprietary in nature: there is no other proprietor.’

(It may be noted, in passing, that the circumstances contemplated by Brennan J are far removed from those of the present case.)

  1. His Honour said (52), however, that that there was no impediment to the recognition of individual rights, whether proprietary or non-proprietary, ‘dependent on the community title’. He also observed (61):
course in time the laws and customs of any people will change and the rights and interests of the members of the people among themselves will change too. But so long as the people remain as an identifiable community, the members of whom are identified by one another as members of that community living under its laws and customs, the communal native title survives to be enjoyed by the members according to the rights and interests to which they are respectively entitled under the traditionally based laws and customs, as currently acknowledged and observed.’

Brennan J also referred (at 51-2, 61-2) to sub-group and individual native title rights or interests which were ‘dependent on’ and ‘carved out of’ the communal native title. His Honour’s analysis therefore seems to be that the largest entity is the ‘community’, the smallest is the ‘individual’, and the ‘sub-group’ lies between the two.

  1. In Ward FCAFC, Beaumont and von Doussa JJ also emphasised the communal nature of native title. Their Honours said ([204]):
submissions [a reference to a submission by the State that, inter alia, the determination in favour of the Miriuwung and Gajerrong people was in error because it had the effect of giving Miriuwung people an interest in Gajerrong country and vice versa, notwithstanding a finding that Miriuwung country and Gajerrong country were separate territories] fail to recognise that rights of occupation, use and control of particular areas enjoyed by the Miriuwung and Gajerrong community, and the estate groups within it, are a consequence of the communal title shared by the composite community under the traditionally based laws and customs as currently acknowledged and observed by it.’ (my emphasis)

  1. The State submits ‘that a “community” is the largest grouping of indigenous people who (collectively) possess rights and interests in a particular area of land’, and is the equivalent of a ‘society’. I agree. In Yorta Yorta HCA, Gleeson CJ, Gummow and Hayne JJ treated ‘community’ and ‘society’ interchangeably, but preferred to use ‘society’ at 445 (fn 94) to emphasise the close relationship between the group and the identification of the laws and customs of that group.
  2. In my view, s 223(1) reveals a taxonomy of the kinds of native title recognised by the NTA: communal, group and individual. The community, the largest possible native title owning entity, is in fact the society whose laws and customs are in question. The group is smaller, and will ordinarily have a fluctuating membership (so, of course, will the community). The individual is the smallest possible native title owning entity.
  3. The State submits that the community or society will be comprised of subgroups and individuals who have particular rights and interests in its land. Thus, the submission is that the reference in s 223 to ‘native title’ or ‘native title rights and interests’ as meaning the ‘communal, group or individual rights and interests of Aboriginal peoples or Torres Strait Islanders in relation to land or waters’, is a reference, first, to the collective native title of the larger community, and, second, to the particular native title rights and interests of subgroups and individuals within that community. I agree.
  4. I accept the following submission made by the State:
the Wongatha claimants’ claim is viewed as a “communal” or as a “group” claim, the Wongatha claimants must establish that, collectively, whether as a “community” or as a corporate “group” (“the Wongatha people”), they acknowledge and observe a (pre-sovereignty) body of laws and customs which, for them, constitutes a normative system and under which they possess rights and interests in, and have a connection with, the claim area.’

The word ‘corporate’ here merely reinforces the ‘collective’ idea, and might have been omitted.

  1. The Wongatha Claim group must, possess on a collective basis, the rights and interests in question. This is the significance of a claim of group rights and interests as distinct from a claim of individual rights and interests. Yet, as the State submits, both the Wongatha claimants and the anthropologists pointed to claims made on an individual basis ‘unmediated by any necessity for membership of a land-owning “group”’ (see 3.6(c)(4) for a more detailed discussion). It may be said that this was also true in De Rose. In De Rose, however, the Nguraritja were a traditional group – the group constituted by the custodians of a constellation of Dreaming sites or tracks.
  2. The three statutory categories of rights and interests referred to in s 223(1) of the NTA were considered by the Full Court in De Rose (No 2) FCAFC at [25]–[50]. Their Honours were of the view that:
native title presupposes that the claim is made on behalf of a recognisable community of people, whose traditional laws and customs constitute the normative system under which rights and interests are created and acknowledged. That is, the traditional laws and customs are those of the very community which claims native title rights and interests. By contrast, group and individual native title rights and interests derive from a body of traditional laws and customs observed by a community, but are not necessarily claimed on behalf of the whole community. Indeed, they may not be claimed on behalf of any recognisable community at all, but on behalf of individuals who themselves have never constituted a cohesive, functioning community.’ ([38])

  1. This explanation is consistent with my analysis outlined above: the community or society is the WDCB; the traditional laws and customs proposed are those of the WDCB; the applications are made, not on behalf of the WDCB, and not on behalf of individuals, but on behalf of groups within the WDCB.
  2. The difference between group and individual rights and interests is less clear. I respectfully agree with the obiter dicta in De Rose (No 2) FCAFC at [39]-[40]:
The distinction between group and individual rights and interests (to the extent it matters) is perhaps more difficult to identify. An example of group rights and interests may be those held by a subset of a wider community, the traditional laws and customs of which determine who has interests in particular sites or areas. The members of the subset may or may not themselves be an identifiable community, but their rights and interests are determined by the traditional laws and customs observed by the wider community. The members of the subset might be expected, under the traditional laws and customs, to share common characteristics in relation to certain land or waters, such as rights and responsibilities as the custodians of particular sites. Ordinarily, it might be expected that the “group” holding native title rights and interests would have a fluctuating membership, the composition of which would be determined by the relevant body of traditional laws acknowledged and customs observed.

A person holding individual native title rights and interests, by contrast, may not necessarily share common characteristics, in relation to land or waters, with other members of that community under the relevant body of traditional laws and customs. Unless the traditional laws and customs provide for the individual rights and interests to be transmitted to other community members, they presumably will terminate upon the death of the holder.’

  1. The relevant difference between the four GLSC Claims and the Cosmo Claim on the one hand, and De Rose on the other, is that in De Rose the group was united by the sharing of a common traditional characteristic in relation to land or waters: being the custodians (Nguraritja) of a constellation of Dreaming sites. In the GLSC and Cosmo cases, each individual asserts individual rights and interests over his or her own ‘my country’ area, and the individuals constituting a Claim group are not members of it by reason of any unifying traditional characteristic; the unifying characteristic is that the Claim group has decided to recognise the connection or connections asserted by the individual, and to admit him or her to membership. There is nothing traditional about such decision making.
  2. In the present case, from beginning to end, all of the Claims have been framed as claims by groups of fluctuating membership to hold group rights and interests.
  3. The Wongatha applicants submit that although their claim is that the rights and interests are held by the group, this does not necessarily mean that within the group the rights and interests of all individuals must be the same. I agree. They note, for example, that initiated men may be entitled to occupy and use certain areas which are prohibited to uninitiated boys and to women. They add: ‘The rights over the area are held by the group to be used pursuant to laws and customs’. This accords with my understanding of the way in which the Wongatha Claim is put.
  4. I have no difficulty with the proposition that there may be differences as to rights and interests enjoyed, as between the group’s members. That is to say, the fact that particular members, or classes of members, such as watis or senior women, may have special rights and interests, does not necessarily signify that the group does not have group rights and interests. Moreover, it is conceivable that some members may have rights and interests in some areas, but not in others (although, by reason of being members of the group, all would have at least nominal rights and interests in the whole). Importantly, however, the rights and interests of any ‘special’ members or class of members would always depend upon, and form part of, the group rights and interests. The difficulty, explained at 3.6(c)(4), is that it is not established that there are group rights and interests held by a ‘Wongatha People’ in the first place. The evidence has been directed to establishing the existence of individual rights and interests, and, by a recent process of aggregation or pooling, the existence of group rights and interests.
  5. In Neowarra at [384]-[398], under the heading ‘Native Title Recognition Level’, Sundberg J addressed a claim that the Wanjina-Wunggurr community held native title communally in the total claim area, and ‘that in various sub-groups and as individuals they [held] various sets of rights and interests in various sub-areas of, and places within, the claim area’. His Honour saw nothing in the reference to the words ‘communal, group or individual rights and interests of Aboriginal peoples ... in relation to land or waters’ in s 223(1) that was an obstacle to such a claim. With respect, neither do I.
  6. His Honour regarded the claim in Ward as similar, and referred to what Beaumont and von Doussa JJ said in Ward FCAFC at [160]–[161] and [239]. Their Honours there referred to the finding of Lee J at first instance that there was a Miriuwung and Gajerrong community that had an ancestral connection with the Aboriginal community or communities that occupied the claim area at sovereignty. Their Honours addressed the State’s submission that every relevant witness had claimed to be either Miriuwung or Gajerrong, and that a great majority of the Miriuwung claimed to have a full array of rights only in an estate area, and disclaimed other estate areas as their ‘country’.
  7. Their Honours said ([239]) that it was not necessary that each named applicant establish that he or she possessed rights and interests uniformly over the entire determination area. They referred to the primary judge’s finding that the two communities (Miriuwung and Gajerrong) once acknowledged and recognised separate territories, but had in more recent times become regarded (amongst themselves) as a composite community with shared interests. They thought that conclusion to be in accordance with the evidence.
  8. In Neowarra at [391] ff, Sundberg J addressed a generally similar issue as it arose on the facts of that case. The State’s submission to his Honour was that any rights and interests were held by people associated with the particular dambun (area of land associated with a ‘clan group’). His Honour recorded that the State had submitted that:
witnesses were asked to identify their country or their rights or interests in country, they referred to a dambun or a local site, and not to any larger region or community.’

  1. A comparison may be made with the identification of a person’s ngurra or ‘my country’ area in the present case.
  2. Sundberg J adopted ([391]) the following passage from the applicants’ submission as an accurate description of their case:
Applicants do not claim, and the evidence does not suggest that rights do not have a dambun based focus, or that each right claimed is held equally by each and every member of the community in relation to the individual claim area. Rather it is claimed that the only entity which can and does contain all of the rights and interests in relation to the land and waters of the claim area, and all of the persons who respectively hold those rights, is the Wanjina Wunggurr Community’.

  1. Sundberg J characterised ([393]) the inquiry in Ward and in Newowara under s 223(1)(a) to be whether the laws and customs were those of the subgroups or of the community. His Honour referred to evidence given by indigenous witnesses demonstrating that they regarded the laws and customs as being not those of a dambun or language country, but as those of the larger community. Importantly, his Honour found:
evidence does however disclose the existence of a community that transcends individual dambun or groups of dambun, and also individual language countries.’

His Honour noted ([395]) the evidence of the anthropologist, Dr Redmond, rejecting ‘the notion that the Wanjina-Wunggur cultural domain is a novel creation.’

  1. Sundberg J further observed ([396]) that the anthropological evidence of Dr Redmond about ‘clan clusters’ and ‘families of clans’ and kinship evidence was ‘fatal to the State’s dambun based submission’ (asserting that no witness identified his or her country as extending beyond his or her dambun).
  2. Neowarra is distinguishable. The evidence here does not disclose the existence, under traditional laws and customs, of the Claim groups. It is not to the point that in Neowarra the claim made was a communal claim. The present Claim groups must establish the existence of themselves as right and interest possessing units within the WDCB society.
  3. What unites the Wongatha claimants is the making of the present application under the NTA. They have come together and ‘pooled’ their claimed ‘my country’ areas for that purpose. This is not to say that the word ‘Wongatha’ was not in use before the present Claim was made. It was, and had been for a very long while (see 4.6(a)(1) [1331] ff). It had various meanings, a common one being Aboriginal people in the south-western part of the Western Desert. In December 1998 or January 1999, the Wongatha applicants chose ‘Wongatha’ as the name of the combined Claim newly formed from 20 antecedent claims, none of which was called ‘Wongatha’. All of this says nothing about the integrity of the Wongatha Claim group as an entity recognised by traditional Western Desert laws and customs.
  4. I can accept that once the integrity, in traditional terms, of a group is established, a great variety of rights and interests of members may depend upon the group native title. That variety may exist between individuals and subgroups, for example. One need only consider the special positions of watis as against all others, male against female, and adults as against children, for example. It may even be that some members do not have rights and interests in particular areas, although this may beg a semantic question as to the meaning of ‘rights and interests’: on one view every member must have at least nominal rights and interests in the whole area by reason of nothing more than membership of the group.
  5. I do not accept, however, that the NTA permits recognition of group rights and interests in a group territory, where both have been created for the purpose of making an application for a determination under the NTA out of claimed individual rights and interests in claimed individual ‘my country’ areas.
  6. The dividing line between the Claim groups before the Court remains a source of bewilderment and confusion for everyone. The question of which claim group a person is in depends on recognition and acceptance, which, in turn, depends on political and other circumstances of the last 20 years or so.
  7. To take certain words from the reasons for judgment in Neowarra, the Wongatha Claim group did not ‘transcend’ its individual members, but was a ‘novel creation’.
  8. In their supplementary report, Pannell/Vachon describe the ‘my country’ relationship as a component of a person’s identity. They also describe it as possessory in nature, establishing rights and responsibilities in relation to a particular place or area. Mr Vachon agreed that the Wongatha Claim area comprised the ngurras or ‘my country’ areas of the individual claimants. He said that in aggregation they may not cover the entire Wongatha Claim area, but that if one were to include ‘the connections [the claimants] express to other parts of the Wongatha Claim area, by mother, or father, or occupation, or whatever ... then that would cover pretty well the whole claim area’.
  9. Even coverage of every square centimetre of the Wongatha Claim area does not remove the objection (any deficiency in coverage could always be overcome by reducing the claim area). The objection is that the coverage is by a non-traditional pooling of claimed individual rights and interests over areas unique to the individual.
  10. The Wongatha applicants submit:
people within the group ... may have the ability and expectation that, subject to appropriate protocols, they can visit another group-member’s “my country” part of the [Wongatha] claim area following an accepted process of “assertion and acknowledgement” referred to by Pannell/Vachon at para 57 (p 18) of their supplementary report. These respective relationships, abilities and limitations, however, are all part of the traditional rights and interests of the group to use and enjoy the area pursuant to the group’s traditional laws and customs’.

  1. Assume that traditional laws and customs allow for visiting as between ‘my country’ areas subject to a ‘right to be asked’ protocol. The submission acknowledges, however, and correctly in my view, that on the case as put, the ‘relationships, abilities and limitations’ would have to be ‘part of the traditional rights and interests of the group to use and enjoy the area pursuant to the group’s traditional laws and customs’ (my emphasis).
  2. The GLSC applicants submit in their conclusion to the discussion at hand:
[Wongatha] Applicants and the other GLSC-represented applicant groups make their applications in relation to the entire area of the claim and submit that either a single determination over the whole area or, for convenience, separate determinations over parts of that area may be made on the basis as has emerged from the evidence ... . In either case, such a determination, or determinations, should refer to each of the GLSC claimant groups as the entity enjoying the traditional rights and interests determined to exist. No further detailing of sub-groups or individuals, or their rights and interests, is required.’

  1. The second last sentence in this paragraph correctly recognises that in order to be consistent with the GLSC Claims, as brought, determinations would have to be in favour of the respective GLSC Claim groups as entities. But it is not suggested that they are recognised by traditional WDCB laws and customs as units or entities capable of possessing rights and interests; and clearly they are not.

CHAPTER 4 – THE WONGATHA CLAIM
4.0 INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW

  1. According to the Wongatha LIP, the Wongatha Claim group comprised 820 individuals in 2002. As noted at 1.1 [2], the Claim is in respect of an area of approximately 160,000 km2, and is a combination of 20 antecedent claims (see 1.2(a) [18]-[36]).
  2. The Wongatha Claim fails because:
    1. The Wongatha applicants were not authorised to make the Wongatha application as required by s 61(1) of the NTA.
    2. The evidence does not establish that the Wongatha Claim group is a group recognised by WDCB traditional laws and customs as a group capable of possessing group rights and interests in land or waters.
    3. The evidence does not establish that group rights and interests exist in the Wongatha Claim area under WDCB traditional laws and customs.
    4. The evidence does not establish that at sovereignty, WDCB laws and customs provided for an ancestral group of the Wongatha Claim group to possess group rights and interests in the Wongatha Claim area, or for individuals to be able to form themselves into a group possessing such rights and interests.
    5. The Wongatha Claim is an aggregation of claims of individual rights and interests, and the Wongatha Claim area is based on an aggregation of individual ‘my country’ areas, the subject of those claimed individual rights and interests, and the NTA does not provide for the making of a determination of native title consisting of group rights and interests in these circumstances.
    6. The Wongatha Claim area is not an area that is ultimately, whether directly or indirectly, defined by reference to Tjukurr (Dreaming) sites or tracks.
    7. Approximately the western one sixth of the Wongatha Claim area lies outside the area of the WDCB ‘society’ on which the Wongatha Claim is based.
    8. Many, if not most or all, of the Wongatha claimants are the descendants of people who migrated into the Wongatha Claim area from desert areas outside that area, in particular, to the east of it, since, and under the influence of, European settlement, and it is not established that their ancestors had any connection with the Wongatha Claim area at sovereignty, or that they or the Wongatha claimants descended from them, acquired rights and interests in the Wongatha Claim area in accordance with pre-sovereignty WDCB laws and customs.
    9. The evidence does not establish that the claimants constituting the Wongatha Claim group have a connection with the Wongatha Claim area by Western Desert traditional laws and customs as required by s 223(1)(b) of the NTA.

4.1 EVIDENCE OF COMPLIANCE WITH S 61 OF THE NTA

  1. The State, the Commonwealth and Group 6A make substantive submissions that the Wongatha application does not comply with the authorisation requirement of s 61(1) of the NTA. (For convenience, I will refer to ‘the respondents’ as making this submission.)
  2. I incorporate here the factual background to the making of the Wongatha application which was set out at 1.2(a) [18]-[36] and [61], and 2.1 [120]-[142].

Do the authorisation requirements of s 61(1) of the New NTA apply?

  1. Under the Old NTA a native title determination application was able to be made by, inter alia, ‘[a] person or persons claiming to hold the native title either alone or with others’: Old NTA s 61(1). An applicant did not have to be authorised. The Amending NTA introduced, in the amended s 61(1), a requirement that an applicant must be authorised by the native title claim group.
  2. ‘Proper authorisation is the foundation for the institution and maintenance of a native title claimant application under s 61 of the new Act’: Perry and Lloyd, Australian Native Title Law (Thomson Lawbook Co, 2003) at [3.140] p 439. Authorisation is ‘fundamental to the legitimacy of native title determination applications’, and is ‘not a condition to be met by formulaic statements in or in support of applications’: Strickland at 259-260.
  3. Where the authorisation requirement of s 61(1) is not complied with, the
    non-compliance is fatal to the success of the application: Moran v Minister for Land and Water Conservation for the State of New South Wales [1999] FCA 1637 at [48]; Strickland at [56]-[57] (approved in WA v Strickland at [77]-[78]); Drury v Western Australia [2000] FCA 132; (2000) 97 FCR 169 at [10]; Daniel v Western Australia (2002) 194 ALR 278 (FCA) at [11]; De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J at [933]. Authorisation must be by all the persons who constitute the native title claim group in respect of the common or group rights and interests comprising the particular native title claimed: Risk v National Native Title Tribunal [2000] FCA 1589 at [30]; Dieri People v South Australia [2003] FCA 187; (2003) 127 FCR 364 at [55] (‘Dieri People’); Tilmouth v Northern Territory [2001] FCA 820; (2001) 109 FCR 240 (‘Tilmouth’).
  4. This Court’s power of summary dismissal (FCRs O 20, r 2) was available in relation to an application made under the Old NTA. The Amending NTA introduced s 84C, which provides, in subs (1), relevantly, that if an application for a determination of native title does not comply with s 61, a party to the proceeding may at any time apply to this Court to strike out the application. Subsection 84C(4) provides that s 84C does not prevent the making of any other application to strike out, relevantly, such an application for a determination of native title. Accordingly, the power of summary dismissal under O 20, r 2 continued also to be available.
  5. No respondent invoked the s 84C(1) (or O 20, r 2) procedure. If I had been of the view that any of the present Claims failed for lack of authorisation alone, interesting questions would have arisen, for example, as to whether the position could be cured by ratification, or by the authorised making of a new application coupled with an order that the existing evidence be evidence in the new proceeding.
  6. The Amending NTA speaks as from the date of its commencement. Accordingly, the authorisation requirement of s 61(1) applies to applications that are ‘made’ after the relevant provisions of the Amending NTA commenced on 30 September 1998. The question then arises, does ‘made’ refer to the lodgement of the form of application with the Court or does it have an ongoing operation down to the hearing? The Amending NTA provides that s 84C applies where, relevantly, the main application for a determination of native title was made either before or after the commencement, but that if it was made before the commencement, the reference in s 84C to s 61 is a reference to s 61 of the Old Act: Amending NTA, s 3, Schedule 5, Pt 5 Item 21. This provision suggests that for the purposes of s 84C, an application is ‘made’ when the Form 1 is lodged or filed. (This view is consistent with the decision of French J, in a different context, that a new application is made under the New NTA when the Form 1 is filed in the Court: see Strickland at [35].)
  7. What is the position, however, where an application, lodged before the amendment of s 61(1) (and the commencement of s 84C), is amended subsequently?
  8. The answer to this question is not authoritatively settled. The decisions in the Court, all at first instance, were referred to by Finn J in McKenzie v South Australia (2005) 214 ALR 214 at [30]-[31], and I need not refer to them.
  9. In Strickland, French J said ([37]) that where the three Old NTA Maduwongga applications were ‘combined’ after 30 September 1998, the combined application was not a ‘new’ application (made at the time of the combination) but was treated by s 64(2) as a species of ‘amended’ application. Subsection 64(2) operates as a qualification on s 64(1), which provides that an amendment of an application must not result in the inclusion of any area of land or waters that was not covered by the original application. His Honour said that ‘in the case of a combination of [O]ld Act applications, the combined application, like its components [see Amending NTA, Sch 5, Pt 3, Items 5 and 6], is taken to have been made on 30 September 1998’ ([37]). In WA v Strickland the Full Court held ([44]-[45]) that where Old NTA applications are combined after the New NTA commenced, for the purposes of s 190C(3)(b), the date ‘when the initial application was made’ is not 30 September 1998, but the date when the ‘initial’ application was made to the NT Registrar. That date was the date of the making of the last of the three Maduwongga applications that were combined, namely, 8 April 1998 (see 2.6 [234]).
  10. The scheme of ss 64(1A), (1) and (2) is plain enough. Their concern is limited to that of the area of land or waters covered by applications. Subsection (1A) provides that an application may be amended at any time to reduce the area of land or waters covered by it (a sentence in the subsection provides that the subsection does not by implication limit amendment in any other way); subs (1) provides that an amendment must not result in the inclusion of additional land or waters; and subs (2) provides that if the application combines two or more claimant applications, the prohibition in subs (1) does not apply. No legislative purpose would be served if the subs (1) prohibition applied where applications, in all respects identical except as to the respective areas covered by them, are combined, because the previous applications in aggregate would have previously covered the area of the combined application.
  11. Subsections 64(1A), (1) and (2) have nothing to say, however, to amendments other than amendments to the area covered by an application. Amendments of other kinds are generally left at large by the NTA, although s 64(5) ensures that the authorisation requirement of s 61(1) applies to an amendment which changes the identity of the applicants on a claimant application. Subsection 64(5) assumes that there has been no change in the composition of the native title claim group, or, at least, does not address that situation.
  12. In the case of the Wongatha Claim, upon the combination of the 20 claims antecedent to it, there was a change of the applicants and other aspects of the Waljen proceeding (WG 6005/98). Did the new authorisation requirement of ss 61(1) and 64(5) apply, having regard to the facts that:
  13. In my view, the applicable test under s 61(1) is that a pre-Amending NTA application, that was amended after the commencement of the Amending NTA, is ‘made’ to the Court under Div 1 of Pt 3 of the New NTA if the amended application is properly to be regarded as a ‘new application’ or a ‘fresh application’: see Wharton on behalf of the Kooma People v Queensland [2003] FCA 1398 at [25]–[27] (Emmett J) (leave to appeal refused: Branfield v Wharton [2004] FCAFC 138); Briggs v Minister for Lands (NSW) [2004] FCA 1056; (2004) 141 FCR 17 at [28] (Moore J); McKenzie v South Australia (2005) 214 ALR 214 at [31] (Finn J). Against the possibility that the following authorities are properly to be understood as going so far, I should say, with respect, that I do not agree that any post-amending NTA amendment necessarily triggers the authorisation requirement: cf Quall v Risk [2001] FCA 378 (O’Loughlin J) at [63], [65]; Dieri People (Mansfield J) at [18]; Edward Landers v South Australia [2003] FCA 264; (2003) 128 FCR 495 (‘Edward Landers’) (Mansfield J) at [4], [5].
  14. The combined Wongatha application was more than a combination of areas already claimed on behalf of the same native title claim group asserting the same native title. It was a ‘new application’ or ‘fresh application’, and the authorisation requirement of the new s 61(1) applied to it. The pre-existing Waljen proceeding was used as a vehicle. On 30 September 1998 that proceeding in the NNTT (WC 94/8) became a proceeding in this Court numbered WAG 6005/98. Then in January 1999, it was combined with 19 other proceedings. At the same time:

It is difficult to imagine a clearer case of a ‘new’ application being ‘made’. A person who had been a Waljen claimant became part of a much larger group claiming a different native title over a much larger area, including the area which had been the subject of his or her antecedent group’s claim.

  1. I see no inconsistency between this conclusion and the judgment of Merkel J in Sebastian (on behalf of the Rubibi Community) v Western Australia [2004] FCA 1019; (2004) 138 FCR 536.
  2. If it is assumed that the combined application of January 1999 is within s 64 (2) so that s 64(1) did not apply, nonetheless that combined application was a new or fresh application for the purposes of s 61(1).

Actual holders or claimants?

  1. Subsection 61(1)’s description of the person or persons who may apply for a determination of native title was set out at 1.5 [72] and s 251B’s statement of the circumstances in which all the persons in the native title claim group will have authorised a person or persons to make such an application was set out at 1.5 [75]. The authorisation must be by all the persons who, according to their traditional laws and customs, hold the common or group rights and interests comprising the particular native title claimed. Subsection 61(4) provides that a native title determination application that persons in, relevantly, a native title claim group authorise the applicant to make, must either name the persons in the group or otherwise describe them sufficiently clearly so that it can be ascertained whether any particular person is one of those persons. A purpose served by s 61(4) is to enable it to be known whether all the persons in the native title claim group have authorised the making of the application. Subsection 61(5) provides, relevantly, that an application must be in the prescribed form and contain such information in relation to the matters sought to be determined as is prescribed. The prescribed form of application (Form 1) provides in Schedule A for identification of the native title claim group, and in Schedule E for a description of the native title rights and interests claimed.
  2. The ‘common or group rights and interests comprising the particular native title claimed’ is the particular bundle of common or group rights and interests claimed to be held. In contrast, the reference in the table in s 61(1) to ‘all the persons (the native title claim group) who, according to their traditional laws and customs hold’ those claimed common or group rights and interests, is a reference to all the persons who actually hold them. The expression ‘native title claim group’ is defined in s 253 as being, relevantly, ‘the native title claim group mentioned in relation to the application in the table in subsection 61(1)’.
  3. The distinction is not accidental. As noted above, under s 61 of the Old NTA, it was a person or persons claiming to hold the native title who could apply for a determination. The original form of the Native Title Amendment Bill 1997 also identified the persons who might apply as ‘A person or persons authorised by the persons (the native title claim group) who claim to hold the common or group rights or interests comprising the particular native title’. But the Native Title Amendment Bill 1997 [No 2] (by amendments (54) and (55) – Schedule 2, Item 19, pp 151 and 152) altered the description of permissible applicants by introducing the word ‘all’ and relocating the ‘claiming’ concept from ‘claim to hold’ to ‘particular native title claimed’.
  4. The result is an odd use of language. It is a natural use of language to designate the group of persons on whose behalf a claimant application is made, as ‘a claim group’, whether or not the application proves to be successful, and those persons, ‘including the applicants’, as ‘claimants’. Yet the expression ‘native title claim group’ is defined in the NTA as being, relevantly, all the actual holders, according to their traditional laws and customs, of the particular native title claimed: NTA ss 253, 61(1). It follows that there cannot be an authorisation within s 61(1) unless there are actual holders of the particular native title claimed.
  5. Logically, the authorisation issue can be finally determined only after I determine whether there are actual holders of the particular native title claimed, and if so, who they are. Since I decide below that there are no holders of the particular native title claimed, the making of the present application could not have been authorised by all of those persons.
  6. Authorisation was addressed extensively in submissions. I will address the issue independently of my conclusion that there are no actual holders of the particular native title claimed. I will address it as if I were dealing with a strike out application under s 84C.
  7. How does s 84C, which assumes that it may be possible for an application to be struck out prior to the final determination of an application, accommodate the fact that the native title claim group is defined to mean the actual holders of the particular native title claimed? In my opinion, the answer is that the striking out remedy is available once it clearly appears that, if the application were to succeed according to its own terms, the applicants would not have been authorised by all those persons the Court would determine to be the actual holders of the particular native title claimed, that is to say, by all the members of the ‘claim group’ (all the ‘claimants’).
  8. I will take this approach also to the challenges to authorisation of all Claims before the Court, that is to say, I will assume that the claimants identified in the Form 1 are actual holders of the particular native title claimed in that Form.

Overlaps and authorisation

  1. In the Wongatha Form 1, the particular native title rights and interests claimed are stated in Schedule E which was set out at [136]. Schedule E states that the native title rights and interests claimed are subject to, inter alia, the qualification in para (vi). In summary, that paragraph states that while the rights and interests claimed by the Wongatha Claim group apply to the whole Wongatha Claim area, there are areas the subject of the overlapping MN, Koara, Wutha, Cosmo and NK 1 Claims ‘where Wongatha people share rights and interests wholly or in part, with members of those other groups’. Paragraph (vi) does not say ‘with the members’: it merely says ‘with members’. The suggestion is that the sharing is only with those members of the overlapping Claim groups mentioned, who have rights and interests in areas within the overlaps.
  2. The State and the Commonwealth submit that this acknowledgment constitutes a concession that the applicants were not authorised by all the persons who, according to their traditional laws and customs, hold the common or group rights and interests comprising the particular native title claimed, that is to say, that the holders of the particular native title claimed go beyond the members of the Wongatha Claim group. The submission is not that there cannot be duly authorised competing claims in respect of the same lands and waters, but that where an application itself acknowledges that native title rights and interests in the claim area or part of it are also held by persons who are not claimants on whose behalf the application is made, authorisation by them is also required.
  3. The State and the Commonwealth also refer to evidence that persons from Warburton, Kanpa and Tjirrkarli hold rights and interests in the Wongatha Claim area, and Group 6A appears to extend the reference to persons from the entire area of the WDCB.
  4. These further submissions based on evidence are misconceived. I am dealing with a hypothetical strike out application. The submissions based on evidence are premature until there is a determination that the non-claimants referred to do hold the rights and interests.
  5. The primary submission made by the State and the Commonwealth raises two questions. The first question is whether, for the purposes of s 61(1), ‘the common or group rights and interests comprising the particular native title claimed’ are to be identified after the ‘carving out’ or ‘subtraction’ of the effect of the sharing. The second question is whether the expression ‘the particular native title claimed’ refers to the entire bundle of rights and interests claimed as an entity, or to the respective individual and separate rights and interests claimed? At [136] there were set out the eleven rights and interests claimed by the Wongatha people.

The first question – the effect of sharing

  1. Paragraph (vi) in Schedule E to the Wongatha Form 1 (set out at [136]) states that all the rights and interests earlier claimed are ‘shared’ wholly or in part between the Wongatha Claim group and members of the MN, Koara, Wutha, Cosmo and NK 1 Claim groups.
  2. I think that it is the rights and interests after the effect of the ‘sharing’ is allowed for, to which s 61(1) refers. It is only the residue that constitutes ‘the common or group rights and interests comprising the particular native title claimed’. The common or group rights claimed are defined, in part, by the effect of the sharing.
  3. In the case of the Wongatha/Koara overlap, for example, para (vi) concedes that the Wongatha Claim group and members of the Koara Claim group have a ‘right of access’ to the overlap. A determination in favour of the Wongatha Claim group would acknowledge, so far as the right of access to the overlap is concerned, that the right was not to the exclusion of an identical right of access in those Koara claimants, but was enjoyed in common with them. An analogy is the right of a member of the public to travel over a public highway in common with all other members of the public. The definition of one person’s right must allow for the similar right of others, and likewise, the right of each of those others. Each may enforce his or her right without joining the other ‘sharers’ of the use of the highway, because the right of each is independent of, and neither diminishes nor is diminished by, the right of each of the others. It is not an infringement of one individual’s right that another individual lawfully exercises his or her identical right.
  4. Therefore, so far as any particular right or interest claimed to be held in common with members of any other Claim group is concerned, the applicants need be authorised only by all the persons who, according to their traditional laws and customs, hold the particular common or group rights claimed, namely, the Wongatha claimants.

The second question – a bundle of rights and interests or individual rights and interests

  1. The expression ‘native title’ or ‘native title rights and interests’ is defined in s 223(1) to mean, relevantly, communal, group or individual rights and interests in relation to land and waters. I think that the expression ‘particular native title claimed’ in s 61(1) refers to the total claimed bundle of rights and interests as an entity.
  2. Paragraph (vi) of Schedule E to the Wongatha Form 1, referred to earlier, acknowledges that the Wongatha people share the rights and interests identified in all eleven paras (a)–(k) of Schedule E ‘wholly or in part’ with members of five overlapping Claim groups. The words ‘in part’ allow for the possibility that only one or some of the rights and interests claimed are shared. A sharing of, say, only one of the eleven rights and interests claimed would not signify a sharing of ‘the particular native title claimed’. No Claim group claims precisely the same bundle of rights as the bundle claimed by the Wongatha Claim group.
  3. I would not uphold the respondents’ contention that s 61(1) was not complied with because of lack of authorisation of the Wongatha application by non-Wongatha claimants with whom the Wongatha Claim group acknowledges a sharing in the respect of overlaps.

The exclusion of certain individuals

  1. The description of the Wongatha Claim group in the Wongatha Form 1 is now expressed in terms of RM and the biological or adopted descendants of persons named in a list, excluding certain of those descendants, namely, ‘the descendants of Thomas Murray’ and ‘the children of Marjorie Barnes and Ron Bonney Snr, except Barron Bonney, and their offspring, and excluding Karen Vincent’ (see 2.1(b) [126]). The exclusion, whatever its precise meaning, was directed to excluding certain Cosmo claimants. Similarly, the Cosmo Form 1 excludes all Wongatha claimants. The excluded persons were not always excluded. They were excluded by an amendment to the description of the Wongatha Claim group in the Form 1 filed on 1 November 1999. I infer that the purpose of the exclusion was, in each case, to overcome any problem posed by s 190C(3) of the NTA.
  2. The Commonwealth and Group 6A submit that the exclusion of certain individuals indicates that the claim group described is not a properly constituted claim group, since it must be a sub-group of the hypothetical actual holders of the particular native title claimed. It would follow that the Wongatha applicants can not have been authorised by all of the hypothetical actual holders.
  3. The exclusion signifies that the true Wongatha ‘native title claim group’ did not authorise the application that is being pursued, even if the reduced group, the Wongatha Claim group, did. The purported authorisation given at the Maku Stadium on 18 December 1998 was an authorisation by the original larger group to make the original application on its behalf.
  4. The Commonwealth and Group 6A rely on the related cases, Dieri People and Edward Landers. There were two applications in those cases. The first was brought by eight named people to whom I will refer as ‘the Dieri Mitha’, and was expressed to be brought on behalf of ‘the Dieri People’. The second was brought, also on behalf of the Dieri people (but see below), but by an ‘Edward Landers group’ which was a sub-group of the Dieri People. The second application was in respect of an area wholly within the area the subject of the Dieri Mitha application.
  5. The Edward Landers application added to its description of the group on whose behalf the application was brought, the words:
native title claim group however specifically excludes all of those people listed as being the applicant group in the particulars of claim filed in the [Dieri Mitha proceeding], whilst those people’s names appear as members of that applicant group’

Mansfield J noted (Dieri People at [3]) that subject to that exclusion, it was not inaccurate to describe the Edward Landers application as being on behalf of ‘the Dieri People’.

  1. In Edward Landers, the Dieri Mitha group sought a striking out of the Edward Landers application under s 84C or a summary dismissal of it under O 20, r 2(1)(a) of the FCRs. In Dieri People, the Edward Landers group sought a striking out or summary dismissal of the Dieri Mitha application. The grounds relied on in each motion were in substance the same.
  2. In Edward Landers, Mansfield J noted ([29] ff) that the reason for the express exclusion in the Edward Landers application was twofold: the application of s 190C(3) of the NTA, and the fact that six of the persons excluded had given instructions that they did not wish to be included in the Edward Landers application.
  3. Mansfield J said ([32]) that, whatever the reason, the Edward Landers application did not comply with s 61(4), because it did not describe the native title claim group ‘sufficiently clearly so that it can be ascertained whether any particular person is one of those persons’; rather, it described a smaller group that remained after the exclusion. The Edward Landers applicant group was a sub-group of the native title claim group. His Honour said ([33]) that the NTA does not permit the making of an application by a sub-group of a native title claim group or the recognition of native title as being held by such a sub-group of the ‘real’ native title claim group.
  4. His Honour dismissed the Edward Landers application.
  5. In Dieri People, after referring to authorities, his Honour again observed (Dieri People at [55]), that the NTA did not permit the making of a claim by a sub-group of the ‘native title claim group’ or the ‘grant’ [sic] of native title to a sub-group of the ‘real’ native title claim group.
  6. I agree. In my opinion, there must be a coincidence between (a) the native title claim group as defined in ss 61(1) and 253 of the NTA (the actual holders of the particular native title claimed); (b) the claim group as defined in the Form 1; and (c) all of the persons who authorised the making of the application, and who must be named or otherwise defined in the Form 1 as required by s 61(4).
  7. In Dieri People, Mansfield J held ([56]) that the native title claim group was ‘the community of persons comprising the Dieri People’, but the claim group described in the Dieri Mitha application was a smaller group of some Dieri people only. His Honour dismissed the application for non-compliance with the authorisation requirement of s 61(1) of the NTA.
  8. I return now to the Wongatha Claim.
  9. The Wongatha applicants submit that the small claim groups in Dieri and Landers acknowledged that they were only part of ‘the proper claimant group’, and that the ‘Court’s reasoning focuses’ on the authorisation by the claimants, not by those potential native title holders who may eventually be subject to a determination. They also submit, in relation to the Maduwongga application, that s 61 should not be interpreted to require authorisation of the Wongatha application by Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding, who elected to continue with their own native title claim and therefore asserted that they hold native title other than the particular native title claimed by the Wongatha applicants. The Cosmo applicants submit that any apparent overlap in group membership (as between the Wongatha and Cosmo Claim groups) is due to claims being brought on the basis of different views of how country is claimed, which is a matter to be decided on the evidence. They say that the exclusion clauses are articulations of the operation of the traditional law of Western Desert land tenure which, they submit, allows for choice in claiming country.
  10. I have reached the conclusion that the exclusion poses for the Wongatha Claim (and the Cosmo Claim) the problem or problems that confronted the Dieri Mitha and Edward Landers applications.
  11. There are really two problems or two aspects of the one problem: first, as a result of the exclusion, the application is no longer being made on behalf of, supposedly, all the holders of the particular native title claimed; second, the amended application on behalf of the reduced group that is now being pursued was not authorised by either the original group or the reduced group.
  12. As to the first point, the foreshadowed Wongatha native title claim group, that is, the foreshadowed actual holders of the particular native title claimed, are the Wongatha People. For example, the GLSC submissions state:
simply, the Wongatha people as described in the application are those persons of the WDCB (being the society from which the laws and customs are derived) who pursuant to those laws and customs, have rights and interests in the land and waters covered by the application.’

The Wongatha applicants similarly refer to the holders of the group rights and interests as ‘the Wongatha people’. The persons excluded on 1 November 1999 were not excluded because it was appreciated that they were not a part of the Wongatha People after all, and had previously been included as part of the Wongatha People by mistake.

  1. I do not see any basis on which the Court could make a determination in favour of a group that did not include those members of the Wongatha People who were excluded in the Wongatha Form 1 filed on 1 November 1999. As Mansfield J held in both Dieri People and Edward Landers, s 61 permits a native title determination application to propose only a determination in favour of all the members of the native title claim group. By reason of the exclusion, the Wongatha Claim does not meet the requirements of ss 61(1) and (4).
  2. As to the second point, the authorisation at the Maku Stadium on 18 December 1988 purported to be in respect of the original combined Wongatha application filed in January 1999, in which the group described was larger, because it included the individuals who were subsequently excluded. There is no acceptable evidence of a second meeting of all the members of the reduced group which authorised the making of the application on 1 November 1999. There is passing reference to a meeting in Kalgoorlie on 26 October 1999 (see below [1248]) but I do not think that this suffices.
  3. By reason of the exclusion, the making of the Wongatha Claim that is being pursued was not duly authorised.

Uncertainty in description of group

  1. Group 6A submits that the composition of the Wongatha Claim group is uncertain, with the result that the Wongatha applicants cannot comply with ss 61(1) and (4). Group 6A refers to:
  2. The Wongatha Claim group is the group described in the Wongatha Form 1 (to which the Wongatha POC are subordinate: Harrington-Smith v WA (No5)) (2003) 197 ALR 138 at [56]. The description of that group contained in the Wongatha Form 1 is sufficiently certain to enable it to be determined whether any particular person is a member of the group. Any disparity between a Form 1 and POC, between a Form 1 and indigenous testimony, or between a Form 1 and counsel’s understanding, does not establish that the group description in the Form 1 suffers from an insoluble problem of uncertainty. Nor, necessarily, does difficulty over whether a particular individual falls within the description, provided the description, by a process of construction, enables the difficulty to be resolved.

The process of decision-making allowed by the NTA: traditional and non-traditional

  1. The second general attack made by the respondents on authorisation is directed to the process by which the applicants were authorised.
  2. What it means for all the persons in a native title claim group to authorise a person or persons to make a native title determination application is laid down in s 251B of the NTA (set out at 1.5 [75]). For convenience, I will refer to the processes of decision-making identified in paras (a) and (b) of s 251B as ‘traditional’ and ‘non-traditional’ respectively.
  3. A native title claim group is not given a choice between traditional and non-traditional processes of decision-making. Consistently with the NTA’s recognition of traditional laws and customs as the source of native title, s 251B recognises traditional laws and customs as the primary source of the decision-making process. It is only if there is no traditional process of decision-making in relation to authorising things of the ‘application for a determination of native title’ kind, that para (b) applies.
  4. I accept the respondents’ submission that the evidence does not show that there was no traditional process of decision-making, in accordance with which the making of the Wongatha application was required to be authorised. Not only have the applicants not adduced evidence that there was no such traditional process: their affidavits accompanying the successive versions of the Wongatha Form 1 state that there was. Yet the minutes of the NEIB meeting held at the Maku Stadium, Kalgoorlie on 18 December 1998 (see below [1235]) suggest, not a traditional process of decision-making, but a familiar form of decision-making procedure commonly followed at meetings conducted in accordance with the modern law and practice relating to meetings. The minutes refer to ‘moved’, ‘seconded’, ‘motion’ and ‘resolution’.
  5. The Wongatha applicants submit that there ‘is no reason why a process cannot be both traditional and also agreed to’. They point out that Aubrey Lynch said that the decision was ‘won by consensus’, which the submissions describe as ‘the more traditional method’, and also by ‘unanimous vote’.
  6. It is true that if the traditional process of decision-making was ‘by consensus’, and if the persons in the Wongatha Claim group authorised the Maku Stadium procedure, it would be arguable that both paras (a) and (b) of s 251B were satisfied, the consensus being the agreement by all to be bound by the result of the meeting. But there is no evidence that the Wongatha claimants did authorise the Maku Stadium meeting procedure.
  7. The making of the Wongatha application is not shown to have been authorised in accordance with s 251B and I think that the probability is that it was not so authorised.

The evidence of authorisation: the meeting at the Maku Stadium, Kalgoorlie, on 18 December 1998

  1. Notwithstanding this conclusion, I will now consider the evidence of the making of the decision. Although lengthy, I think it desirable to set out passages from the minutes of the meeting of 18 December 1998 at the Maku Stadium, Kalgoorlie, relating to resolutions 2, 3 and 4 (resolution 1 was a resolution that the NEIB incorporate):
Bowers – Solicitor

Vincent – Solicitor (GLC)

list comprises 11 persons – a twelfth, Thelma O’Loughlin, who is also a Wongatha applicant, is not included, but she is included in the list below.]

application will have means of identifying the Wongi people. Applicants list will be needed.

#2

that the NEIB claims (as listed) [14 Claims are named in the list below] unite to form one combined claim called the Wongutha claim.

Ron Harrington-Smith
Vivian Forrest Carried unanimously
about the twelve (12) names?

#3

this is the right meeting to decide on the names of the applicant for the Wongutha Claim.

Gningala Yarren-Clanton
Alan Bonney Carried unanimously
#4
names are to be:Harrington-Smith Leo ThomasPassmore-Skelly Cyril BarnesTucker Dimple SullivanStokes Pearlie WellsLynch Murray StubbsO’Loughlin Sadie Canning
12 Wongatha applicants, including Thelma O’Loughlin, are now listed.]

Ron Harrington-Smith
Mary-Ellen Passmore-Edwards Carried unanimously’
  1. I accept the following submission by the State:
evidence does not fully disclose how [the] attendees learned of the meetings, what qualifications were necessary for those wishing to attend or participate, or how the meeting was conducted. Based on the information that is available, the meetings appear to be meetings of some members of the Aboriginal community of the Goldfields area, namely those who had lodged claims under the NTA at a time when authorisation for making claims was not a requirement of the statute. It also appears that the meetings were convened and conducted in conformity with ordinary, common law based principles and procedure, for the purpose of forming a coalition of claimants to prosecute consolidated proceedings under the NTA, and for the purpose of authorising the prosecution of those proceedings. This is consistent with the description given by Mr Aubrey Lynch of the factors that led to the meetings:

we had separate claims, we’re finding it very difficult to amalgamate, mining companies were finding it very difficult to talk to with all these separate claims and I as a leader in the area really stressed that if we’re going to get on and get native title at the end of the day, it’s important that we amalgamate.”

interpretation of events is consistent with Mr Lynch’s description of who attended and the purpose for which the meeting was called:

call a meeting with all the applicants that had actually lodged a claim in the area to come to a meeting at the Maku Stadium so that we can discuss amalgamation.”

is also consistent with his uncertainty as to how the decision-making process worked:

HUGHSTON: How was the resolution passed? Was it by a majority or by more than a majority?

LYNCH: We had a problem with that, with majority and consensus. We also have under the pressure of reaching a consensus. But you know being an Aboriginal and being involved in Aboriginal organisations, we always passing things with a majority. I think it was consensus at the time period, won by consensus.

HUGHSTON: I’m sorry, the meeting, was it a unanimous vote or a majority vote?

LYNCH: No or was it a unanimous vote.

HUGHSTON: Unanimous vote, everyone at the meeting?

LYNCH: Everybody at the meeting.’

Affidavits

  1. The Wongatha applicants rely on para 4 of an affidavit of Mark Mony De Kerloy of Mony De Kerloy, the solicitors for the applicants, sworn 3 February 1999, which annexed a form of further amended native title determination claimant application:
The Applicants are entitled to make this application as being members of the native title claim group and authorised by the native title claim group to make the application and deal with matters in relation to it.’

  1. Also in evidence was an affidavit by Mr de Kerloy sworn 24 December 1998 to which was annexed a combined form of application by the Wongatha applicants and accompanying affidavits by them, sworn variously on 21, 22 and 23 December 1998. Those affidavits were in the form set out at [1257] below. Mr de Kerloy’s affidavit stated, relevantly:
I am principal and solicitor of the firm Mony De Kerloy Barristers & Solicitors and have at all material times had the conduct of this matter as the legal representative of the North Eastern Independent Body (“NEIB”), which includes the abovementioned Applicants and native title claimant groups to this application.

  1. I confirm that I and Mony De Kerloy Barristers & Solicitors act as agents for the Goldfields Land Council Aboriginal Corporation (“G.L.C.”) which is a representative body under section 202 of the Native Title Act 1993, for the Goldfields region.
  2. On Friday 18 December 1998 I attended an NEIB meeting in Kalgoorlie being a representative meeting of the native title claimant group and confirm being present when the native title claimant group agreed by way of resolution to amendments to and amalgamation of the abovementioned native title determination claimant applications.
  3. The Applicants are entitled to make this application as being members of the native title claim group and authorised by the native title claim group to make the application and deal with matters in relation to it.
  4. Attached hereto and marked “MMdK1” is a copy of the amended and amalgamated application.
  5. I confirm that this claim is brought on behalf of the Wongatha People being those persons identified in Attachment “A” of the Application.
  6. This affidavit is in support of the application by way of combination and amendment of the “original applications” under s.64 of the Native Title Act as outlined in Schedule B of the Application and the external boundaries of this claim are the external lines of the area as set out in the map attached being Schedule C of the Application.’
  7. Paragraphs 3, 4 and 6 are general conclusory statements made in support of a motion for leave to amend. The applicants’ affidavits which accompanied the successive Wongatha Forms 1 are similarly general, conclusory and formulaic: cf Strickland at 260 (see [1178] above).
  8. I take all the affidavit material into account, but that material is not the only evidence before me. I have before me the more detailed evidence provided by the minutes. There is no suggestion that the authorisation referred to in the affidavits is to be found elsewhere than at the meeting to which the minutes relate.
  9. According to the minutes, the following 40 persons attended the meeting (I omit ‘observers’): ‘Mirander Farmer, Vivian Forrest, Gningala Yarran-Clanton, Ron Harrington-Smith, Cyril Barnes, Hector O’Loughlin, Paddy Walker, Betty O’Loughlin, Thelma O’Loughlin, Pearlie Wells, Dennis Smith, Dimple Sullivan, Hilda Dimer, Kathy Tucker, Les Tucker, Patricia Tucker, Leo Thomas, Preston Thomas (Jnr), Mary-Ellen Passmore-Edwards, Phillip Tucker, Allison Tucker, Ross Lynch, Margie Bonney, F Bilson, Allan Bonney, Glen Barnes, Bessie Dimer, Daisy Rundle, Maisie Harkin, Sadie Canning, Doreen O’Loughlin, Robyn Wells, Sonya Hills, Jane Beasley, Ron Bonney, Rosina McGrath, Ashley Blake, Aubrey Lynch, Beverley Lynch, Leslie-Ann Conway.’
  10. The evidence of the link between some of these individuals and the 20 antecedent claim groups is problematical. For example, on the evidence, Gningala Yarran-Clanton, Paddy Walker, Dennis Smith, Sonya Hills, Ashley Blake and Leslie-Ann Conway do not appear to have been members of any of the 20 antecedent claim groups, which were combined to form the Wongatha group. They may have been, but the evidence does not establish that they were. There are others of the individuals who attended the meeting who may not have been members of any of the 20 antecedent claim groups either.
  11. On the assumption that all 40 who attended were members of the new combined Wongatha Claim group and participated by voting, and that that group comprised some hundreds of people (in 2002 there were 820 according to the Wongatha LIP), it seems clear that only a very small proportion of the group voted in favour of the resolution. There is no evidence of notification of all the Wongatha claimants of the meeting and of the resolutions proposed to be put at it.
  12. Although 20 antecedent claims were combined to make the Wongatha application in January 1999, not all are referred to in the minutes as ‘the NEIB claims (as listed)’, and it is not clear on the evidence that members of all the antecedent claim groups attended or were represented at the meeting. There is no evidence of an authorising by any antecedent claim group of a representative to attend the meeting and to vote at it on behalf of the antecedent claim group. Resolution #2 refers to the ‘NEIB claims (as listed)’. The minutes state: ‘The NEIB area will include all the known claimants in the area which are listed [then the 14 claims are listed]’. Literally, ‘claimants’ refers to people, but I do not read the minutes as referring simply to all claimants in the NEIB area. Rather, and understandably, the reference is to all who were known, namely, the members of the 14 named groups.
  13. If I assume that the first NEIB claim listed in the minutes, ‘Waljen’, refers to the five antecedent ‘Waljen’ claims listed in Annexure B to these reasons, and that ‘Bibila Lungutjarra’ listed in the minutes refers to the three antecedent ‘Bibila Lungutjarra’ claims listed in that annexure, then Resolution #2 may be thought to refer to the 20 claims that were combined in January 1999 to give the present Wongatha application. But this is not so. The NEIB claims listed in the minutes include ‘Cosmo Newberry’ and ‘Mundanjarra’, which were not among the 20 claims that were combined. With those two claims omitted, ‘the NEIB claims (as listed)’ number only 18. Moreover, two claims that were included in the 20 that were combined, the Goolburthunoo (Waljen) and the United North East, were not mentioned in the NEIB claims listed in the minutes. (It is conceivable that ‘United North East’ was a combination of certain NEIB claims listed, and that ‘Goolburthunoo (Waljen)’ is covered by the reference in the minutes to Waljen, but the applicants did not submit or attempt to show that this was so).
  14. In the result, I am not satisfied, on the face of the resolution, that the applicants were authorised to make the Wongatha application by all of the members of the 20 antecedent claim groups indicated in Annexure B that were combined in the Wongatha application in January/February 1999, and I think that the probability is that they were not.
  15. There is no evidence of authorisation in respect of post-January 1999 amendments to the Wongatha Form 1. The amended application filed on 1 November 1999 contained in Schedule R, a statement similar to that in the s 62 affidavits set out at [1257] below, and added as ‘PARTICULARS’:
to the above process of decision making, the native title claim group authorised the Applicants to act on behalf of all of the members of the native title claim group by consensus decision of the native title claim group at a number of meetings of the native title claim group including a meeting held at Kalgoorlie on 26 October 1999.’

  1. There is no evidence directed to this meeting on 26 October 1999. If it had been a meeting of the Maku Stadium kind, evidence would have been led of it. I am not persuaded to accept this passing reference to a meeting on 26 October 1999 as evidence that all the claimants in the reduced Wongatha applicant group met in Kalgoorlie and authorised the application that was made by the filing of the amended Form 1 on 1 November 1999. It is more likely that it was a meeting of some of the leaders of the various groupings within the Wongatha Claim group to give instructions to the GLSC.
  2. Attached to the amended application was an affidavit of Mony De Kerloy, dated 1 November 1999 and s 62 affidavits by the 12 applicants.
  3. The further amended application dated 11 April 2003 and filed on 14 April 2003 referred to the meetings of 18 December 1998 and 26 October 1999 in terms similar to those set out at [1247] above. There were no accompanying affidavits.
  4. Group 6A submits that no evidence has been provided of authorisation of the further amended application of 2003. It also submits that the Wongatha applicants imply that later amendments were authorised by a s 251B(b) process. It is not clear to which amendments Group 6A is referring. It is not clear that the amendments made in 2003 required authorisation. They did not relate to a change of applicants (cf NTA ss 64(5), 66B) and they may have been within the Wongatha applicants’ power to ‘deal with all matters arising under [the NTA] in relation to the application’: NTA s 62A and Drury v Western Australia [2000] FCA 132; (2000) 97 FCR 169 at [9]- [15]). Most of the 2003 amendments were designed to make the application conform to the law; cf Daniel v State of Western Australia [2003] FCA 666 at [69].
  5. I cannot find any other evidence regarding authorisation at post-January 1999 meetings. No witness referred to meetings authorising later amendments.
  6. For the above reasons, my conclusion is that the Wongatha application, in its original and subsequent forms, was not authorised by all the persons who (hypothetically) hold the group rights and interests comprising the particular native title claimed, as required by s 61(1) of the NTA.

The accompanying affidavits under s 62(1) of the NTA and Browne v Dunn (1893) 6 R 67

  1. The Wongatha applicants submit that there is sufficient compliance with s 61(1) and that ‘[t]he evidence on authorisation was simply not disputed’.
  2. They submit that the allegations raised in final submissions were not put to the applicants in cross-examination. Fourteen of the 40 persons who attended the Maku Stadium meeting testified, but only four of them were cross-examined about the meeting at all, and none as to how they learned of it. Aubrey Lynch said:
call a meeting with all the applicants that had actually lodged a claim in the area to come to a meeting at the Maku Stadium so that we can discuss amalgamation.’

  1. If the word ‘applicants’ in this passage were to be understood in a literal sense, it would signify that it was only antecedent applicants, not antecedent claimants, who attended. There would then arise in stark form the question of their authority to commit their respective claim groups to a combination. Apart from Aubrey Lynch, no applicant was cross-examined on the decision making process at the meeting. Doreen Harris said that she was aware of the meeting but could not attend. Eleven of the 12 Wongatha applicants testified, and none were challenged on the content of their s 62 affidavits. The Wongatha applicants submit that in the circumstances a failure to cross-examine witnesses on authorisation enlivens a principle analogous to that associated with Browne v Dunn (1893) 6 R 67 (‘Browne v Dunn’).
  2. Subsection 62(1) of the NTA provides, relevantly, that a claimant applicant must be accompanied by an affidavit sworn by the applicant:
that the applicant is authorised by all the persons in the native title claim group to make the application and to deal with matters arising in relation to it; and
stating the basis on which the applicant is authorised as mentioned in subparagraph (iv).’

In a case such as the present one, all 12 Wongatha applicants are jointly ‘the applicant’: NTA s 253 (‘applicant’), s 61(2). Authorisation is dealt with in s 251B (see 1.5 [75]). There is no prescribed form of accompanying affidavit. Each of the 12 affidavits that accompanied the Form 1 that was annexed to Mr de Kerloy’s affidavit sworn 3 February 1999 and filed on 8 February 1999, stated, relevantly:

am authorised by all the persons in the native title claim group to make the application and to deal with matters arising in relation to the application pursuant to the process of decision making that:
under the traditional laws and customs of the persons in the native title claim group, must be complied with in relation to authorising things of that kind; andthe persons in the native title claim group have also agreed to and adopted in relation to authorising the making of the application and dealing with matters and in relation to doing things of that kind.’

The 12 s 62 affidavits that accompanied the Form 1 filed on 1 November 1999 contained an almost identical formulaic paragraph.

  1. On 10 December 2003, the last day of the taking of evidence, in Perth, months after all indigenous testimony had concluded in the Goldfields, the Wongatha applicants tendered the successive Wongatha Forms 1 and accompanying s 62 affidavits. Group 6A objected to the tender of the affidavits. In response to a question by me, counsel for the Wongatha applicants said that he wished to rely on them as if they were read and as evidence of the truth of their contents. He claimed that the Wongatha applicants had indicated to the other parties since April 2003, that they intended to tender the documents and that no one had raised an objection. On 23 February 2004, I ordered that:
shall be two folders of Forms 1 including affidavits annexed to them, without prejudice to the right of any party to make submissions that no weight or little weight should be given to the affidavits.’

  1. The Wongatha applicants submit that the failure to raise detailed objections to the authorisation of the Wongatha Claim until final submissions is grossly unfair.
  2. The State submits that authorisation was placed in issue ‘from the outset of these proceedings’. While it is true that authorisation was raised as an issue in opening addresses and at other times comparatively early in the hearing, the point then made was a different one.
  3. Senior counsel for the Wongatha applicants suggested in his opening address that I may find that not all the Wongatha claimants had rights and interests in the whole of the Wongatha Claim area, and that I might find it appropriate to ‘group’ them by reference to five ‘Determination Areas’ (see 3(g) [316]). This position taken by the GLSC applicants signified, according to a submission then (and now) made by the respondents, that the Wongatha application was not authorised by all the persons referred to in s 61 because it was not authorised by those members of the other Claim groups. The ground mentioned was referred to in the State’s and Commonwealth’s Amended Points of Response both filed on 11 March 2002 and in Group 6A’s Amended Points of Response filed on 17 April 2002.
  4. This ground of challenge to authorisation (which I rejected above) did not give notice to the Wongatha applicants that authorisation would also be challenged on the various procedural grounds now relied upon.
  5. The Wongatha applicants submit that the respondents should have brought a strike out application under s 84C. The possibility of such an application on the basis mentioned above (the concession that other claimants had or may have rights and interests in the Wongatha Claim area), was raised and discussed on the second day of the hearing. As noted below, on the twentieth day (17 June 2002), the minutes of the 18 December 1998 meeting at the Maku Stadium were produced by the Wongatha applicants pursuant to a notice and were identified by Mr Harrington-Smith in cross-examination. They were then marked for identification. They were tendered by Group 5A and admitted into evidence later on the same day, without objection, in the course of the cross-examination of Aubrey Lynch concerning the meeting.
  6. If a s 84C application is made early in a proceeding, the determination of it may still be deferred pending a determination of the identity of the holders (if any) of the particular native title claimed (eg Williams v Grant [2004] FCAFC 178 (Lander J) at [56]-[60], Bodney v Bropho [2004] FCAFC 226; (2004) 140 FCR 77, (Stone J) at [54], Bodney v WA [2003] FCA 890 at [45], Thomas v SA [2004] FCA 951 at [18], [23]). If a strike out application had been made here, it would have succeeded on the basis of the exclusion of Cosmo claimants and the minutes of the Maku Stadium meeting, with a saving of significant hearing time and costs. If the Wongatha application were to be dismissed now only on the ground of lack of authorisation, a question would arise as to whether a costs order should be made reflecting the respondents’ failure to apply under s 84C.
  7. The Wongatha applicants submit that little weight should be placed on the respondents’ submissions regarding the ‘technical’ aspects of authorisation as a result of their failure to raise the issue earlier or to cross-examine in relation to it. They submit that the Court should not be ‘overly technical’ or ‘pedantic’ in its approach to procedural aspects of the authorisation process, and refer to Lawson on behalf of the ‘Pooncarie’ Barkandji (Paakantyi) v Minster for Land and Water Conservation for the State of New South Wales [2002] FCA 1517. I agree with Stone J’s statement in that case that the effect of s 251B is or may be to give the word ‘all’ in s 61 a more limited effect than it might otherwise have. In that case, however, there was evidence that all the claimants were given a reasonable opportunity to participate in the authorising process. Other judges have observed that notwithstanding the references to ‘all’ in s 61, it may be sufficient, at least in some cases, that applicants are authorised by a majority of the persons in the claim group (Moran v Minister for Land and Water Conservation for the State of New South Wales [1999] FCA 1637 at [40]), or all of those whose whereabouts are known and have capacity to authorise (Quall v Risk [2001] FCA 378 at [33]), or ‘“all” those who are reasonably available and who are competent to express an opinion’ (De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin at [928]).
  8. The difficulties for the Wongatha applicants here are that:
  9. In the somewhat unusual circumstances, I do not think that the failure to
    cross-examine all the Wongatha applicants who testified on their s 62(1) affidavits activates a principle analogous to that of Browne v Dunn. All parties proceeded on the basis that a return to the Goldfields for cross-examination of the remaining 11 Wongatha applicants who testified on their affidavits was out of the question, and that it was a matter for me to determine the weight to be given to the affidavits in the light of all the evidence on authorisation that was before the Court.
  10. The Browne v Dunn principle is one of fairness. I do not think there is unfairness to the Wongatha applicants in the respondents being permitted to succeed on the authorisation point. Of course, if the applicants’ Browne v Dunn submission had succeeded, the result would not be that the Court would be required to treat the Wongatha application as if it had been duly authorised.

Conclusion on authorisation

  1. Authorisation goes to the Court’s jurisdiction to make a determination on the present application: see the authorities cited at [1171] and [1172] above. I am not at liberty to fail to resolve the issue over jurisdiction that the respondents have raised.
  2. I hold that the Court does not have jurisdiction to hear and determine the Wongatha application. Against the possibility that I am wrong, however, I will proceed to deal with the Wongatha Claim on its merits.

4.2 RELEVANT SOCIETY AT THE TIME OF SOVEREIGNTY
(‘THE ANCESTRAL SOCIETY’)

  1. ‘Native title’ is defined in s 223(1) of the NTA as being, relevantly, group rights and interests possessed under traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed. In Yorta Yorta HCA, the High Court made clear that the traditional laws and customs under which the rights and interests are possessed, must be, or be part of, a pre-sovereignty body or system of laws and customs; that laws and customs giving rise to rights and interests necessarily point to a normative system; and that there is an inextricable link between the notion of a body of laws and customs and the notion of a ‘society’.
  2. I understand the parties’ choice of the expression ‘the ancestral society’ to be intended to refer to nothing other than the society to which the High Court so referred. The expression ‘ancestral society’ is perhaps an unfortunate one, since it may imply that claimants cannot succeed unless they can prove a genealogical link back to ancestors who lived at sovereignty. Certainly, claimants must prove, with the aid of permissible inferences, a body or system of laws and customs that existed at sovereignty, but it should not necessarily be assumed that that body of laws and customs will provide for a particular process of succession from group to group over the generations. It may be that the expression ‘the normative society’ would have been preferable to ‘the ancestral society’, as a form of reference to the pre-sovereignty society. As noted in 3(e) [304]-[307], all of the Claim groups rely on the WDCB as that normative society.
  3. The Wongatha applicants’ submissions under this heading can be summarised as relying on:
  4. The Wongatha applicants’ submissions correctly focus attention on the time of sovereignty. They address at length the testimony of Professor Veth, which I discussed at 3.5(c) [469] ff.
  5. I dealt with the issue of the Western limit of the WDCB area at 3.6(a)(b). I have accepted that the WDCB existed at sovereignty and has continued to exist, and that it extends west, through a fading out zone, to the Menzies-Lake Darlot line.
  6. Was that pre-sovereignty cultural bloc a ‘society’ with laws and customs that gave rise to rights and interests in relation to land and waters? I addressed this question at 3.6(c)(1) [710] ff, and 3.6(d) [979] ff.
  7. De Rose does not bind me in the present respect because the issue referred to is one of fact. Moreover, the issue was not extensively discussed. In De Rose FCA O’Loughlin J, the primary judge noted that the applicants sought to place the claimant group within the larger ‘Western Desert Bloc’ ([33]). Significantly, his Honour observed that the claimant group described itself as a group within the Western Desert Bloc, ‘the members of which adhered to the same set of rules that prevailed throughout that Bloc’ (ibid). Similarly, his Honour noted that the claimants sought to establish that the Nguraritja were ‘part of the greater western desert culture’ ([38]). His Honour seems to have accepted that the rights and interests of the Nguraritja were grounded directly in the laws and customs of the WDCB, without any intervening ‘regional society’ or ‘sub-society’.
  8. In De Rose (FCAFC), the Full Court similarly noted ([275]) that the normative system on which the applicants relied was ‘that acknowledged and observed throughout the Western Desert region’. Their Honours spoke of a ‘Western Desert Bloc society’ ([276]). They noted, however, that it did not appear that at trial it had been contended that the Western Desert Bloc society did not exist at sovereignty or that its laws and customs did not then provide for Nguraritja to possess rights and interests in relation to land. Their Honours also noted that it did not appear to have been contended at trial that that society had ceased to exist or that members of it had ceased to observe traditional laws and customs between sovereignty and trial. They said ([279]) that there was ample support for the proposition that Western Desert society had continued to exist since sovereignty, and that its traditional laws and customs had continued substantially uninterrupted throughout that period.
  9. The possibility that the relevant ‘society’ was not the WDCB but a regional society did not occupy either the primary judge or the Full Court. I have referred earlier (3.6(b)(3)[554] ff, to a degree of confusion in the anthropological evidence on this issue.
  10. Group 6A submits that historical and anthropological evidence is irrelevant to ascertaining the relevant society at sovereignty. Group 6A refers to the cross examination of Dr Pannell, who, when asked about pre-contact culture, said: ‘I’m not an archaeologist, I’m not an expert on pre-contact culture’. She maintained, however, that she was in a position to offer guidance and expertise as to what the laws and customs of the people of the Wongatha Claim area may have been at the time of first contact and at various subsequent times, and, on that basis, said that she could draw inferences as to the position at earlier times.
  11. I reject Group 6A’s submission that historical and anthropological evidence cannot be relevant to the identification of a society at sovereignty. It may be appropriate to draw inferences of retrospective continuance based on anthropological and historical evidence of the existence of a society and of its laws and customs at later times: first contact, European settlement, the times of the observations made by early historians and anthropologists, and even the times of the making of observations by more recent historians and anthropologists.
  12. There is a difficult question as to the proper respective roles of the anthropologist, for example, and the Court, in drawing such inferences. This issue cannot be usefully discussed in hypothetical general terms.
  13. One thing is clear: the WDCB does not conform to the kind of ‘wider unit’ or ‘society’ described in Berndt 1959 as ‘formed seasonally by members of a number of hordes coming together for the purpose of performing certain sacred rituals’ (p 104). But neither does any regional society, such as the ‘Wongatha society’ referred to in the evidence in this case. Professor Berndt, with whom the expression ‘Western Desert cultural bloc’ may be taken to have originated, used the word ‘society’ not to refer to the WDCB, but to the seasonal coming together of a number of ‘hordes’, as mentioned above.
  14. Pannell/Vachon seem to alternate between supporting and disclaiming the idea that the WDCB is a single society with a single body of laws and customs. Sometimes they suggest that it comprises several societies in the Western Desert. As a matter of language, a ‘WDCB society’ is awkward. Analysis suggests three possibilities:
  15. To my mind, it is the second meaning that is more naturally suggested by Professor Berndt’s reference to a ‘cultural bloc’. It was the meaning adopted in the anthropologists’ joint report, para (a)(ii) (see 3.5(a)[411]). That report was dated June 2003, prior to the decision in De Rose (FCAFC) in December 2003.
  16. The anthropological construct of a ‘cultural bloc’ refers, however, to an antecedent underlying reality, and the question is whether that underlying reality is a ‘society’ in the sense explained by the High Court in the joint judgment in Yorta Yorta HCA, where their Honours said ([49]):
this context, “society” is to be understood as a body of persons united in and by its acknowledgment and observance of a body of law and customs.’

They also said ([50]):

speak of rights and interests possessed under an identified body of laws and customs is, therefore, to speak of rights and interests that are the creatures of the laws and customs of a particular society that exists as a group which acknowledges and observes those laws and customs.’

These passages suggest that for a society to exist for present purposes, there is no essential element apart from a number of people who acknowledge and observe the same body of laws and customs. It is not necessary, for example, that they be aware of their number or identity.

  1. Perhaps the present issue is, after all, academic. No-one has suggested that the laws and customs under which rights and interests in land are held vary from one region to another within the Western Desert (it has been suggested that other laws and customs may do so). Their content is the same, whether they are seen as depending on a regional society or on the larger WDCB.
  2. The notion of a single overarching society with regional societies within it seems useful. Accordingly, although with some doubt, I proceed on the basis that the WDCB is a ‘society’ in the sense described in Yorta Yorta HCA.
  3. The joint report on the anthropologists’ conference recorded, in relation to ‘traditional Western Desert cultures and societies’, that they have a ‘social structure wherein there are multiple pathways of connection’ (discussed at 3.5(a)[411] ff). The joint report uses the present tense. Dr Brunton, the anthropologist called by Group 6A, participated in the joint conference and was a joint author of the report. He therefore agreed that by taking together the seven matters listed in para (a)(ii) of the report, it was, ‘given regional variation, .... possible to identify traditional Western Desert cultures and societies’.
  4. Was the anthropologists’ agreement in the report intended as an agreement as to the circumstances that prevailed in 1829? Does the use of the word ‘traditional’ suggest this? At least, it indicates an absence of European influence. Similarly Dr Brunton, said in his supplementary report:
certainly do not quarrel with the depiction of traditional societies in the Western Desert cultural bloc or its fringes as accommodating a greater amount of individual choice in residence and “ownership” of country than was the case in many non-Western Desert Aboriginal societies, ...

I take Dr Brunton to be agreeing that the multiple pathways of connection aspect to which he agreed in the anthropologists’ joint report was a characteristic of the WDCB, at least as it was, uninfluenced by the European intrusion.

  1. Even if the authors of the joint report and Dr Brunton did not use the word ‘traditional’ in the sense of ‘pre-1829’, they at least used it to refer to circumstances in the early twentieth century, in the desert, uninfluenced by the European presence. On this basis, I would infer retrospectively that the same position prevailed in 1829.
  2. Accordingly, I find that there was in 1829 a WDCB society that had a body of laws and customs that provided for multiple pathways of connection, through which an individual might hold rights and interests, and that the Wongatha Claim area, but no further west than the Menzies-Lake Darlot line, was subject to that body of laws and customs. This says nothing, however, as to the subject matter of the rights and interests, that is, the identification of the land the subject of them (see 3.6(3)[828] ff).

4.3 RELEVANT LAWS AND CUSTOMS AT THE TIME OF SOVEREIGNTY

  1. This heading, chosen by the parties in their agreed structure for submissions, like many of their others, is elliptical and unclear.
  2. Since the normative society propounded is the WDCB, I take this heading to raise the question: ‘What was the traditional (pre-sovereignty) body or system of laws and customs of the WDCB?’ The answer to this question is relevant to the issues of:
  3. The parties refer to their submissions elsewhere.
  4. Laws and customs which do not themselves relate to land or waters may make their contribution to proving the existence of a body or system of laws and customs. An example is the law or custom under which initiation ceremonies are performed, discussed by Sundberg J in Neowarra at [229]. Of course, s 223(1)(a) of the NTA requires that the body of laws and customs include laws and customs under which rights and interests in relation to land or waters are possessed. The Wongatha applicants must prove existence of the WDCB body or system of laws and customs in general, and of those providing for the possession of rights and interests in land or waters, in particular.
  5. Inevitably, there is an absence of direct evidence of laws and customs that existed at sovereignty and in the period from sovereignty to ‘first contact’ (I discussed ‘first contact’ at 3.7 [1044]). Generally speaking, I am prepared to infer that in 1829 things were as they were found to be at first contact. There is, however, a question as to what this means (see 3.1 [341] ff). There are difficult questions arising from the semi-nomadic nature of indigenous life in the Western Desert until the migration and sedentarisation that followed European settlement. I would not necessarily infer, for example, from the fact that a family or families camped or hunted at a particular place in the 1890s, that their ancestors camped and hunted at the same place in 1829. I would need to have further evidence before drawing that inference.
  6. The Wongatha applicants rely on the participating anthropologists’ joint report, that I set out at 3.5(a)[411], and discussed at 3.6(c)(2)(iv)[799] ff. I will not repeat that discussion here. I infer retrospectively that the characteristics of the WDCB discussed in 3.6(c)(2) were characteristics of the WDCB in 1829.
  7. Surprisingly, Group 6A submits that there is ‘no evidence, let alone proof of the laws and customs that made up the asserted normative system as at Crown sovereignty’, and that therefore the claim fails. Of course, there is no direct evidence of them, but the submission leaves out of account the permissible drawing of an inference of retrospective continuance. I infer, at least, that any WDCB laws and customs shown to have existed at first contact also existed in 1829.
  8. There is evidence of some indigenous laws and customs at first contact. David Sanderson McDonald of Murrin Murrin, Kenneth Young of Salt Soak (some 15 km south-west of Duketon), Constable John Dodd of Kookynie, and the early ethnographers RH Mathews and Daisy Bates, recorded laws and customs that were being acknowledged and observed in parts of the Wongatha Claim area in the period 1895-1910. For example, Mr McDonald states that when a boy reached a certain age, he would be taken to a chosen spot and made ‘Bundoo’, which Mr McDonald explains meant ‘man’, after which ‘he would be allowed to marry’ (see 3.6(c)(2)[739] ff. I doubt that Group 6A seriously suggests that I should not infer, on the basis of Mr McDonald’s record, the existence of the same law or custom of male initiation in 1829?
  9. There are various possible taxonomies of WDCB laws and customs. For example, Groups 5B/5F submit:
early ethnographers and other recorders identified the laws and customs of the persons of the area to be or include at least the following:
knowledge of and belief in the Tjukurrpa (including learning about and enacting Tjukurrpa by constant and repetitive song and dance at ceremonies);acknowledgment of places as Pika Ngurlu;kinship systems;ritual and regional ceremony (initiation);distinctions in behaviour and relatedness in relation to age and gender;section system;requirements re marriagerules about food prohibition/distribution;criteria for obtaining rights in land;reference to Ngurra or Ngurraraknowledge of sites and/or names places;burial;mother in law avoidance;avoidance of use of names of deceased people;totems; and
  1. There may be argument about particular laws and customs, including whether some of these are laws or customs at all, but there can be no argument that there are records of acknowledgment and observance of laws and customs uninfluenced by the European presence, that provide a basis on which I may properly infer that the same laws and practices were being acknowledged and observed in 1829.

4.4 MEANING OF ‘COMMUNAL’, ‘GROUP’ AND ‘INDIVIDUAL’ IN S 223(1) OF THE NTA, AND THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THOSE TERMS

  1. The topic is addressed at 3.8.

4.5 RIGHTS AND INTERESTS HELD AT THE TIME OF SOVEREIGNTY

  1. I take this topic heading to raise the question: ‘What native title rights and interests were held in the Wongatha Claim area under WDCB traditional laws and customs at sovereignty?’ Various parties refer to their submissions at 3.1, 3.6(c), and 4.3.
  2. The Wongatha applicants submit that at sovereignty,
rights and interests were the right to the possession, occupation, use and enjoyment of the area subject to any shared rights or co-existing interests in others pursuant to traditional law and customs.’

  1. Neither the submission nor the evidence suggests who held those rights and interests at sovereignty, but this does not matter, because the criteria for membership of the Wongatha Claim group do not depend on a genealogical or other link back to pre-sovereignty owners. What must be proved, however, is that pre-sovereignty laws and customs provided for rights and interests in the Wongatha Claim area to be held by a group, the criteria for membership of which are those of the Wongatha Claim group: (1) birth and growing up within the Claim area, or (2) the connection of an ancestor to that Claim area, and, in each case, (3) recognition of the connection by the group.
  2. The GLSC applicants cite, in general terms, the Pannell/Vachon primary and supplementary reports and documents tendered in support of them. Those documents represent three lever arch files of documents. Such non-specific references are unhelpful. I have read all the parts of both reports and supporting material that were specifically referred to in evidence or in submissions.
  3. The GLSC applicants refer to Professor Elkin’s work on the Western Desert and to the discussion in the Pannell/Vachon primary report (at p 129 ff under the heading ‘Elkin’s Model of the Aluridja’). I have discussed Elkin’s model of the Aluridja at 3.6(c)(2)[575] ff. Pannell/Vachon observe:
the Aluridja, their concept of “country” derives from the location of both the sites and the tracks of the Tjukurr ancestors.’

As noted at 3.6(c)(3) [831] ff, this is fundamental. The multiple pathways of connection available to the individual were to country so conceived of. Pannell/Vachon also explain (p 131) that according to Elkin, a person’s local totem depended on his place of birth and on the totem associated with that place.

  1. The Wongatha applicants rely heavily on Berndt 1959, which I discussed at some length at 3.6(c)(3) [831] ff, to whom, of course, Pannell/Vachon refer.
  2. In the general conclusions to Part 2 of their primary report in which they review ‘previous ethnographic evidence’ in relation to the Aboriginal presence in, and connection to, the Wongatha Claim area, Pannell/Vachon state:
and R Berndt showed that in the Western Desert an individual is connected, through birth-place and descent, to a portion of the mythological tracks of Tjukurr. It is on the basis of such connection that an individual becomes identified with a portion of the regional cultural landscape, enjoys rights to it and becomes a custodian of the Western Desert tradition.’ (my emphasis)

  1. It will be recalled that Professor Berndt considered that the landowning unit in the Western Desert was the ‘local group’, that was based on patrilineal descent, was part of the ‘horde’, and was defined by reference to birth on a Dreaming track or site.
  2. The GLSC applicants submit that at pp 96-98 of Berndt 1959, Professor Berndt sets out his ‘view of Western Desert rights and interests in land’, and they submit that those rights and interests ‘can inferentially be accepted by the Court as being those applicable at the time of sovereignty’. In fact, at pp 96-98, Professor Berndt did not set out particular rights and interests (such as a right to ‘hunt’ or to ‘perform ceremonies’ or even to ‘occupy’): rather, he set out who constituted ‘the land owning group’, that is to say, who held rights and interests. I take the GLSC submission to be that I should infer that at sovereignty the holders of rights and interests were as described by Professor Berndt in Berndt 1959 at pp 96-98. It seems clear that this is the submission, since the Wongatha applicants quote from Berndt 1959, pp 96-97, 98 and fn 69, passages which are included in the passages quoted by me below.
  3. In view of the GLSC submission, it is desirable that I set out the relevant passage from Berndt 1959 at length. At 96-97, Professor Berndt stated (footnotes and references to them omitted):
this whole region there is a bias toward patrilineal descent, and a desire that a child should be born at or near a particular sacred site, or constellation of such sites, with which his father is closely associated, to facilitate inheritance of his totemic affiliations. In this respect, it is a certain stretch of territory and its associations which are important. Usually it is not only one site and the country immediately surrounding it which are involved, but more often a number of sites, the majority having totemic connections. Thus the area in question may vary considerably in size and in totemic complexity. A child born at one place within that territory inherits, so to speak, all the totemic aspects linked with it. One totemic ancestor, object, or action (or sequence of actions) attributed to that being may be emphasized; but the rest is implied. Although only one waterhole, soak or rockhole may be mentioned in relation to a given person the inference is that others, as well as physiographic features like hills, stones, sand dunes and so on, are connected with it: and it is these which in totality make up the “country of ones birth”. (I am not considering conception totemism in this context). The most important site economically is normally given prominence, usually a watering place; it is not always the actual birth-site which is important, but the fact that it takes place within the territory or constellation of sites associated with the principal waterhole. Mentioning the waterhole at which he was born a person may say, “That’s my gabi my country”; this is his most important tie with the land, and he is not as a rule articulate concerning any larger territorially based unit.
whole Western Desert is criss-crossed with the meandering tracks of ancestral beings, mostly though not invariably following the known permanent and impermanent waterhole routes.’ (my emphasis)
  1. Berndt noted that several waterholes would have the same ancestral being associated with them. He continued (at 98):
the “country” in which a person is born is in a sense unique, and is connected (ideally) with all members of the patrilineal descent group, the totemic associations are not – although the actions performed by that particular ancestor, either alone or in conjunction with others, are. It is the ancestor and his actions which are enshrined by that group and which, when viewed in relation to the whole chain of sites connected with him or her, constitute the total mythology. Each group holds in custody part of this myth and the ritual relevant to it.

persons united by common patrilineal descent, who share a given site or constellation of sites, constitute the local group; this is the land-owning group, with special spiritual and ritual ties, of which the land itself represents the most obvious, most enduring, and most consistently visible, tangible focus. Executive powers are almost entirely in the hands of initiated males, who control, and possess the right to perform, the major totemic rituals relevant to that group and various other religious activities. The female members of such a group move out of it at marriage, but are expected to maintain spiritual and emotional ties with their “country”; they do not relinquish their totemic affiliations. We may therefore speak of this local unit as a patrilineal descent group. Its male members have the most active associations with their country and all it stands for, and with their wives form a relatively closely knit body.

local group is associated with one or more ancestral beings; and this fact entitles its members to participate in the system of ritual and myth (totemic cult lodge) which is connected with a being(s), and which a number of local groups hold in common in virtue of their “ownership” of certain sites along the track(s) of that being(s). This system of ritual and associated beliefs is usually referred to as patrilineal cult totemism. The cult totem is of central importance in this arrangement.’ (my emphasis)

  1. In a footnote [69] to the expression ‘local group’, Professor Berndt stated:
is territorially based; but the local group country is defined not by boundaries explicitly demarcating it from similar units, but by the actual sites connected with the ancestral being and his acts. Such territory is, ideally, unalienable; but members of other local groups are not debarred from entry, or from hunting game or collecting food within its precincts, although they may be denied access to a sacred site where objects of ritual use are stored.’ (my emphasis)

There are two elements of the basis of the holding of rights and interests that I would emphasise: first, the holding was at the individual level; and, second, the subject matter of the holding was defined by reference to Tjukurr sites or tracks.

  1. The State submits that there is no direct evidence of the rights and interests (if any) that were held at sovereignty, and that there is no sound basis from which inferences can be drawn as to what (if any) they were. Group 6A also refers to its submissions at 4.3.
  2. The anthropologists’ joint report states (para (a)(ii) 3) that it is a characteristic of ‘Western Desert cultures and societies’ that ‘[d]espite some ethnographic accounts, [perhaps a reference to Elkin and Berndt] the model of land owning patrilineal clans does not apply to the Western Desert’, and it substitutes a ‘[s]ocial structure wherein there are multiple pathways of connection.’ This substitution was concerned only to displace linkage exclusively through patrilineal clan with multiple pathways of connection. It confirms that rights and interests are held by the individual, and leaves intact the definition of the subject matter of rights and interests as based upon Tjukurr sites or tracks.

4.6 APPLICANT GROUP AND THE RELEVANT SOCIETY

  1. It is unclear what the parties intended when they formulated this heading and its various subheadings. The only safe course is to deal with their submissions.

(a) Membership criteria

  1. In this section, the Wongatha applicants address the question of a distinct identity of ‘the Wongatha people’. They begin with a sweeping submission:
simply, the Wongatha people as described in the application are those persons of the WDCB (being of the society from which the laws and customs are derived) who, pursuant to those laws and customs, have rights and interests in the land and waters covered by the application.’ (my emphasis)

This statement is to the effect that the Wongatha people are all those Western Desert people who have rights and interests, by any pathway of connection, in the vast Wongatha Claim area. Although the submission does not say ‘any part of the land and waters covered by the application’, it must mean this. The submission suggests that the Wongatha Claim group is ‘the people’ for the Wongatha Claim area, but the Wongatha witnesses agreed that some members of other Claim groups satisfy the description. It would follow that, according to the submission, these non-Wongatha Claim group members must also be members of ‘the Wongatha people as described in the application’, and that their authority was required for the making of the Wongatha application.

  1. The State attacks the GLSC’s sweeping submission quoted above as follows:
defining of the Wongatha group as a subset of the larger Western Desert cultural bloc, one that is distinctive only because it comprises people who, by the laws of the larger group are connected with the claim area, is (a) inconsistent with the case put in the Form 1 and the Points of Claim, and (b) leaves no room for (and provides no explanation for) the suggestion that underpins the overlapping applications, namely that distinct groups have independent entitlements in respect of the country within the claim area and independent entitlements to the areas in which the various claimants’ applications overlap. Using the description contained in paragraph [581] alone, all members of the Mantjintjarra Ngalia, Koara, Wutha and Cosmo Newberry respondent groups who have rights and interests in the claim are “Wongatha” people.’

I accept this submission. (I would add a reference to the members of the Maduwongga and NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups.)

  1. The Wongatha applicants submit that the affidavits of the 12 Wongatha applicants accompanying the Wongatha Form 1 that are to the effect that ‘all of the statements made in the application are true’, provide credible evidence that those 12 applicants recognise all of the persons described in Attachment A to the Form 1 (set out at 2.1(a) [126]) as comprising ‘the Wongatha people’. The affidavits do provide some evidence to that effect, but they are of very little weight. The Wongatha Form 1 states that the application is brought on behalf of ‘the Wongatha people being’ RM and the biological descendants of the ancestors named, subject to the exclusion of certain Cosmo claimants. This general conclusory statement cannot carry the day against the vast amount of other evidence in the case. The affidavits are expressed in general, formulaic terms, designed to satisfy s 62(1) of the NTA.
  2. Moreover, the affidavits were read long after the Wongatha claimants had testified. It was always clear that many of the assertions in the Wongatha Form 1 were in issue and they were in fact the subject of oral testimony, both in chief and in cross-examination. In any event, any weight accorded to the 12 affidavits would also have to be accorded to the affidavits that accompanied the 20 antecedent claims which were combined to constitute the Wongatha Claim, in many cases sworn by the same deponents, that is, by Wongatha applicants. (The earlier 20 Forms 1 and accompanying affidavits were in evidence.) Those affidavits had supported claims by smaller antecedent groups to hold native title to smaller areas within the Wongatha Claim area. The evidence does not explain how, for example, the Waljen were ‘the people’ for an area, and now the Wongatha are ‘the people’ for that area.
  3. The State addresses the issue of overlaps. This problem takes its most acute form as between the four GLSC Claim groups, the criteria for membership of which are identical, mutatis mutandis. However, it arises in relation to all overlaps. If the Claim groups are, indeed, landowning groups, what are the WDCB rules for resolving the overlap conflict, and for determining whether an individual is a member of one overlapping group rather than of another? The evidence provides no answer. This suggests that Western Desert laws and customs do not recognise the Claim groups as landowning groups.
  4. The State suggests that an alternative to such a conflict rule would be available if the rights and interests claimed were non-exclusive and usufructuary, ‘compatible with the concurrent and continued undiminished enjoyment of the land by others’. This is a matter to which I referred at 4.1 [1201] ff. The State submits that in earlier times, the concurrent existence of usufructuary rights is liable to have been readily accommodated, and that:
small population, comprised of small groups that did not dwell in a single place and did not exhaust or attempt to permanently harness and utilise the resources of a locale is, it is suggested, suggestive of a population that did not approach the world with any consciousness of exclusivity. It is to be noted, however, that none of the applicant groups have suggested that the native title in the present case takes this non-exclusive form.’

The anthropological evidence is uniformly to the effect that roaming, camping, hunting and gathering did not give rise to rights and interests over the area (‘range’, ‘run’, ‘orbit of occupation’) used for these purposes. In the areas of responsibility for sacred sites and the right to speak for country, the Claim groups assert exclusive rights. In this respect, there are fundamental conflicts as between, for example, the Wongatha Claim group and the Cosmo Claim group, and the Wongatha Claim group and the Maduwongga Claim group. The Cosmo Claim group asserts that it alone is the body entitled to determine whether a person’s claim to hold rights and interests in the Cosmo Claim area is to be sustained. The Maduwongga Claim group asserts that it alone is the body entitled to speak for the Maduwongga Claim area.

  1. The State suggests, ‘[f]or completeness’, a third possible rationalisation for the concurrent existence of rights in independent groups: the existence of a state of anarchy in which might would prevail. However, the common law would not recognise that solution: see s 223(1)(c) of the NTA.
  2. The Wongatha applicants address the issue of ‘Membership criteria’ under the headings: (1) ‘Wongatha people’ (a reference to self-identification by Wongatha claimants as ‘Wongatha/Wangkayi’); (2) ‘Wongatha language’ (a reference to self-identification arising from the speaking of a ‘Wongatha’ language); and (3) ‘Wongatha Law’ (a reference to self-identification arising from recognition of ‘Wongatha’ law).
  3. In relation to (1) (‘Wongatha people), the Wongatha applicants refer to the evidence of Leo Thomas, Dimple Sullivan, Mervyn Sullivan, Christopher Johnson, May O’Brien, Thelma O’Loughlin and Kado Muir. The Wongatha applicants rely on this testimony in support of the contention that ‘the Wongatha or Wangkayi people’ identify themselves as a ‘group located in a particular area of the Western Desert being an area, which includes the Wongatha claim area’ and that ‘they [the Wongatha people] and others identify and acknowledge this group’ (my emphasis). They also submit that the same testimony supports the contention that a person’s identification is derived from being born, or growing up, in the area. I will discuss their evidence below.
  4. Additional references to the meaning of ‘Wongatha’ are found in the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report and in GLSC Appendix D2a. Pannell/Vachon simply list the names of witnesses with transcript references beside them: in relation to the use of ‘Wongatha/Wangkayi’ to refer to an Aboriginal person (nine witnesses); as a term of identity for self and/or other Aboriginal people connected to the Wongatha claim area (13 witnesses); to refer to a country, territory or area (10 witnesses); and as a name for ‘own’ and/or forebears’ language (19 witnesses). The list includes, without differentiation, the names of claimants who are members of various Claim groups. This is also true of the other listings by Pannell/Vachon in their supplementary report (in some instances they have given their Claim group membership). This does not always matter; for example, both Wongatha and non-Wongatha claimants could give evidence relevant to the issue of the Wongatha Claim group’s identity as ‘Wongatha’. But observance of men’s law, for example, is different. Observance by a Koara claimant or a non-claimant is not probative of observance by the Wongatha Claim group. The GLSC applicants should have allocated evidence of that kind to their submissions in relation to the respective Claim groups.
  5. In relation to (2) (‘Wongatha language’), the Wongatha applicants refer to the joint report on the linguists’ conference (3.5(c) [447]) and the testimony of RM, Patrick Edwards, Lorraine Griffiths, Danny Harris, May O’Brien, and Phyllis Thomas (an MN claimant). They also rely on further transcript references to the use and recognition of Wongatha (or Wangkayi) language noted in the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report and in GLSC Appendix A10a.
  6. In relation to (3) (‘Wongatha law’), the Wongatha applicants refer to the testimony of Christopher Johnson, Rhys Winter, Murray Stubbs, Preston Thomas, and Paddy Walker (a MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant), and rely on further transcript references to Wangkayi/Wongatha law noted in the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report and in GLSC Appendix A6a.

(1) ‘Wongatha’ people

  1. The Wongatha applicants submit that the Wongatha Claim ‘is brought on behalf of the Wongatha people, who are described in genealogical terms in Attachment A to the Wongatha Form 1. That Form 1 also states that the application is brought on behalf of ‘the Wongatha people’ (2.1 [126]).
  2. But the word ‘Wongatha’ refers to a much wider group than the Wongatha Claim group. Although the word ‘Wongatha’ has been used with several meanings, at least one common meaning is something like ‘Aboriginal people of the south-western part of the Western Desert’. According to this meaning, the Wongatha Claim area is part of that area where the people who are referred to as ‘Wongatha’ live.
  3. What, then, is to be gained by evidence that the Wongatha claimants have been called ‘Wongatha’? The comment is invited: ‘They may have been called Wongatha, but so have many other people, including members of overlapping Claim groups’.
  4. Nonetheless, I will refer to the parties’ submissions and to some of the evidence referred to in them. It must be remembered that the Wongatha applicants submit that the Wongatha Claim group and ‘the Wongatha people’ are one and the same. Since I take the expression ‘the Wongatha people’ to refer to all the Aboriginal people who are referred to as ‘Wongatha’, they are not the same: the Wongatha Claim group is part of the Wongatha people.
  5. Leo Thomas said that it was the people who went through the Mount Margaret Mission, who drew the map of the Wongatha Claim area, and that they based that area on the areas they and their grandfathers and grandmothers came from. He said that those who drew the map were ‘Wangkayi people’, and ‘went back through their area as Wangkayi’. Mr Thomas’s testimony does not assist greatly in identifying ‘the Wongatha people’.
  6. When asked which ‘people’, such as the Noongar people or the Yamatji people, she was from, Dimple Sullivan replied: ‘Wongatha. Wongatha people’. Unfortunately, immediately beforehand counsel had asked her if she knew the word ‘Wongatha’, to which she replied ‘Wongatha, yes, is people’. Later she said, ‘Wongatha people mean the black people’, and appeared to agree that a Nangana person is also Wongatha. Dimple Sullivan seems to have meant that she was an Aboriginal person of the Goldfields. She said that when she was a young girl (in the 1920s), she stayed with her family in Kalgoorlie for a month or two, and agreed that a lot of ‘Wangkayis’ were then living at Coolgardie (Kalgoorlie and Coolgardie are south of the Wongatha Claim area and within the Maduwongga Claim area).
  7. Mervyn Sullivan said he described himself as ‘Wangkayi’, and later said that the Aboriginal people in ‘this’ area are called ‘Wongatha’.
  8. Christopher Johnson said that ‘Wongatha’ means an ‘Aboriginal man, black man’. He said that if he goes somewhere and sees a Nyungar person, he still classes that person as a Wangkayi, adding, ‘And they’d say the same thing in Anangu, but they don’t say Wangkayi, they say Anangu there’. He explained that ‘Wangkayi’, ‘Nyungar’, ‘Anangu’ and ‘Mardu’ all mean ‘Aboriginal person’ to the people who use those terms.
  9. Mr Johnson’s testimony seems to be to the effect that the four words he mentioned are simply words from various dialects for an Aboriginal person. Asked if there were people called ‘Wongatha people’, Mr Johnson replied:
that’s where I come from, and the Wongatha people it really follows from say like here [Kalgoorlie] we talk the lingo; it goes on right to Warburton, but the Warburton mob call their mob Ngaanyatjarra people’.

Mr Johnson said he did not know where people stop calling themselves ‘Wongatha’ and start calling themselves ‘Ngaanyatjarra’.

  1. Mr Johnson appears to be saying that the Wongatha people are the people whose word for Aboriginal person is ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’. He places the people who use this term in an area from Kalgoorlie to Warburton. He also said that the area from Menzies to Laverton is ‘the Wangkayi country’. Finally, he said that in his view, there was a time when everyone was ‘Wangkayi’, and that the people at Cosmo are all Wangkayi. When asked what people he was from, he said ‘I am really from the Wangkayi tribe’.
  2. The effect of Mr Johnson’s evidence is that although he cannot identify the precise limits of the area where the Wongatha are, it extends south and east of the Wongatha Claim area, and people such as the Cosmo claimants are Wongatha.
  3. May O’Brien said that ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’ (she said that when they were children in the Mission they cut ‘Wongatha’ short to ‘Wangkayi’) meant ‘[t]he Aboriginal people of the area’, ‘black people from the area’. She did not elaborate on what she meant by ‘the area’, and was not asked to do so.
  4. Thelma O’Loughlin was asked what her ‘country’ was, and replied: ‘All the Wongatha country and Karonie side’. She explained that Karonie was her mother’s country and was not in the Wongatha Claim area. (Karonie is about 105 km east of Kalgoorlie, and about 75 km south of the Wongatha Claim area.) She identified her ‘my country’ area, which was smaller than the Wongatha Claim area. She said that she shared her ‘my country’ area with certain Wongatha people, and named some families. Ms O’Loughlin therefore distinguishes between Wongatha country and her mother’s country at Karonie.
  5. The State submits that there is a confusing diversity of meanings of ‘Wongatha’ and ‘Wangkayi’. It does so by reference to the indigenous testimony.
  6. The State refers to the evidence of certain witnesses that ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’ means ‘Aboriginal person’. Those witnesses include Dimple Sullivan (referred to above), Eric Thomas, Estelle Blizzard, and the Cosmo applicant, Harvey Murray. Dennis Forrest acknowledged that some people gave the term this meaning, but said he believed that Wongatha was ‘a specific group of people’. Witnesses who gave this meaning, however, explained that it was the term used for ‘Aboriginal person’ only by the people in a certain area, while other Aboriginal people, including others within the Western Desert, used different terms to mean ‘Aboriginal person’ (see the testimony of Christopher Johnson, Janice Scott, Doreen Harris, and Paddy Walker).
  7. The State also refers to witnesses who say that ‘Wongatha’ refers to people from the Goldfields or north-eastern Goldfields, although not specifically the Wongatha Claim area or the Wongatha Claim group.
  8. Ivan Forrest said that he thought the term ‘Wongatha’ described the ‘people from the north-eastern Goldfields or from around the Wongatha claim ... And some of the people on the outside too’. He did not elaborate on ‘outside’, but appears to have meant ‘outside the north-eastern Goldfields and the Wongatha Claim area’. Interestingly, he said that when he was growing up at Kookynie, he heard only the word ‘Wongatha’, and did not hear ‘Wangkayi’ until he heard it used by ‘people who came through from Mt Margaret’. He referred to ‘Wangkayi’ as a ‘slang’ form of ‘Wongatha’, which he thought had been introduced by white people (apparently at the Mount Margaret Mission). The evidence of Margaret Morgan (3.7(e) [1116]) and May O’Brien (4.6(a) [1347]) also locates the origin of ‘Wangkayi’ at the Mission.
  9. For Ron Harrington-Smith, ‘Wongatha’ related to ‘the Wongatha people in the Goldfields’. He compared the term with the use of ‘Mardu’ at Wiluna and ‘Ngaanyatjarra’ elsewhere. Janice Scott, Maisie Harkens, Phillip O’Donoghue, Murray Stubbs and Kado Muir also said that ‘Wongatha’ referred to Aboriginal people from the Goldfields region. The State also refers to certain witnesses who referred to, or agreed to the existence of, a Wongatha ‘tribe’ or group.
  10. Garry Sullivan said that ‘Wangkayi is a person ... Like you are a white person’. He said that other people knew him, his brothers, aunts, uncles and cousins as ‘Ngarlipa’. He said that one could tell if a person was Ngarlipa by the way the person spoke, although it was nearly the same as the way other Wangkayis spoke. Ultimately, his evidence seems to be that ‘Wangkayi’ refers to a person, while ‘Ngarlipa’ refers to a people who speak a dialect.
  11. Paddy Walker said that the Sullivans were Ngurludharra people. However, he said that that was because Roy Sullivan was Ngurludharra. Dimple Sullivan (and her sons) were clear that Roy Sullivan was from a different group than Dimple Sullivan’s group, and that his country was further west and south than hers. Paddy Walker constantly referred to ‘Wangkayi’ in his testimony. He said that ‘Wangkayi’ meant ‘Aboriginal person’, but when asked if an Aboriginal person from Alice Springs would be a Wangkayi, he said ‘No, they call it by some different word’.
  12. Doreen Harris (a non-claimant) said that she was Ngaanyatjarra, and that Ngaanyatjarra is the same as Wongatha. For her, Aboriginal people everywhere are Wongatha. Thus, she said that the people out towards South Australia are Wongatha. She seemed to modify her ‘Aboriginal people everywhere’ position, when she said that some have different names. At least, however, the people from Warburton ‘to here’ (she was testifying in Kalgoorlie) were Wongatha. She said that she was a Wangkayi.
  13. Janice Scott described the people she grew up with in the Goldfields area as Wongatha people. She said:
up here [she was testifying in Kalgoorlie, but did not explain “here”]... Wongatha means Yananga person. ... It’s the colour of the skin ... Aboriginal person. ... [In my] father’s language they call them Yananga. The same thing’.

  1. Estelle Blizzard said that a Wangkayi is a person who is Aboriginal born. Eric Thomas said he thought all Aboriginal people were Wangkayi, including those from Cundeelee and Warburton (respectively, south and east of the Wongatha Claim area). Maisie Harkens defined a Wangkayi person as an Aboriginal person who, like her mother, had been in the Goldfields area for a long time. Phillip O’Donoghue said he considered the land over which his grandmother had roamed was open to all Aboriginal people, ‘be it if they’ Wangkayi people, and that ‘everybody Wangkayi people’. He also said, however, that his grandmother told him that the Wangkayi area was through the Goldfields, and was distinct from the Noongar and Yamatji areas. He said that every Aboriginal person born in Kalgoorlie or the Goldfields was part of the Wongatha group. Murray Stubbs said that ‘Wongatha’ and ‘Wangkayi’ meant the same thing, and that a Wongatha person is a person from the north-eastern Goldfields.
  2. While the State submits that there was no uniform explanation for the difference between ‘Wongatha’ and ‘Wangkayi’, and Group 6A lists people who identified as ‘Wangkayi’ as examples of people using a different term of group identity from ‘Wongatha’, I accept that ‘Wongatha’ and ‘Wangkayi’ were approximate synonyms. There was some indigenous evidence that ‘Wangkayi’ is a colloquial or slang form of ‘Wongatha’ that emerged from the Mount Margaret Mission; and also that one form was singular and the other plural.
  3. The significance of the term ‘Wongatha’ was also the subject of anthropological evidence. In their primary report, Pannell/Vachon described the Wongatha claimants as being part of a wider ‘Wongatha society’, which included Wiluna, Warburton, Coonana, and, to a lesser degree, Ooldea and Tjuntjuntjarra. In cross-examination, Dr Pannell explained that she had meant that the Wongatha claimants had ‘connections’ and ‘interactions’ with people at the places named, and that by ‘society’ she had been referring, not to ‘a bound and discrete entity, but a network, a shifting network of interaction and communication’. She said, however, that the Wongatha Claim area ‘broadly coincides’ with historical recordings of the term ‘Wongatha’. She did not mean, however, that the boundaries of the Wongatha Claim area represent approximate boundaries of the people identified as ‘Wongatha’, as the following further references to her testimony make clear.
  4. Dr Pannell said that ‘Wongatha’ can be applied to Aboriginal people both inside and outside the Wongatha Claim area and that not all people who identify as ‘Wongatha’ are part of the Wongatha Claim group. She said that ‘Wongatha’ is a term of identity used ‘generally [in] the south-western area of the Western Desert, but not exclusively’. She agreed that ‘Wongatha’ can be used as a ‘generic term for an indigenous person’. She also said that ‘Wongatha’ is a term used in different contexts and that Wongatha claimants also use other terms of identity for themselves.
  5. In Berndts, World, Professor Berndt and Dr Berndt stated (p 35):
result of alien impact, and of increasing estrangement from traditional Aboriginal ways, is the attempt to arrive at a general social identification in terms of Aboriginality: labels, not tribal names, like Jamadji (‘friend’), Nunga or Nyoongar (‘people’), Wonggai or Wongi (‘speech’), are used to signify ‘people of Aboriginal descent’ as contrasted with ‘white people’.

This passage was taken up with Mr Vachon, who agreed that throughout the Western Desert, different words are used to distinguish Aboriginal people from Europeans, such as ‘Wonggai’, ‘Anangu’, ‘Martu’ and ‘Pintupi’. As noted above, Dr Pannell also said that ‘Wongatha’ can be used as a generic term for indigenous persons. Of course, bearing only the significance ‘Aboriginal person as distinct from a European’, ‘Wongatha’ and the other terms mentioned must have post-dated first contact. However, I do not think that that exhausts their meaning.

  1. Dr Sackett said that the Cosmo claimants are not part of ‘the Wongatha society’ as it has been described (by Dr Pannell and Mr Vachon), adding, however, that they are part of a larger society that includes the Wongatha society. He conceded that more of them had links to Wongatha claimants than had links to Ngaanyatjarra people, and that ‘they say that they’re Wangkayi at times’. They use ‘Wangkayi’ to refer to their way of speaking, and to mean ‘Aboriginal person’, and can speak of people at Kalgoorlie and Wiluna as ‘Wangkayi’. Dr Sackett said that when he first went to Wiluna in 1972, the people there constantly referred to themselves as Wangkayi, but that nowadays they call themselves ‘Mardu’. Similarly, he said that the Ngaanyatjarra ‘seem to have expanded lately, so that many more people identify as Ngaanyatjarra than did in the past’. Dr Sackett agreed that ‘all of these self-identifications move over time’
  2. Over some 40 pages, Group 6A addresses the question of the membership criteria of the Wongatha Claim group. Group 6A identifies numerous Wongatha witnesses who identified the group to which they belonged by reference to a name other than that of their Claim group. However, Group 6A wrongly included claimants who identified as ‘Wangkayi’, which, as noted above, I regard as an approximate synonym for ‘Wongatha’. The evidence to which they refer demonstrates that some witnesses identified themselves in a number of ways, including what appeared to be subgroups or family groups within the Wongatha Claim group or other groups based on the identities of relatives, or on their connection or presence in areas outside the Wongatha Claim area. Some non-Wongatha Claim group members, such as Estelle Blizzard and Elton Polak, identified as ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’. The following summaries of indigenous evidence demonstrate its diversity.

LIP listed Wongatha claimants


Cyril Barnes
‘[I belong to] I think the Wongatha group, but another group called the Ngurludharra group’.
Ashley Blake
‘Wangkayi’ group. Prior to Native Title, everyone was Wangkayi but since Native Title, groups such as Koara and Wutha have arisen.
Jessie Evans
Did not know the group to which she or her husband belonged. It had a name which she had forgotten.
Leo Thomas
Called his original claim ‘Waljen’ because RM, his “grandfather”, told him to do so. He did not call it ‘Wongatha’, ‘Because we all one people’. Asked why he claimed for the Waljen people rather than the Wongatha people, he said ‘because the Waljen people and the Wongatha people, they all family’.
Dennis Forrest
Considered himself part of Wongatha group, but said that when he was growing up and when he was in Kalgoorlie, ‘people used to call us the Lungkutjarra mob’, around the Kookynie area. He believes that Wongatha country is larger than the Wongatha Claim area and is made up of sub-groups.
Ivan Forrest
‘An elder on the Lungkutjarra group’. Said in relation to the Bibila Lungkutjarra Waljen Claim, that the Bibila Lungkutjarra, who call themselves Waljen people, have an entitlement with the Koara people and the Goolburthunoo, who are Waljen people, against everybody else. He said ‘the bulk of the [Wongatha] Claim area is Waljen, Lungkutjarra Waljen, and Goolburthunoo was Waljen and Bibila Lungkutjarra was Waljen’. He said ‘we’ve put the Wongatha claim right over the top and we’re one people’. It brings in people who are entitled to this country.
Anthony Harris
Because he lived in Wiluna for seven years, he was both Wangkayi and Mardu, but the people in Kalgoorlie and Leonora are Wangkayis. When in Wiluna, he is Mardu because he is there with them, in Kalgoorlie he is Wangkayi (which is what his grandmother was), and in Leonora he is Tjupan, following his grandfather.
Cecily Harris
‘Tjupan Wangkayi’ on the basis that her mother was Wangkayi and her father Tjupan.
Elvis Stokes
When Native Title arrived, people segregated themselves into Waljen, Koara and other groups. He asked what ‘Waljen’ meant and was told that it was the Wongatha people, then ‘Waljen’ ceased to be used in favour of ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’. His understanding was that there was a Waljen group and a Waljen language, which were converted into a Wongatha group and Wongatha language.
Christopher Johnson
He is a Wongatha man. Can be classified as Wongatha or Mardu (his mother’s side). When he went through the law at Cundeelee he also became part of the Anangu, although when he was initiated he was asked to leave that place.
Janice Scott (not listed on any LIP but called as a Wongatha claimant)
Used to be a member of the Kulputjanu group, which is now combined in the Wongatha claim, and also described herself as part of the Spinifex people. She grew up in the Goldfields area. The people in that area are the Wongatha people. Her father told her the traditional owners for Yundamindra were the Wongatha people. She is related to them. When they came in from the bush they intermarried with the Wongatha people at Laverton and the Mission. When she was growing up, she only ever heard of the Wongatha group.
Garry Sullivan
Belonged to Wangkayi mob and is also known by other Wangkayis as ‘Ngarlipa’ meaning the people who live around the Laverton and Leonora areas. He also described Wangkayi as a person and ‘Ngarlipa’ as a language.
Eric Thomas
Was involved in the Ngurlutjarra Waljen claim, but withdrew because of fighting. Said his country is Waljen country, meaning his mother’s country. ‘Waljen’ was the name of the tribe according to what his mother told him before she died.
Geoffrey Stokes
The Goolburthunoo people are his ‘immediate family’, and his family are Waljen and his people are Wongatha, and he considers himself a Waljen. His father always told him that he was Wongatha. He heard the other names only with Native Title. Waljen is a clan of the Wongatha tribe.


LIP listed MN claimants
Nancy Gordon
Before being ‘invited’ to be a MN claimant by her aunties Phyllis Thomas and Dolly Muir, she was part of the Thithee Birni Bunna Wiya claim (that was combined into the Wongatha Claim in January/February 1999). She said that this name meant ‘Children Without Land’, and that that claim had been made on behalf of all the children who had gone through the Mission. She said that that was the reason why she was a claimant on that claim.
Kalman Murphy
Belongs to two groups: Mantjintjarra and Ngaanatjarra.
MM
Unsure of the name of the group to which he belongs, but in cross-examination said it was ‘Ngalia’. He said that the names of groups are constantly changing, but that he did ‘not really’ consider himself Ngaanatjarra because he grew up around Leonora. However, he knew that his father and grandfather were Ngaanatjarra. He said he did not know if he had ever attached the name ‘Mantjintjarra’ to himself. He had heard of ‘Ngalia’, and said that he was Ngalia.
Elton Polak
Described himself as Wangkayi.

LIP listed Wutha claimant
Verna Vos
Described herself as belonging to the ‘Tjupan people’.

  1. Group 6A also provides a table identifying who were the applicants and claimants on the twenty claims that were combined into the Wongatha Claim. Group 6A submits that ‘[v]irtually all witnesses had been members of various claims that ultimately came together as the Wongatha Claim’ and that this fact alone ‘negates the contention of a group comprising the [Wongatha claimants]’.
  2. I do not know what Group 6A means by ‘virtually all witnesses’. If Group 6A means ‘all witnesses who are LIP listed Wongatha claimants’, my response is: ‘Of course: what else would one expect, in view of the fact that the Wongatha Claim is a combination of the 20 antecedent claims?’
  3. In any event, Group 6A’s submission goes too far. Wongatha is an overarching or umbrella grouping: Aboriginal people of the south-western part of the Western Desert. It is true that the course of events leading to the combination in January/February may suggest that the notion of the Wongatha as an overarching or umbrella group was an afterthought; in other words, that the groupings which first, and therefore presumably more naturally, suggested themselves, were the 20 pre-combination claim groups. There must be taken into account, however, the fact that several witnesses gave evidence:

Several witnesses also said that they did not know the meaning of the names of their earlier groups, and some said that prior to Native Title, everyone was just ‘Wongatha’. Ivan Forrest said: ‘We’ve put the Wongatha Claim right over the top and we’re one people’.

  1. Although this evidence touching the circumstances of the making of the 20 antecedent claims was of a non-specific kind, I accept it. It is credible that in the rush, claims were made by relatively small family groups. The term ‘Wongatha’, which appears to have had a geographical reference that included, inter alia, the 20 antecedent claim areas, was appropriated as the name of the combined claim.
  2. I do not draw any inference adverse to the significance of ‘Wongatha’ as an identifier of the Wongatha claimants from the fact that it was not used in the name of any of the 20 antecedent claims. This is not to say that I consider that ‘the Wongatha’ (or any of the antecedent claim groups) was recognised as a landowning group by Western Desert law and custom.
  3. I conclude as follows:

(2) ‘Wongatha’ language

  1. I referred to the linguists’ joint report at 3.5(c)[447] ff, and I discussed language further at 3.6(f)[1024] ff. The Wongatha applicants submit that the linguistic evidence also supports the proposition that ‘the Wongatha’ regard themselves as ‘an identifiable people from a particular region which includes the [Wongatha] claim area’. Dr Clendon and Dr Sommer agreed that the Wongatha claimants’ language, ‘insofar as it [was] attested, [was] indisputably of a Western Desert type’. ‘Wongatha’, as the name of a speech variety, is, as acknowledged by Dr Sommer, the linguist called by the State, ‘indexical of the general area of the south-west of the Western Desert area’. By ‘south-west of the Western Desert’, he meant to refer to generally the Wongatha Claim area and country to the north-east of it, towards, and perhaps including, Warburton.
  2. The Wongatha applicants submit that the evidence of claimants clearly referred to a Wongatha or Wangkayi language, although it was sometimes described as ‘the same as or similar to neighbouring varieties’. Eric Thomas, for example, called the language he spoke ‘Wangkayi’, and said that the language of the people of Cundeelee and Warburton was a bit different.
  3. The Wongatha submissions quote from the testimony of RM, Patrick Edwards, Lorraine Griffiths, Danny Harris, May O’Brien and Phyllis Thomas (an MN claimant). As well, they refer to the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report and to GLSC Appendix A10. Pannell/Vachon simply give the names and transcript page numbers of 13 witnesses and then, later, 19 witnesses. The list is an undiscriminating mixture of Wongatha and other GLSC claimants. In this case (language), that does not necessarily matter: it depends on what the witnesses say.
  4. GLSC Appendix A10 is headed ‘Language’, and the divisions in it are, as usual, allocated to the respective GLSC Claim groups. The divisions and the numbers of witnesses whose testimony is referred to in them respectively are as follows:
Division
Claim Group
Witnesses referred to
A10a
Wongatha
40
A10b
MN
8
A10c
Koara
6
A10d
Wutha
4
TOTAL

58

  1. GLSC Appendix A10 does not include testimony relating to language given by non-GLSC witnesses, ie, Cosmo, Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 claimants.
  2. A lengthy critique of the indigenous testimony relating to the ‘Wongatha dialect’ is contained in Groups 5B/5F’s submissions. Groups 5B/5F suggest that Appendix 10 seems to have been prepared to include everyone who had even the slightest knowledge of Aboriginal language. They point out, for example, that it includes Adele Phillips, who only gave the Aboriginal words for stone and little black berry, and said she could not remember the Aboriginal word for ‘hunting’. Groups 5B/5F point out, with some reason, that at least in terms of knowledge of Aboriginal language, I should infer that the remaining 35 indigenous witnesses could not have assisted.
  3. The following conclusions emerge from Groups 5B/5F’s analysis of the evidence:
  4. As noted elsewhere, the view generally accepted by linguists and anthropologists is that the Western Desert was characterised by a ‘chain’ or ‘spread’ of mutually intelligible ‘dialects’. Dr Clendon notes that variation would take on a ‘dialectal’ level of distinctiveness only over a significant distance. Not surprisingly, there was a loose relationship between dialect and territory: speakers of the same dialect were associated with the same part of the Western Desert. Professor Berndt said that dialect was directly associated with (a) the local group, and (b) a constellation of more or less contiguous local groups (Berndt 1959 (p 102)). He said that a dialect ‘could be taken as extending over a specified tract of country’ (ibid). However, migration and intermarriage complicate the picture, and it would be wrong to think that all within a certain territory necessarily spoke or speak the same dialect.
  5. The State submits that Wongatha is not a territorially based dialect of the kind described in Berndt 1959, but is a hybrid language that resulted from the mixing together in the Mount Margaret Mission of people from different dialectal groups. There is, indeed, evidence that at the Mission the children spoke a ‘mixed up’ language. Dr Sackett seems to adopt this view as to the origin of the Wongatha language, based in part on what Cosmo claimants, Frances Murray and Estelle Ross, told him. Other witnesses, such as Janice Scott, Danny Harris and Cyril Barnes, expressed the same view.
  6. Harvey Murray, the Cosmo applicant, said, in relation to the teaching of Aboriginal language at the Cosmo school, that he called the language ‘Wongatha language’, and continued:
when I refer to Wongatha it means an Aboriginal person, and that means Wongatha is a mixture of languages that came out of Mount Margaret Mission and the language I grew up with here is mostly Ngaanyatjarra so it’s a mixture of both, and I just refer to it as Aboriginal language.’

Harvey Murray’s evidence is not just that the word ‘Wangkayi’ originated in the Mission, but that the actual mixed up language called ‘Wongatha’ did.

  1. No doubt there was a mixing up of language in the Mission, and elsewhere near European centres where Aboriginal people from different locations came to live side by side in communities and came to speak what have been termed ‘communilects’. Even on the view that the dialect now called ‘Wongatha’ originated in the Mission, constituent elements of it must have pre-dated the Mission.
  2. The State submits that the indigenous testimony does not:
decisively to any particular language, or any consistent form of language, that is understood amongst the Wongatha claimants, the other claimants represented by the GLSC, or by any other section of society to attach to membership of the Wongatha group’.

  1. As I appreciate the evidence, the position in relation to language as an identifier is much the same as the position in relation to the identification of Aboriginal people as the group labels, ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’. The most that can be said is that a speech variety which has been, and is, designated as a ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’ language, is associated with the south-western part of the Western Desert, including, but not limited to, the Wongatha Claim area. It has been spoken by more people than the Wongatha claimants, and is associated with members of other Claim groups, and no doubt with other people outside the Claim groups. Evidence of the speaking of ‘Wongatha’ by non-Wongatha claimants was given by Richard Evans, Stewart Evans, Brett Lewis and RB. Jane Beasley, an MN claimant, said that her mother spoke Mantjiltjarra/Koara but also spoke the language of her father and grannies, namely, Wongatha language, which, she said, is the only language spoken in the Goldfields these days. Other non-Wongatha witnesses who gave evidence of the speaking of Wongatha include Troy Chapman, Nancy Gordon, Adele Phillips, Hudson Westlake, Justine Westlake and Wayne Westlake. A number of other Cosmo witnesses could be added.
  2. The volume of evidence given in relation to Aboriginal language was great. For example, GLSC Appendices A10a comprised 147 pages of extracts; A10b, 20 pages; A10c, 20 pages; and A10d, 4 pages – a total of 191 pages of extracts. Rather than reserve consideration of GLSC Appendices A10b, A10c and A10d to Chs 5, 6 and 7 respectively, because the testimony in each Appendix refers to more than one language, it is convenient to arrive at conclusions in relation to language as a group identifier in respect of all four GLSC Claim groups.
  3. Dr Clendon saw connections between the words recorded by the early anthropologists as being used at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. However, he said that the speech varieties denoted by such labels as ‘Wongatha’ result from the ‘collocation in recent history of certain families at the settlements ... and do not necessarily represent traditional (pre-contact) linguistic configurations’. He added:
we observe at present is a number of different speech varieties peculiar to, and characteristic of particular settlements administered along modern European lines.’

  1. I accept Dr Sommer’s evidence:
is evident from a consideration of [Dr Clendon’s linguistic report for the Wongatha Claim] that the evidence of named speech varieties is so complex and (recently) confused as to be unreliable if not worthless in attaching speakers to country, or identifying social groups in an unambiguous fashion.’

  1. I accept, however, that there is continuity between early records made at places in the Wongatha Claim area and Waljen (or Wongatha – if they are distinct).
  2. The most that can be said is that elements of the dialect spoken by the Wongatha claimants or their ancestors are of a south-western Western Desert type. I do not accept that there is a language or dialect that distinguishes the Wongatha Claim group from other Claim groups.
  3. In relation to the MN, Koara and Wutha Claim groups, Dr Sommer referred to the ‘bewildering linguistic complexity of the [Western Desert] area’ and expressed the opinion that, as in the case of the Wongatha Claim group, the linguistic situation is so complex and daunting that it was not possible to identify unambiguously connection with country or linguistic distinctiveness of the various Claim groups. I agree. This is not to say that the claimants from the four GLSC Claim groups do not descend from people who spoke a Western Desert dialect – they did. The problem is one of relating this conclusion to (a) land, and (b) the issue of the distinctiveness of the Claim groups.

Conclusions on language as an identifier of a Claim group

  1. My conclusions are as follows:
    1. I find that there has been considerable language death or loss in the Wongatha Claim area, with the result that much of the indigenous testimony related to Aboriginal language that was spoken by the witness’s parents, grandparents or other persons belonging to a generation older than that of the witness. Similarly, such ability to speak Aboriginal language as remains is possessed by elderly or middle aged people, not by the young. Some younger people know a few Aboriginal words but do not have Aboriginal language as a means of communication.
    2. All witnesses testified in English, and it was not asked that any witness testify in an Aboriginal language, aided by an interpreter. However, with very few exceptions, the witnesses were not fluent in English. Moreover, there were occasions when witnesses resorted to Aboriginal words when they encountered difficulty in English. There were also instances of a person who apparently knew the witness’s Aboriginal language sitting with the witness to interpret any particular word or question that, in English, might cause the witness difficulty.
    3. The indigenous witnesses gave evidence of language that he or she or someone else spoke, or a certain name, such as ‘Wongatha’, ‘Koara’, ‘Tjupan’, ‘Mantjiltjarra’, ‘Waljen’, ‘Ngaanyatjarra’. Whether all people would call the particular language or dialect by the same name was not clear. Dr Clendon observed that dialectal groups were sometimes given more than one nickname.
    4. Frequently, the evidence was that certain people spoke ‘a little differently’ but that the witness could understand them. Evidence of this kind is consistent with the ‘dialect chain’ or ‘dialect spread’ of related and mutually intelligible dialects across the Western Desert that linguists accept. Dr Clendon referred to ‘the received understanding of the various speech varieties traditionally spoken over most of Australia’s central arid zone as being mutually intelligible varieties of a larger linguistic taxonomic category referred to as the Western Desert language’.
    5. It is not possible to align particular languages with particular Claim groups, eg the language of the Wongatha claimants and their ancestors is Wongatha; the language of the Koara and their ancestors is Koara.
    6. The mixing of people from different areas that has occurred at centres of European settlement in missions and otherwise since first contact, make it impossible to reconstruct the linguistic landscape that existed at sovereignty.
    7. There was and is a language or dialect of a Western Desert kind called ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’ that was, and is still to a more limited extent, used in the south-west of the Western Desert.
    8. Dialectal groups in the Western Desert are not landowning groups.

(3) ‘Wongatha’ law

  1. There is a difficulty with this elliptical heading. It will be recalled that the general heading is ‘4.6 Applicant group and the relevant society’, and the general sub-heading is ‘(a) Membership criteria’. Apparently, then, it is intended to show that there is a ‘Wongatha’ law that somehow contributes to identification of the Wongatha Claim group.
  2. Shortly, there is no ‘Wongatha’ law, ‘Koara’ law, ‘Maduwongga’ law, or law peculiar to any other Claim group. Nor is there a law peculiar to any ‘Wongatha people’ or ‘Wongatha society’ wider than, but including, the Wongatha Claim group, yet short of the WDCB society. All the Claim groups rely on Western Desert law. Western Desert law does not recognise, let alone differentiate between, the respective Claim groups.
  3. The Wongatha applicants refer to the testimony of the following witnesses regarding the law: Christopher Johnson, Rhys Winter, Murray Stubbs, Preston Thomas and Paddy Walker. They also refer to the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report and to GLSC Appendix A6. Pannell/Vachon simply give a list of the names of 16 Wongatha and non-Wongatha witnesses, without distinguishing between them, and the transcript citations for any references made by these witnesses to the matter of following ‘Wongatha’ law (referred to in various ways, such as ‘Wongatha law’ or ‘Wangkayi way’), in relation to various practices, including birth, burial, kinship, marriage, claiming country and attending ceremonies, as well as initiation. GLSC Appendix A6a gives extracts of the testimony of 35 indigenous witnesses under the heading ‘Wongatha – Ceremonies and Law Business’.
  4. I treat the numerous references by the indigenous witnesses to ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’ law as references to ‘Aboriginal’ law. The witnesses were not thinking about distinctions between Claim groups or between parts of the Western Desert. They were merely thinking about Aboriginal law as they understood it to be. Murray Stubbs, for example, gave evidence that if he did something wrong under Wongatha law, he or a close family member could be punished. Paddy Walker said that under ‘Wangkayi law’, mining companies should see the wati prior to mining. Statements such as these refer to ‘Aboriginal law’ known to the witness.
  5. Group 6A attacked the Wongatha applicants’ reliance on ‘Wongatha law’ as going to identify the Wongatha Claim group. Group 6A refers in detail to the testimony of numerous witnesses relied on by the Wongatha applicants, including Rhys Winter, Anthony Harris, Murray Stubbs, Garry Sullivan, Preston Thomas, Paddy Walker, Dennis Forrest, May O’Brien, Eric Thomas, Pearlie Wells, Lois Laidlaw, Doreen Harris, Phyllis Thomas, LA and Dolly Walker. I need not discuss all this evidence or Group 6A’s submissions. Often the criticism was to the effect that the particular passage does not demonstrate present day acknowledgement and observance – the subject matter of 4.7.
  6. No witness, expert or lay, has suggested that there is a Wongatha law, different from the law applying in the Western Desert generally. The passages of transcript referred to in GLSC Appendix A6 (and GLSC Appendix F1), which relate to initiation, do not point to any specifically Wongatha law. Further, Mr Vachon was not able to identify any feature of the laws and customs of the respective Wongatha, MN, Koara or Wutha ‘peoples’ that distinguished between them.

(b) Relationship with the ancestral society

  1. I discussed the expression ‘ancestral society’ at 4.2 [1272] above.
  2. Again, this heading on which the parties agreed is ambiguous. Relationship of what or whom with the WDCB society – the Wongatha Claim group or the Wongatha claimants, individual by individual? Is the expression ‘the Ancestral Society’ intended to refer to the WDCB society as it was in 1829 or as it is today?
  3. The Wongatha applicants submit that their submissions indicate ‘a close historical relationship between Aboriginal people in the [Wongatha] claim area and the wider WDCB’. They refer to the archaeological evidence. I have noted previously that I accept Professor Veth’s testimony that Aboriginal people who were at various sites within the Wongatha Claim area were of a Western Desert adaptation.
  4. In their primary report Pannell/Vachon discuss the question of the relationship between the Wongatha claimants and the WDCB. They note that they have identified antecedents of Wongatha claimants in records dating from as early as 1896 and in the records of the anthropologists, Bates, Elkin and Tindale, and of the Mount Margaret Mission.
  5. Pannell/Vachon state that, with only a few exceptions, the Wongatha claimants identify their immediate antecedents as ‘coming from’ or ‘belonging to’ places within the Wongatha Claim area. They accept that for ‘a handful of senior individuals’, their immediate antecedents originate from places outside that area, such as the Warburton Ranges and further east and north-east. Nonetheless, according to Pannell/Vachon, those immediate antecedents belonged to other Western Desert communities, and, therefore, would have acknowledged laws and customs similar to those acknowledged by ‘the Wongatha group’. They state:
not physically connected to the claim area through birth or “growing up”, as adults these antecedents lived within the claim area together with the forebears of the other Wongatha claimants. Presumably, the basis of this co-occupation is the acknowledgment of their similar laws and customs.’

  1. Moreover, according to Pannell/Vachon, although these particular claimants may not be able to trace their genealogical ancestry to forebears who had a physical connection to the Wongatha Claim area, those claimants themselves ‘express a connection to [that] area in accordance with the Western Desert-style laws and customs of the Wongatha claimant group’. Notably, Pannell/Vachon say (ibid) that these claimants:
born on the [Wongatha] claim area, “grew up” on and walked around the claim area, and, through their interactions with other Wongatha claimants and their immediate forebears, acknowledged the same laws and customs. These claimants trace their ancestry to the claim area through their co-occupation with the previous occupiers and their observation of the same social and cultural traditions’.

(It will be recalled that tracing one’s ancestry to a person whose ‘country’ was within the Wongatha Claim area was the ‘pathway of connection’, alternative to ‘birth and growing up’, of an individual’s membership of the Wongatha Claim group, according to the Wongatha POC – see 2.1 [129])

  1. The Wongatha applicants refer to a Pannell/Vachon ‘draft’ or ‘working document’ listing senior Wongatha claimants and their forebears, and to a history of pedigrees constructed by Daisy Bates, bearing working notes by Mr Vachon. In addition, Wongatha claimants testified of their own ancestries, which, generally speaking, was not the subject of cross-examination. In many, but not all instances, Wongatha claimants could point to certain forebears who had lived, at some time or times, at some place or places within the vast Wongatha Claim area.
  2. This, however, is not to be equated with having one’s ‘my country’ area (either theirs or the Wongatha claimants’) within that area. The fact that a person has spent some part of his or her life living at a place or places within an area the size of the Wongatha Claim area is not, without more, particularly significant. I note that it is a claimant’s place of birth and growing up that is referred to in the Wongatha POC.
  3. The Wongatha applicants also rely on the anthropologists’ expert conference report (see 3.5(a)[411]) which, in relation to ‘(d) Continuity of Traditional Laws and Customs’, expresses the agreement of the participating anthropologists that ‘there has been continuity in occupation and use in some parts of the [Wongatha] claim area by the [Wongatha] claimants and their forebears since sovereignty’.
  4. The Wongatha applicants are apparently attempting to show a genealogical connection between the Wongatha claimants and occupants of the Wongatha Claim area in 1829. But such a connection is relevant only if there is a law or custom by which membership of the Wongatha Claim group is necessarily genealogical or partly so, and/or there exists a law or custom by which native title rights and interests in respect of land are able to be exercised by a person by reason of a forebear’s having had such rights and interests.
  5. This is not the Wongatha case. According to the Wongatha POC, there is no need to prove a pre-sovereignty connection of Wongatha claimants’ ancestors with the Wongatha Claim area. If the ‘ancestor’s connection’ basis of a claimant’s own connection is relied on at all, apparently any ancestor, including a more recent one, will suffice. And, if the ‘ancestor’s connection’ basis is not relied on, but the ‘birth and growing up in the Claim area’ basis is relied upon, ancestors are irrelevant.

(c) Relationship with other Claim groups

  1. The Wongatha applicants submit that the Wongatha POC and the MN, Koara and Wutha Points of Response, show that the four GLSC Claim groups ‘claim shared rights and interests in areas of overlap.’ Their primary submission is that the evidence shows that ‘all of the [Wongatha] claim area falls within the WDCB’. Alternatively they submit that the bulk of it does, with an area to the south-west being at the margin. I resolved this issue at 3.6(a)(b). They submit that the inter-group relationships are underpinned by the fact that many of the claimants in the Wongatha and overlapping Claim groups have common ancestors, and by the intermarriage that has occurred.
  2. The Wongatha applicants submit that accessing and utilising the ‘my country’ area of other claimants involves what Pannell/Vachon describe in their supplementary report as a ‘process of assertion and the recognition that inter-relatedness exists’, which includes individuals advising or presenting themselves to senior men and women in the area.
  3. This advising or presenting process incorporates concepts of shame. More precisely, the Wongatha applicants submit that failure to carry out this process is acting kunta wiya (with no shame). Pannell/Vachon’s supplementary report states:
our opinion, the key consideration from the claimants’ point of view is not about gaining permission to hunt/gather and camp. And, in any case, we have found nothing in the primary evidence to suggest that a person would be refused if such a request were to be made. Rather, the process of assertion and acknowledgement concerns making oneself known, either as a kinsman or an affine or the relation of a person who “comes from” that country. If this is not done, a person is acting kunta wiya, with “no shame”.’
  1. The expressions ‘access protocol’ and ‘kunta wiya’ refer to a ‘right to be asked’. In Myers, Pintupi, Professor Myers said (p 99): ‘For the Pintupi, to own something is to have the right to be asked about it’. Similarly, Professor Tindale said in Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes, p 18, that a Western Desert man had said: ‘my country is the place where I can cut a spear or make a spear thrower without asking anyone’. The question of access protocols arises in this Chapter and later Chapters. It is put that the holder of a ‘my country’ area, not the representatives of the respective Claim groups, has the right to be asked under traditional law and custom, and that only a person without a sense of shame (kunta wiya) would fail to show that person the respect to which he or she is entitled. Kado Muir, an MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant explained the basis of the access protocol as a duty to be open and inform, and not to come by stealth: see 10. 5(c) [3822] ff.
  2. The Wongatha applicants refer to the evidence given on this matter by Dennis Forrest and Luxie Hogarth (a senior Koara claimant), and to the citation in the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report, of the testimony of nine further claimants, including five Wongatha claimants: Eric Thomas, Leo Thomas, May O’Brien, Dimple Sullivan and Garry Sullivan.
  3. The Wongatha applicants also refer to the practice of papaluku (a practice of greeting and acknowledgement (there are other spellings such as pupulagu and papula), and to the supporting testimony of Eric Thomas, Cyril Barnes, Phyllis Thomas and Kado Muir, the last two being non-Wongatha claimants.
  4. Before I turn to the evidence, I note an incongruity in the Wongatha applicants’ submission. The access protocol relates to the ‘my country’ area of the individual Wongatha claimant. The submission says so, and it is difficult to understand how it could be otherwise, since the Wongatha Claim area was unknown to traditional law and custom. Yet it is put that those who, under the protocol, have a right to be asked, are ‘senior men and women in the area’. The hiatus between the individual ‘owner’ and the senior men and women in the area is not explained.
  5. Eric Thomas said that he can come to Mulga Queen without asking, because it is the country of his wife, Phyllis Thomas, and he thinks ‘it’s okay’. He also said that when people from Warburton visited at Mulga Queen, they would camp on the outskirts and go hunting in the mornings. He said he did not take them out hunting – they went out by themselves. He said that, before hunting the next day, they would come and speak to him and his wife and ‘just sit down and talk about old times, about the old people who’ used to be there, and ‘stories like that’. This can be seen as a process of ‘presenting oneself’. It is also, however, a form of introductory social courtesy that would apply in many non-Aboriginal situations.
  6. Leo Thomas said that his brother Preston Thomas had ties in Kanpa (Kanpa is outside the Wongatha Claim area – Preston Thomas lives in the community there) ‘because he went through – because that’s where his father come from’. Leo Thomas said that he does not have to get permission from any Aboriginal people to stay at Kanpa because ‘the people up at Warburton’ know that he has ties up there because of his father. So far as other places are concerned, the right thing to do Wangkayi way is to talk to the old people first and they will tell you that you can come to their area – ‘it’s a courtesy thing’.
  7. May O’Brien said that she can go anywhere because she is known everywhere on account of her work in education. She said she can go the Mulga Queen because the people there know her – she is a Wongatha person and can go around the area without asking permission. However, she added that there are ‘protocols’ that require you to ask. In this case, Ms Thomas is respected because Mulga Queen is ‘in her country’. She said that people will ring up Ms Thomas and ask if they can come, and Phyllis Thomas will say ‘Come, with open arms, come’.
  8. Later, May O’Brien said, if she wanted to go into the Cosmo area, she would ask the Murray family first because she has respect for the Murrays there. She said the Murrays are still friends of hers, that Frances Murray grew up at the Mount Margaret Mission, as did her late husband, and she (May O’Brien) taught some of their children at the Mount Margaret Mission school, so she would telephone Frances Murray and say ‘Look, Frances, can I come?’. Her answer in the present respect is best set out in full:
the Murray family, and the other family and yes, but once and for all my spiritual and emotional ties are in the Linden and that area, but because the, taking into consideration the other Aboriginal people who are from that area [the Cosmo Claim area], and who are on the Wongatha Claim, so be it, we’re claiming it.’

  1. Dennis Forrest said that if he went to the Aboriginal community at Warburton (outside the Wongatha Claim area) without advising the community members in advance, he would be likely to be speared. He also said that he would not visit the Cosmo community (within the Wongatha Claim area) without first telephoning Harvey Murray to ask where he could camp. He said that he would not ‘just plonk [himself] there and say, “You can try and push me off”’, because, like most people, he has ‘a bit of kunta’, ‘a bit of shame’ in him. Asked about his own ngurra, he said that if people came and started ‘building a community or something like that ... common courtesy would be to ask the Aboriginal owners, so to speak, for their permission to come on that country because otherwise it’s kunta wiya’ (my emphasis). He said that the reason why he would ring Mr Murray is because that is ‘Wongatha way’.
  2. Mr Forrest’s evidence addresses three distinct situations. The first relates to the Aboriginal community at Warburton. His evidence in this respect is consistent with other evidence in the case that the law is strictly observed in that community. The second situation relates to a hypothetical visit to the small remote Cosmo Aboriginal community. The circumstances of its small size and remoteness make it inevitable that any person wishing to go and camp there would establish contact first (the same observation applies to the community at Warburton). It would be discourtesy not to do so. The third situation relates to Dennis Forrest’s own ‘ngurra’. I suggest that his answer is frank and illuminating. I think it clear that he was not prepared to say that there was a general rule that under traditional law and custom, an Aboriginal person wishing to enter upon his (Mr Forrest’s) ngurra, should either seek permission or let him know that the person was going to be there. The references to the extraordinary building of an Aboriginal community, ‘common courtesy’ and ‘the Aboriginal owners, so to speak’ are also revealing. Kunta wiya becomes their failure to show ‘common courtesy’ and respect to the Aboriginal elders of the area.
  3. Kado Muir, an MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant, gave evidence that people entering on Ngalia country should ‘alert us’ of their movements. This evidence is not evidence of papaluka. He accepted that non-Ngalia people would frequently in fact use Ngalia country, and, on the spot, he could think of only one instance of persons seeking permission – a family checked with his mother, Dolly Walker, if they could take wutha (bush potatoes) from a site (the site, the timing and the surrounding circumstances were not identified). His state of mind on this matter is not probative of that of the Wongatha Claim group, because he is not a Wongatha claimant. If his reference to non-Ngalia people includes Wongatha claimants, his is some evidence that the Wongatha claimants do not acknowledge and observe the law or custom suggested, at least in so far as it relates to land that the Ngalia claim.
  4. Garry Sullivan said that when he goes hunting kangaroos out Mulga Queen way, he always calls into the community to see the people in Mulga Queen, in particular, his cousin Phyllis Thomas and her daughter Vanessa Thomas. He also said that he goes hunting up to Cosmo or to see his brother Mervyn Sullivan or cousin, Rhys Winter, who live in the community there.
  5. Eric Thomas’s evidence of the lighting of a fire incident in the 1950s is noted below at 5.6(a)(b) [2335]. Dimple Sullivan also gave evidence of an event when she was a child (she was born in 1922) in which a group of naked Aboriginal people were encouraged by her family to come into Laverton for ‘white fella food’, and the two groups communicated by smoke signals. On this occasion, her family lit fires to let approaching people know where they were camped. Cyril Barnes gave evidence of a practice of ‘pupulagu’, which he last saw when he was about 13 or 14 years old at Mount Margaret and at Leonora (he was born in 1935). The practice he described was one of drafting Aboriginal people into their skin groups when they came together in large gatherings (Gay Harris also described such a practice). It is irrelevant to the present topic.
  6. Phyllis Thomas, an MN claimant, said that when she calls to see her aunty, Dimple Sullivan, in Laverton, they ‘papula’ or greet each other. This is likewise irrelevant to the present topic.
  7. It is not suggested that access protocols apply at the boundaries of the Claim areas. If that were suggested, the existence of the overlaps would present difficulty.
  8. According to Group 6A, the fact that all GLSC Claim groups rely on the WDCB as the society whose traditional laws and customs give the group rights and interests claimed, gives rise to the following ‘unanswered and unanswerable conundrums’:

(a) What is the basis of the differentiation between the four GLSC Claim groups (and between each of them and overlapping non-GLSC Claim groups)?

(b) If laws and customs of the WDCB allow for overlapping but separate groups, what are the laws and customs that provide for reconciliation of conflict?

(c) Why have overlapping claims been made in the areas around Leonora and Laverton, but not further to the east?

  1. The evidence does not provide satisfactory answers to (a) and (b). Indeed, the statement at of the GLSC submissions, that the Wongatha and overlapping claimants ‘have common ancestors and are intermarried’, reinforces the absence of differentiation. The reason why the evidence does not answer (a) and (b) is that Western Desert traditional laws and customs do not recognise any of the GLSC Claim groups (or any of the other Claim groups) or the Claim areas: see 3.6(c)(3) and (4).
  2. In relation to (c), Group 6A asks these rhetorical questions:
it is asserted by the GLSC applicants that they are all part of the WDCB and the WDCB extends to the north and east of the [Wongatha] claim area, is it not startling that in areas to the east there are no discrete groups who assert native title rights over the claim area or parts of it? Is it not an odd WDCB traditional law or custom that allows for identical rights of different groups in the north and western part of the claim area, but nowhere else?’

I do not find (c) to be a conundrum. In fact there was an overlapping claim, the Pilki Claim, to the east, and the Wongatha applicants amended the Wongatha application to excise the part of the original Wongatha Claim area that was the subject of that Claim (see 1.1 [4]).

  1. It is telling that the GLSC submission is not that access protocols apply at the boundaries of the GLSC Claim areas. Thus, the GLSC submission is not, for example, that at the Wongatha/Cosmo boundary, Western Desert traditional laws and customs oblige Cosmo claimants to present themselves to representatives of the Wongatha claimants before entering the non-overlap Wongatha area. Yet this is the kind of case that would have to be made if mutual recognition of Claim group areas and Claim groups as the holders of rights and interests in them, were sought to be proved.
  2. Again, who would have the right to be asked where a stranger wished to enter upon an overlap area?
  3. In fact, as noted earlier, the GLSC submission relates to the ‘my country’ areas of individuals. This is yet another illustration of the fact that, on the evidence, if anything, native title rights and interests are held at the individual, not the group, level. This does not, however, overcome all difficulty. Apparently the holder of a ‘my country’ area is not entitled to be asked by another claimant within the same Claim group.
  4. Some witnesses gave evidence to the effect that the seeking of permission is not required today. Examples are Christopher Johnson, Geoffrey Stokes, Mervyn Sullivan and Thelma O’Loughlin. Some said that while protocols relating to the seeking of permission technically or theoretically existed, they were ignored. In assessing the testimony on this topic, it is necessary to remember that the protocol as suggested, must relate, not to visiting a community, but to entering upon an individual’s ‘my country’ area. Evidence that a person would telephone the Cosmo or Mulga Queen Aboriginal Community before going up there for a visit does not advance matters. For example, Luxie Hogarth said that when she used to visit her daughter when she (her daughter) was living at Mulga Queen, she would telephone Phyllis Thomas’ daughter Vanessa Thomas and ask her to let Ms Hogarth’s daughter know that she (Ms Hogarth) was coming up for a visit. The circumstances would make prior contact of that kind inevitable.
  5. It is possible that, traditionally, an ‘access protocol’ operated simply when one group approached the camp of another group (consider, for example, the evidence of Eric Thomas as to the lighting of a fire by which one group announced to another that it was approaching). It may have originally had to do with intrusion into an area where one group was already deriving sustenance from the land. This idea would have something in common with contacting a remote community before visiting it. It would have to do with respecting the people already in place, as distinct from their ‘ownership’ of, or rights in, the land.
  6. Group 6A submits that the evidence touching the protocols or conventions relating to visiting or engaging in activities on the land the subject of an individual’s ‘my country’ assertion is not clear, and does not support the acknowledgment or observance today of a law or custom of the kind proposed. I agree. I am not persuaded to accept that there is either common acknowledgment or common observance among the Wongatha claimants of a protocol relating to access of the ‘my country’ area of another.
  7. Evidence was given by various witnesses which, in my view, support the following propositions:
    1. An access protocol has no application in the towns where many people live.
    2. It has no application where the person is already known to the residents of the area in question.
    3. In the case of such remote communities as Mulga Queen and Cosmo, practical exigencies and common courtesy require that a person will not go there to stay or perhaps to camp and hunt or in any other way be a potential intrusion on the community without first letting those in charge know that he or she is coming.
    4. Other reasons given for establishing contact in advance of a visit were that the newcomer wished to know the best hunting areas or wished to avoid any sacred sites.
    5. There may also be a protocol according to which the elders in an area are entitled to be asked before any significant Aboriginal activity is undertaken in ‘their’ area. This respect for the elders would not have anything to do with the holding of rights and interests in a ‘my country’ area, and, in any event, the evidence relating to it was slight.

Conclusion

  1. In my opinion, it is not proved that there is acknowledged and observed a law or custom relating to a right to be asked for access, that has a reference either to the Wongatha Claim area or to any of the other Claim areas before the Court, or to individual ‘my country’ areas within it or any of them.
  2. This subject (the ‘right to be asked’ access protocol, and the associated kunta wiya concept) is also addressed in subsequent chapters.

(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising the native title

  1. The Wongatha applicants state:
is submitted that the evidence supports a finding that the holders of the common or group rights comprising the native title within the claim area are the Wongatha people and the three other GLSC applicant groups in relation to their respective overlap areas, all as members of the WDCB who through Western Desert laws and customs are entitled to assert rights and interests under a “my country” or broader familial relationship to their various claimed areas.’

  1. This submission betrays the ever present problem of the composition of the GLSC and other Claim groups, in so far as they are based on rights and interests possessed by individuals in ‘my country’ areas. The submission begins by suggesting that the holders of the particular native title claimed are the Wongatha Claim group (referred to as ‘the Wongatha people’) and the three overlapping GLSC Claim groups. Then the submission elides group claims and individual claims. I do not understand how the Claim groups can hold group rights and interests ‘as members of the WDCB who through Western Desert laws and customs are entitled to assert rights and interests under a “my country” or broader familial relationship to their various claimed areas.’ A Claim group is not a member of the WDCB and does not have a familial relationship to its Claim area. Those concepts are relevant to individuals and to ‘my country’ areas claimed by individuals.
  2. If the Wongatha applicants’ submission amounts to a concession that the other three GLSC Claim groups or individuals in fact share the very particular native title claimed by the Wongatha Claim group, a problem for authorisation would arise (see 4.1 [1170] ff). However, I do not understand the submission to go so far.
  3. Why, it must be asked rhetorically, does the Wongatha Claim group have group rights and interests in the first place? Consistency demands either that the sharing be at a group level or at an individual level. There is no more or less reason to say that the Wongatha Claim group has group rights and interests in the Wongatha/Wutha overlap and it shares that overlap with particular individual Wutha claimants, for example, than there is to say that the Wutha Claim group has group rights and interests in that overlap which it shares with particular individual Wongatha claimants. Again, the underlying problem is that claims of group rights and interests have been mounted on claims of individual rights and interests.
  4. The Wongatha applicants refer to their submissions at Ch 17, headed ‘Draft Determinations/Other Orders’, and the State and Group 6A refer to their submissions in response. At the risk of oversimplification, it seems to me that in Ch 17, the GLSC applicants invite me to mould a determination or multiple determinations that reflect my findings, irrespective of the groupings represented in the GLSC Claim groups. I assume that I would be required to identify all of the ‘my country’ areas in question, and the individual claims of rights and interests that have been established in respect of them. The Map of Five Possible Determination Areas (Annexure E to these reasons) is said to be one option available to the Court. The Wongatha applicants submit:
claims by the GLSC applicant groups are made on behalf of, a group enjoying, it is submitted, as a group, the rights and interests claimed to all of the area of their application. The delineation of that group is a matter for the court, on the evidence although descriptions have been submitted in the various Forms 1 and Points of Claim. As submitted earlier in these submissions, the court need not descend into ultimate detail: it need not and is not required at law, to identify each and every individual, at a given point of time, comprising the claimant group. Broad delineation only is required.

the purposes of the determination sought in these proceedings, no differentiation is sought as between different individuals or sub-groups or in respect of rights or interests enjoyed to all, or only parts, of the claimed area. The practical distribution and enjoyment of the group’s rights and interests for example, as between different classes of persons (eg “Wati” and others, men and women, mature adults and children or “boys”) under the group’s customs and traditions, is an internal matter for the claimant group to administer pursuant to traditional law [and] custom. Those detail[s], need not concern the court in the making of determinations in these applications.

  1. While it may be that some matters can properly be left to intramural group governance, a determination must comply with s 225 of the NTA (set out at 1.5[67]). In particular, it must identify the group of persons holding the group native title rights and interests, with sufficient precision to enable it to be known whether a person is or is not part of that group.
  2. The failure of the Wongatha claimants to formulate a determination that would satisfy s 225 points to the fundamental difficulty that the Claim groups and Claim areas are artificial constructs that came into being for the purpose of the making of the present applications, based on claimed individual rights and interests in ‘my country’ areas.

4.7 RELEVANT TRADITIONAL LAWS AND CUSTOMS

(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still acknowledged and observed; Acknowledgment and observance of laws and customs by the members of the applicant group and their ancestors since sovereignty

  1. As noted at 3.6(c)(5) [976] ff for reasons there given, and at [1875] below, I have decided not to reach a final view as to acknowledgment and observance by the respective Claim groups.
  2. The Wongatha applicants submit that the Wongatha claimants acknowledge pre-sovereignty laws and observe pre-sovereignty customs, subject to adaptations permissible in accordance with them. They rely upon the following:

(1) acknowledgment and observance of men’s law;

(2) acknowledgment and observance of women’s law;

(3) acknowledgment and observance of Tjukurr/Tjukurrpa (‘The Dreaming’);

(4) acknowledgment and observance of the concept of ngurra/ngurrara (country);

(5) acknowledgment and observance of the concept of pika ngurlu;

(6) acknowledgment and observance of gender restricted knowledge and protocols;

(7) observance/understanding of the section system or similar principles (‘skins’);

(8) common kinship system;

(9) acknowledgment and usage, in varying degrees, of Wongatha language;

(10) acknowledgment and acquisition of a personal ‘dreaming’ (totem); and

(11) personal relationship laws and customs.
Notwithstanding the references to ‘acknowledgement’ and ‘observance’, it is not clear how some of the matters mentioned are said to be laws and customs. The clearest example is ‘(i) Acknowledgement and usage, in varying degrees, of Wongatha language’. Another difficulty is the Wongatha applicants’ failure to identify precisely the respective laws and customs contended for.

  1. The GLSC submissions frequently refer to GLSC Appendix A. GLSC Appendix A bears the general heading ‘Observable Behaviour/Use/Activities’, and is divided up as follows:

Appendix A1 Residence in the Claim area

Appendix A2 Travelling and camping in the Claim area

Appendix A3 Hunting in the Claim area

Appendix A4 Bush tucker and medicine

Appendix A5 Use of natural resources

Appendix A6 Ceremonies and law business

Appendix A7 Caring for country and protection of sites

Appendix A8 [this appendix was not used]

Appendix A9 [this appendix was not used]

Appendix A10 Language

  1. Appendices A1 to A5 are instances of behaviours which do not necessarily point to a normative system, that is to say, to laws or customs. For example, people must reside somewhere. The question is whether they reside where they do because of some standard or norm. There can be many reasons why people reside where they do: employment opportunities; the availability of transport, educational or medical facilities; location of relatives and friends; a finding that a place is congenial; comfort with the familiar; limited experience of places further afield; a timid or unadventurous spirit; lack of financial resources to enable a relocation; and so on. And a person may have more than one reason. The question is whether all the circumstances make it proper to infer that the choice of place of residence is attributable to a law or custom.
  2. Similarly, travelling and camping was to be expected of semi-nomadic people. So were hunting and the use of bush tucker, bush medicine and other natural resources. Did they betoken a norm then? Do they betoken a norm today? I discussed this matter generally at 3.6(c)(5)[933]ff.
  3. Appendix A7 (Caring for country and protection of sites) calls for special comment. Caring for pools, rockholes and soaks may be akin to the environmental protection of Western society, but overlaid with necessity in times gone by, when survival depended on them. On the other hand, there may be a traditional obligation to care for a particular ‘country’. The evidence must be carefully studied to see why country was cared for in pre-sovereignty times and why it is cared for today. Nomadic survival is no longer a reason. On the other hand ‘care for’ a claimed ‘my country’ area and nowhere else would be significant. Dreaming sites would fall into a special category, and Dreaming sites are often water sources, or associated with them.
  4. It is necessary to consider what the witnesses say in relation to any particular activity, in order to know whether it is normative; that is, logically probative of acknowledgement and observance of laws and customs. That which may appear to be non-normative at first blush, may, on closer examination, prove to be normative after all.
  5. I addressed Appendix A10 (Language) at 3.6(f) [1024] ff and 4.6(a)(2) [1366] ff. Language does not point to a normative system.
  6. With respect to the GLSC submissions, a particular shortcoming to which I have previously referred is their omission to formulate each propounded pre-sovereignty law or custom. To take the ‘Acknowledgement and observance of men’s law’ as an example, one way of expressing the law or custom is that ‘All boys must be initiated’. However, the reference in the GLSC submissions to gender sensitive material suggests that a wider or more complex law or custom is perhaps propounded, such as:

It is only if one knows what the pre-sovereignty law or custom was, that one can know if it is still being acknowledged and observed.

  1. I will address below the evidence on these matters. It is voluminous, as are the parties’ related submissions. I do not propose to embark upon my own independent testing of all the submissions made against the voluminous evidence before the Court. I am addressing the parties’ submissions and have not pursued lines of inquiry that are not the subject of them.
  2. In assessing whether the Wongatha Claim group still acknowledges and observes the pre-sovereignty body of Western Desert laws and customs, it is not only those listed at (1)-(11) in [1441] above that must be considered. It is also necessary to take into account those mentioned at 3.6(c)(2)[739] ff which, it is common ground, are no longer acknowledged and observed, including, for example, spirit-children beliefs and cicatrisation.
  3. In making the findings of fact that I make in relation to the Wongatha and other Claim groups in relation to particular laws and customs, I have not relied on the demeanour of the indigenous witnesses, whom I accept as witnesses of truth. Of course, this is not to say that I have been persuaded by the entirety of the testimony of every witness – human recollection fails and can be distorted by factors of which the witness is not conscious, and one witness’s testimony can be more persuasive than that of another.

(1) Acknowledgment/observance of men’s law
General

  1. I will deal only with male initiation in this section. Other aspects of men’s law are dealt with below, such as, men’s restricted evidence relating to Tjukurr stories and sites (see 4.7(a)(3) [1513] ff) and pika ngurlu (see 4.7(a)(5) [1609] ff).
  2. In sum, the requirement is that all males must be initiated and that no male may marry and raise a family unless and until he has been initiated (see 3.6(c)(2) [816] ff). A wati is entrusted with knowledge of the sacred stories and sites, and has a responsibility to safeguard both.
  3. There can be acknowledgement and observance without 100 percent acknowledgement and observance. Nonetheless, there must be acknowledgement and observance by the Claim group. For this reason I think it necessary to pay some attention to the size and composition of the group.
  4. According to the Wongatha LIP, there were 820 Wongatha claimants at the date of filing (22 April 2002). The GLSC submissions do not propose a figure, range or proportion of male claimants one would expect to have undergone initiation if the requirement was completely and without exception observed. If one were to assume one half (410) to be males and to eliminate, say, one quarter of these as being below the age of initiation, one would be left with some 300 males whom one would expect to be watis. However, analysis of this kind has not been carried out by the Wongatha applicants. I do not, of course, suggest that my proportions are correct: it was for the Wongatha applicants to suggest an approach that would demonstrate acknowledgment and observance of the rule by the Wongatha Claim group.
  5. As noted at 4.6(a)(3) [1386] ff, there is no suggestion that men’s law is a distinguishing feature of any particular Claim group. Western Desert law transcends the Claim boundaries. Indeed, the GLSC submissions themselves refer to ‘a vibrant and continuing Western Desert men’s law amongst members of the various GLSC applicant groups asserting connection to claimed lands’ (my emphasis). On the evidence, men’s law belongs to all watis, whether from the Wongatha Claim area or from elsewhere in Western Australia, the Northern Territory or South Australia. Thus, any rights and interests associated with the status of wati are either individual rights and interests or group rights and interests where the group is ‘wati-based’. This does not mean, however, that male initiation is irrelevant to the present Claims: it is relevant to the acknowledgment and observance by the Claim groups of WDCB laws and customs.
  6. The Wongatha applicants rely on evidence that Wongatha claimants have ‘gone through the law’, that is, been initiated into the ceremonial and secret aspects of men’s law. These initiated claimants include: Christopher Johnson, Anthony Harris, Patrick Edwards and persons mentioned by Murray Stubbs, namely, Warren Blowes, Preston Thomas Jnr, Greg Newland, and Irwin Sullivan. Mr Stubbs said that he knew those four men were watis because of their having worn red headbands, a sign of an initiated man.
  7. The evidence does not reveal in detail the nature of male initiation (variously described as ‘going through the law (or business)’ or ‘being put through the law (or business)’). It was unnecessary for it to do so. In what follows I give certain general facts touching initiation, of which some evidence was given in public. I will use the present tense, but this does not imply anything about the practice taking place today.
  8. At law time or ‘business’ time, a number of watis travel ‘on business’, and, in the course of their journey, ‘grab’ boys and take them to an initiation site, where the boys are ‘put through’. The boys will have been drawn from a wide area. The process involves the boys spending a period of time living in the bush and learning secret matters from the watis, before returning to resume their normal lives. There was some evidence that at the end of the initiation period, when the time comes for the boys to rejoin their families, their sisters perform a dance welcoming them back. Patrick Edwards said that before the boys are taken away too, their sisters perform a dance for them, and that the boys’ parents, lying down on the ground, cry for them.
  9. Once put through, a boy is called ‘a wati’ or ‘a man’. As mentioned above, only watis may tell and be told about sacred sites or the stories associated with them, and they are ‘responsible’ for such sites. While the evidence did not define exhaustively the meaning of ‘responsibility’ in this context, it clearly included safeguarding against destruction, vandalism or other sacrilegious treatment.
  10. The Wongatha applicants also rely on the testimony of the following claimants in overlapping Claim groups that they had been through the law or were going through: Kado Muir (MN, NK 1 and NK 2), Kalman Murphy (MN and NK 1) and Troy Chapman (MN). But the fact that these non-Wongatha claimants have gone through the law is not probative of the Wongatha Claim group’s acknowledgment and observance of a law and custom relating to male initiation.
  11. The Wongatha applicants refer to GLSC Appendix F1, headed ‘Claimants who have been initiated – transcript references’. This one-page Appendix purports to list, with corresponding Claim group identification and transcript references, 28 Wongatha claimants, 6 Wutha claimants, 6 MN claimants and 1 Koara claimant (total 41 claimants) as the GLSC claimants who are said to have been initiated.
  12. Of the 41 men, eight do not appear in the LIP for the relevant Claim group, and apparently 11 do not appear in the genealogical chart for the groups. It is therefore difficult to identify the basis on which these persons’ names have been included as members of Claim groups.
  13. Fourteen of the 41 men testified, leaving 27 who did not. In some cases the basis on which a witness concluded that a man who did not testify was initiated is not apparent, and, in other cases, it is unreliable. I do not suggest that the only way to prove that a person is a wati is to call him as a witness. It should not be thought, however, that the gender-restricted nature of the evidence may explain why a wati could not have testified on the matter. It was always possible for the Court to hear evidence in gender-restricted session. Where evidence of initiation was led, it was at a very general level, eg, the fact of initiation, and where and approximately when the ceremony occurred. It would be unreasonable to expect more, having regard to the subject matter.
  14. As noted earlier, 28 men were listed as ‘Wongatha’ in GLSC Appendix F1 (‘Claimants who have been initiated – transcript references’). Of them, I can recognise 22 in the Wongatha LIP. Eight of them testified: Patrick Edwards, Anthony Harris, Danny Harris, Christopher Johnson, RM, Barney Morrison, Johnny Phillips, and Rhys Winter. Fourteen of the 28 were not called: Warren Blowes, Patrick Edwards’s son (who is not otherwise named in Appendix F1), Clarrie Green, Andrew Harris, Derrick Harris, Edward Harris, Brent (Dado) Johnson, Kirk Johnson, Greg Newland, Noel O’Loughlin, Irwin Sullivan, Lloyd Sullivan, Roderick Sullivan, and Rodney Winter. The Appendix labels a further six men as ‘Wongatha’ whom I cannot identify in the Wongatha LIP, or who are not identified sufficiently to confirm their status: Clint Harris, Jason Harris, Noel Harris (he is an LIP listed MN claimant), Kirk Johnson Jnr, Nye Johnson and Sean Vincent.
  15. Based on their omission from GLSC Appendix F1, 19 male witnesses who are on the Wongatha LIP have not been through the law. They include all seven male Wongatha applicants.
  16. The Wongatha applicants submit:
evidence, it is submitted, shows the existence of a vibrant and continuing Western Desert men’s law amongst members of the various GLSC applicant groups asserting connection to claimed lands. In addition many claimants gave evidence that they were aware of the existence and importance of men’s law or men’s law business. This has relevance for their own behaviour, and is also particularly important in regard to the concept of Pika Ngurlu, ... .’

I do not think that the figures alone in relation to male initation show a vibrant and continuing Western Desert men’s law among the Wongatha claimants, particularly in relation to the size of the Claim group and, generally speaking, how long ago the initiations took place.

  1. The Wongatha applicants also draw attention to the fact that from time to time in the course of testimony, when there was reference to people having gone through the law, it was met with consternation by indigenous observers. I agree that this did happen. There were times during the hearing when there was, what appeared to me to be, a spontaneous reaction by indigenous people attending the hearing to the giving of testimony, related, albeit indirectly, to men’s law. A notable occasion occurred early in the hearing when a number of women rose from their seats and expressed concern that a male witness should be giving evidence which they said they should not be hearing. In addition, at times individual witnesses demonstrated discomfort about certain lines of questioning relating to men’s law. I accept that there is sensitivity on the part of the Wongatha claimants to discussion of men’s law and matters related to it.
  2. I also accept that the Wongatha claimants respect watis and acknowledge their special position as custodians of the old traditions and of sacred stories and sites.
  3. The Wongatha applicants also refer to the importance of initiation in relation to ‘sensitive matters, such as heritage sites’. They refer to the testimony of Aubrey Lynch, who said:
only use Warburton People and heritage survey to assist – assist us in sensitive areas – areas, you know.’

The evidence is, however, a two-edged sword. While it shows that Wongatha applicants appreciate the necessity of having a wati participate if a sensitive area was involved, the implication is that there were no Wongatha watis with the knowledge required to perform the role, and that it was necessary to go to Warburton to find one.

  1. Aubrey Lynch agreed that, on a field trip in November 2000, he may have said that, if the Wongatha applicants could not ‘sort out’ the MN claimants’ claim to the Wongatha/MN overlap, they would have to get ‘the Warburton mob to tell us who is connected’. He explained that this was because in the old days information as to ‘who was connected to country’ in the Wongatha/MN overlap would probably have been passed on from elder people in the Wongatha area to some of the tribal people in the Warburton area. When it was suggested the same information would have been passed on to Wongatha people, Mr Lynch replied that all the Wongatha people who had had an involvement had passed on, that all the ‘real tribal people [whom they] roamed with’ had died. Mr Lynch said that the Wongatha people only used the Warburton people and heritage surveys to assist them in sensitive areas. This did not, however, include identifying which people were connected with which parts of the Wongatha area.
  2. I do not see how any kind of dependence by the Wongatha claimants on the ‘tribal’ Warburton people assists their Claim.
  3. The Wongatha applicants also rely upon gender-restricted (male) evidence, given at:

(a) Nyukali (Kado Muir)

(b) Station Creek (Kalman Murphy, Anthony Harris)

(c) Golden Cliff (Patrick Edwards)

(d) Cox’s Find/Murphy Hills (Patrick Edwards, FB, Dan Harris)

(e) Conference Centre, Kalgoorlie (Anthony Harris)

(f) Conference Centre, Kalgoorlie (Kalman Murphy)

The knowledge of stories and sites possessed by Kado Muir, Kalman Murphy and FB does not count as knowledge of the Wongatha Claim group because they are not Wongatha claimants. In any event, FB knew nothing about the site in relation to which he was called, and Dan Harris had learned about it only during the six-months preceding his being called, when he visited it with an anthropologist, apparently in preparation for the hearing. This leaves Patrick Edwards and Anthony Harris. The extent of their knowledge appears at [1476] ff below.

  1. Most of the men in the Wongatha Claim group have not been through the law, and, therefore, do not know about sacred sites or associated Dreamtime stories, or have responsibility for such sites.
  2. Some witnesses frankly acknowledged that law business has ceased to occur. The areas to which this testimony related, however, was not always clear. Moreover, evidence to this effect did not signify that there were no longer sites regarded as sacred because of their association with the Tjukurr and the law. Although criticisms can be made of individual parts of this testimony, I accept that its general effect is that law business and ceremonies have ceased to be vital within the Wongatha Claim area. Some of the witnesses spoke in terms of today’s generation not following the law, in contrast with ‘the old people’, or of male initiation in the area having died out, or of a change brought by Christianisation, or simply of a change in the times. See MW, Christopher Johnson, Cyril Barnes, Dolly Walker, Marjorie Strickland, and Mervyn Sullivan.

Testimony of Anthony Harris and Patrick Edwards

  1. Two witnesses, Anthony Harris and Patrick Edwards, gave evidence to a contrary effect, and I will turn to their evidence now.
  2. Anthony Harris gave evidence that men on law business pass through Leonora and other places on their way to Wiluna and Warburton. He said he has seen boys grabbed in the towns, taken away, and later return wearing the yakirri – the red headband indicating that the wearer has been through the law. He said: ‘I’ve seen them grab a couple from Leonora, Laverton, all over. Seen them grab them in Kalgoorlie as well’. Anthony Harris did not say when he saw these events, or, apart from the ‘couple from Leonora’, the numbers of boys involved, or their names.
  3. In cross-examination, Anthony Harris said he had seen grabbing of boys take place a dozen times before and a dozen after, he was initiated in 1995/6. He then said he saw the law men travelling through when he ‘was a kid’. He said he saw them grab Douglas Bingham and Sean Vincent in Leonora. Then his evidence as to his seeing Douglas Bingham grabbed in Leonora became unclear. He said Dougle Bingham was a Mardu person. He then said that he did not actually see Sean Vincent grabbed, but has seen him wearing the headband, and he lives in Leonora.
  4. So far as Laverton is concerned, the boys in question were on the truck with Anthony Harris when he was grabbed for initiation in 1995/6. Asked whether he had seen anyone than Mardu men grab boys, he said he had seen Patrick Edwards ‘grab a few people’. He did not say when or where. Nor did Patrick Edwards.
  5. Patrick Edwards said that the responsibility under the law for the men’s site at Minnie Creek (within the Wongatha Claim area) rests with him and with other watis from Cosmo, Tjirrkarli and Warburton. He said that Minnie Creek was an important site under men’s law for indigenous people of South Australia and the Northern Territory, as well as of Western Australia. He said that he had been on law business at Warburton, Wiluna, Jigalong, Laverton, Tjuntjuntjara, Warakurna and Blackstone. Of these seven places, all except Laverton are outside the Wongatha Claim area. He said that he had travelled on law business through Mulga Queen to Wiluna, and, on another occasion, through Leonora to Wiluna. He said he went through Mulga Queen about four times, the last time being about four months before he testified (that would be about July 2002), and through Leonora once in the year 2000. No men or boys from Mulga Queen joined them. He said they stayed in Leonora for about a day. Asked if any men or boys from Leonora or around Leonora took part, he replied ‘I think some blokes jumped on’. He said he could not remember how many, and could not say the names of any of them.
  6. With perhaps one exception, wherever a place of initiation has been referred to in evidence it has been, unless the evidence related to a time in the past, a place outside the Wongatha Claim area, such as, at Wiluna and Warburton. The exception is that Patrick Edwards gave evidence that about three or four months before he testified, five boys were put through outside Laverton, and that they comprised two boys from Laverton (one being his son and the other his nephew), one from Cosmo, and two from Warburton. He gave that evidence on 20 November 2002, and was therefore referring to an event of July/August 2002. Mr Edwards said that about 25 men were involved, and that he himself was involved over a period of some three weeks.
  7. Groups 5B/5F described this evidence as ‘anomalous’. However, Mr Edwards was not challenged on it. I accept his evidence that there was one initiation ceremony at Laverton in recent years, although I am not persuaded by all aspects of Mr Edwards’s testimony concerning it and otherwise. Moreover, I do not think that this single instance demonstrates an ongoing practice of male initiation within the Wongatha Claim area.
  8. In view of Group 5B/5F’s description of Mr Edwards’ evidence on the point as ‘anomalous’ and my view that it is a one-off event, I should say a little more about it. Mr Edwards gave the evidence in question in the final tranche of the hearing in November 2002. He identified his nephew who went through the law as the son of Desmond Jennings and Christine Smith, the former being a distant relation of his mother’s. Neither Desmond Jennings nor Christine Smith appears on any LIP. Mr Edwards identified the boy from Cosmo as Gerald Westlake.
  9. Mr Edwards insisted that the law ground at Laverton was still being used when he went through the law at Amata in South Australia in about 1989/1990. He said that for about the last five years he has been storing men’s law objects in a locked sea-container near the Aboriginal village at Laverton because they were being stolen.
  10. According to the agreed open statement of the evidence that Patrick Edwards gave at Golden Cliff (see [1501] ff below), he also said that there are three law grounds in Laverton, and that one of them had been used ‘about three times’ that year (2002). However, that evidence apparently related to the use of ‘the law ground’ at Laverton by the law men from Warburton on their trip to Wiluna. Mr Edwards said that the men from Warburton are the bosses for the law and what they say must be done. He said that there are ‘a lot of young people’ going through the Law in the Goldfields region; but agreed that most of the men in the Wongatha group have not been through the Law. When it was put to Mr Edwards that most of the males from Kalgoorlie, Laverton, Leonora and Mount Margaret are not going through the law, he replied ‘Not most of them but most of them don’t, most of them do.’
  11. Mr Edwards’s evidence seems to be that the men from Warburton conducted the ceremony at which his son went through. He said that it was because no one locally was taking responsibility for sacred sites, that the Warburton watis had insisted that he (Mr Edwards) store the sacred objects in the sea-container.
  12. Importantly, Patrick Edwards accepted that if law business was being conducted in the Laverton area, Aboriginal people living in Laverton generally, including non-watis, would be aware of the fact. Several witnesses live there, including Dimple Sullivan, Lois Laidlaw, Garry Sullivan, Celia Sullivan, and Danny Harris. Danny Harris is a wati, yet evidence was not led from him or the others that law business was still being conducted recently in Laverton.
  13. It will be clear that I do have some reservations about certain aspects of the testimony of Patrick Edwards. If all of his evidence to the following effect were to be accepted at face value, I would have expected evidence to have been led from other witnesses corroborative of some of these matters:
  14. I have the impression from his testimony that Mr Edwards is committed to the observance of Aboriginal law. In relation to the ceremony of July/August 2002, perhaps the visitors were not as numerous as 25, and perhaps they did not enter the town. There does seem to be a close relationship between Mr Edwards and the law bosses at Warburton. They had asked him to store the sacred objects in the sea-container.
  15. I do not accept Mr Edwards’s generalisations at face value, and I do not accept that the one ceremony of July/August 2002 demonstrates an ongoing current practice of male initiation within the Wongatha Claim area.
  16. Of course, initiation of the sons of Wongatha claimants anywhere is probative of acknowledgement and observance by the Wongatha Claim group of a law and custom relating to male initiation. The relevance of the location is that the question is raised whether the reason for the holding of the ceremonies outside the Wongatha Claim area is that there are insufficient occasions for the initiation of the sons of Wongatha claimants to warrant the holding of initiation ceremonies within the Wongatha Claim area.
  17. It should not be overlooked that the Wongatha Claim area is vast. Moreover, it is clear that, in the past, initiations did take place at Leonora and Laverton. Why have they ceased? The answer ‘[b]ecause there are insufficient boys in the Wongatha Claim group going through’ at least suggests itself. Again, the position seems to be different in the desert areas of Wiluna, Warburton, and Jigalong.
  18. There was evidence that several men who were initiated, some of them quite some time ago, were initiated at places outside the Wongatha Claim area; eg Sean Adams (Wiluna), Garry Ashwin (Wiluna), LA (Jigalong, Wiluna, Leonora and later at Wiluna), Troy Chapman (Wiluna), Brent Johnson (Ngaanyatjarra land), Christopher Johnson (Cundeelee), Nye Johnson and Kirk Johnson (Wiluna), MW (Jigalong), Anthony Harris (Wiluna) and Danny Harris (Wiluna). Of these, Brent Johnson, Christopher Johnson, Kirk Johnson, Anthony Harris and Danny Harris are on the Wongatha LIP.
  19. The listing of these names should not be allowed to give the impression that there is a current vital tradition. What would be required would be a close analysis to identify the date and circumstances of the initiation of each Wongatha wati – an exercise that the Wongatha applicants have not performed.
  20. Kado Muir gave evidence to the effect that nowadays, whether to go through the law is regarded by people as a matter for each individual, and there is no expectation that a boy will go through, or any sanction or disapproval if he does not. I accept this evidence. No evidence was led suggesting any form of ostracism or censure of males who do not go through the law.

Restricted Men’s Evidence
Kalgoorlie – evidence by Anthony Harris on 4 July 2002

  1. Mr Harris gave evidence of uses made of the Leonora law ground in recent years for purposes related to restricted men’s business. He said that because of where it is, it is now used only for emergency purposes, but that it could be put back into use in the future for men going through the law. Specifically, he said it had been used, when required, by men who had recently undergone, elsewhere, a stage in the process of being a wati. Mr Harris said he knew of the law ground being used for this purpose twice in the last few years, and added ‘and other people I know of them using it as well’. Mr Harris also spoke of secret things that he had observed at the law ground. It is not appropriate for me, in this public document, to disclose the purpose for which the law ground at Leonora has been used twice in recent years, but that purpose was not for the conduct of initiation ceremonies.
  2. I find that the law ground at Leonora was used for initiation ceremonies in the times of the ‘old people’, but is no longer used for that purpose. However, it remains available to be brought back into use in the future if initiation should ever resume, and it has in fact been used twice in the last few years for emergency purposes by unidentified people who have already gone through the law outside the Wongatha Claim area.

Station Creek – evidence given by Anthony Harris on 18 November 2002

  1. Anthony Harris gave evidence of the way in which men’s law and Tjukurrpa stories and songs are shared and held in common with Aboriginal people in Western Australia and as far away as Fitzroy Crossing, South Australia and the Northern Territory. He said that Warburton and Wiluna are the two main places for men in that particular area, and that men’s law is like a travelling thing, always on the move, not set in one place all the time, but, rather, here there and everywhere.
  2. Anthony Harris also explained a little of what happens when men’s law travels to and through communities, and something of how boys are taught knowledge of restricted men’s songs and stories about country. He said that the story told belonged to all of the initiated men present.
  3. Following the evidence, the Court was taken on foot to five nearby locations, where physical features forming part of the Tjukurrpa story were pointed out. The Court was also shown the remains of material which had been used to mark and protect the place as sacred. While the location evidence was given primarily by MN claimant, Kalman Murphy, Mr Harris said that he had been to the site as a child, when he did not know the significance of its physical features

Golden Cliff – evidence given by Patrick Edwards on 19 November 2002

  1. Golden Cliff is about 5 km south of Mount Margaret and about 1 km north of Lake Carey, and is not far from Trig Hill. Patrick Edwards told the Tjukurrpa story of the Wati Kutjarra. He described their travels near Lake Carey, Golden Cliff, Mount Margaret, Tjinintjarra, Laverton, Crawford Soak and Murphys Range. The story also included reference to the Seven Sisters. Mr Edwards pointed out some physical features, and described others, which represent some of the Tjukurrpa characters and their actions.
  2. Mr Edwards said that he had been taught all these things by older watis, after he went through the law, about 12 or 13 years earlier (that would be about 1989/1990). He told the Court that when the younger generation go through the law, they will be taught the same things and will look after these places.
  3. Mr Edwards’ evidence in chief concluded later in the day, at the Cox’s Find/Murphy Hills site (discussed at 3.3 [375]). There he said that he and Jackie MacLean had taken two men from ‘Aboriginal Affairs’ to the Golden Cliff site and arranged for it and three other nearby sites to be registered. In cross-examination (also at Cox’s Find/Murphy Hills) he said that he and Jackie McLean had taken those men to record a number of sites north-east of Laverton, and that prior to that trip, the party had travelled to Cosmo where he and Mr MacLean had consulted with elders to gain permission for the trip. Those elders were Mr Simms, whose country was identified as Jamieson, Mr Watson and Mr West, whose country was identified as ‘back around Warburton’, and Mr Westlake.
  4. Not long after going through the law, Mr Edwards was told by some older men, including Mr West, Mr Simms and Mr Green (whose country was identified as Tjikarrli) and Mr Duncan (whose country was identified as Blackstone) to keep an eye on all the sacred sites around Laverton and Mount Margaret, because things had been getting stolen and Aboriginal people who had not been through the law had been letting mining companies go in and destroy places. In re-examination, Mr Edwards explained that the idea of getting the sites protected had been his and Jackie MacLean’s, and added ‘Because we got a one certain really main place in ...’ (the place name is omitted).

Conclusion concerning ‘men’s law’ (relating to male initiation)

  1. As noted earlier, if male initiation was ‘vital’ among the Wongatha claimants, not only watis but other witnesses also would have been able to give evidence about its currency. The boys’ sisters performed a dance to welcome them back into the community from their time in the bush. Males would not be marrying unless initiated. It was a matter of general knowledge when and where ceremonies took place and of the arrival of law men for that purpose: it was only further detail concerning the ceremonies that was secret to watis.
  2. It is as much the lack of evidence as positive testimony that the law has fallen away that persuades me to make the findings set out below.
  3. I find that:

(a) that there is no longer a practice of Aboriginal males being initiated within the Wongatha Claim area; and

(b) that very few Wongatha claimants are being initiated at all.


  1. I am not satisfied that the Wongatha Claim group, as a whole and on a fair overall view, continues to acknowledge and observe Western Desert men’s law in relation to male initiation.

(2) Acknowledgment/observance of women’s law

  1. The Wongatha applicants rely on gender restricted female evidence given at two sites, Makarra and Mithilpithii, and state: ‘The submissions made in regard to men’s restricted evidence are equally applicable’. However, the evidence given at the Mithilpithii complex of sites was given by Koara claimants, Luxie Hogarth and Geraldine Hogarth, (see 6.6(a)(b) [2542]), while that given at Makarra was given by Dolly Walker, an MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant (see 10.6(a)(b) [3922] ff). No Wongatha claimant gave restricted women’s evidence.
  2. The evidence given does not support an inference that there is a continuing practice of women’s law, in the sense of the performance of ceremonies, although certain older women, such as Dimple Sullivan, know the whereabouts of ‘women’s sites’, and know stories associated with them.
  3. Wongatha claimant, Elvis Stokes, said that once when he was hunting at Chain of Waterholes, he was told that there was a women’s site in the ‘United area’. He said that he has never visited ‘Monument Rock with the Seven Sisters around or in that area’ because he is not a woman. I accept that Mr Stokes respects sites that he is told or knows to be women’s sites, and observes a rule against going to them.

Conclusion concerning women’s law

  1. The evidence does not support a finding of acknowledgement and observance by the Wongatha Claim group of a law or custom in relation to women’s law.

(3) Acknowledgment/observance of Tjukurr/Tjukurrpa (‘the Dreaming’)

General

  1. The Tjukurrpa was discussed at 3.6(c)(5) [749] ff, [775] ff. It will be recalled that the participating anthropologists agreed in their joint report that a characteristic of the Western Desert is ‘Tjukurrpa – the overarching concept of the dreaming’ (3.5(a) [411].
  2. The GLSC submissions state that a ‘common feature’ of all the Claim groups before the Court is the ‘central role’ of the Tjukurr in their customs and traditions.
  3. The GLSC submissions assert that the Tjukurrpa circumscribes the law of the Western Desert, provides physical proof of claimants’ rights and interests, and plays a central role in customs and traditions. Referring to the areas of agreement in the joint report of the anthropologists, the GLSC submissions state:
agreement as to the existence of, and unifying or common-character of the dreaming over this period [since 1829] is a significant agreement in this case. Such agreement about “shared traditions connected to the dreaming” and the existence of the dreaming itself, both prior to and since 1829, provides a firm foundation ... for the court to accept these parts of the GLSC Applicants’ claims; ie, that they are founded upon a continuing system of custom and tradition, focused upon the Tjukurr, reaching back in respect of the claimed areas prior to 1829, and continuing substantially uninterrupted to today.’
  1. In their primary report, Pannell/Vachon state that Tjukurr is often glossed as ‘the Dreaming’, and refers to ‘the travels and exploits of a number of mythological or totemic beings’. They state:
Wongatha people, physical proof of their cultural entitlement to the claim area is evident in the topographic features which comprise this region. These features were created by, or are the embodiment of, Tjukurr. As such, they stand as tangible proof of the continued presence of Tjukurr. For the claimants, Tjukurr do not represent inert mythological entities. Rather, they are regarded as animate beings imbued with both creative and destructive powers ...’

to the laws and customs of the claimants, Tjukurr not only shape the landscape of the claim area, but are also acknowledged as responsible for instituting the laws and customs which inform Wongatha society. For example, certain Tjukurr are credited with introducing ritual practices and regional ceremonial complexes, while other Tjukurr are associated with the introduction of the laws concerning marriage. The laws and customs attributed to Tjukurr are core elements in the production and reproduction of Wongatha society. In this sense, Tjukurr provide the claimants with their plan of life.’ (my emphasis)

No doubt para 4 of the Wongatha POC (noted at 2.1 [139]) was based, at least in part, on this passage – a passage on which the non-indigenous respondents seized as indicating the standard by which acknowledgement and observance was to be measured.

  1. The Tjukurrpa, then, is agreed to be an ‘overarching concept’ that is characteristic of the Western Desert; is claimed to be a core element in ‘Wongatha society’; and is claimed to provide the Wongatha claimants with their ‘plan of life’. I understand this emphasis placed on the Tjukurr to indicate at least a claim:
  1. The non-indigenous respondents suggest that the evidence falls far short of showing that the Tjukurr plays such a central role in the lives of the Wongatha claimants as is indicated by the words which I have emphasised in [1448] above,
  2. There is a problem here, in that it is not entirely clear what I am to look for as evidence of continuous acknowledgment and observance of the Tjukurr. What do Pannell/Vachon mean by their statements? What would it have meant in 1829 in terms of indigenous behaviour, for the Tjukurr to provide people with their ‘plan of life’? If the Tjukurr were to be regarded as nothing more than a mythological explanation of how the physical world came to be as it is, it might not be reflected in behaviour at all. The Wongatha submissions do not attempt to identify the pre-sovereignty measure of behaviour (after allowing for adaptation) for which I should be looking.
  3. Even if the evidence does not match the Pannell/Vachon description above, that would not necessarily signify that the Tjukurr is not important to the Wongatha claimants
  4. In addition, it will be noted that para 4 of the Wongatha POC and Pannell/Vachon state that the Tjukurr created or is embodied in the topographic features of the Wongatha Claim area. This suggests that the members of the Wongatha Claim group could reasonably be expected, on a fair overall view of them, to be familiar with those topographical features and with their Tjukurr significance.

Indigenous testimony of Wongatha claimants relied on

  1. At the outset, I note that there is to be expected a difference in the nature of the evidence given by watis and non-watis. An initiated man is told stories and given information that must not be revealed to others. Some of this information is related to sacred Tjukurr-related sites, and some is not. The significance of this, for present purposes, is that:
  2. I turn to those Wongatha witnesses mentioned in the text of the Wongatha submissions.
  3. The GLSC submissions refer to the testimony of numerous witnesses, and discuss that of Eric Thomas, Lorraine Griffiths, Aubrey Lynch, Rhys Winter, Anthony Harris, Cyril Barnes and Dimple Sullivan.
  4. Eric Thomas (a non-wati) said that he knew the word Tjukurrpa which, he said meant ‘Dreamtime story’ and had heard about the Seven Sisters story from his thamu Shannon. He said ‘That’s only the main one I always hear, about this Seven Sister one’. He was not immediately invited to relate the Seven Sisters story, but was later asked to elaborate. He did so by saying that his thamu Shannon told him that the Seven Sisters came up into Cement Creek where they ‘all fell down and formed into ... rockholes’. He said that that was all his grandfather had told him, but added ‘The other lot is too – too scary to talk about that these days’. He agreed that the Seven Sisters was a ‘woman’s Dreaming’, and added that his grandfather had told him only the part he had related. He said that he could not remember his parents telling him about the Seven Sisters or any other Dreaming, and that it was only his grandfather Shannon who had done so. Eric Thomas was born in 1936 at the Mount Margaret Mission hospital, and lived at the Mission until about 1951/1952. It was during that time, probably in the 1940s, that his grandfather told him these things.
  5. Eric Thomas also gave evidence that there was a Bardi Tjukurr place at Pyke’s Hollow, that his mother had told him about, and a yirlirl (honey ant) place near Granites, some distance from the sacred site there. He said that he was interested in protecting these sites and that he checks on them.
  6. Lorraine Griffiths said her parents had a yiwarra (track or path) from Yapupara (Lake Baker) through Yamarna, Point Salvation, Cosmo, and Tipa rockhole, to Laverton, and that they used the track ‘when they coming [to Mount Margaret and Laverton] for Tjukurr’. She said ‘Tjukurr is songs and corroborees’.
  7. In another passage referred to by the GLSC Ms Griffiths said that her Dreaming was the Emu, which was also a ‘totem’. Asked if the two were different, she said they were ‘different Dreamtime stories’. Asked to explain a totem, she said that sometimes a pregnant woman may eat something and become sick. She continued: ‘So when they say that’s your Tjukurr because my mum was carrying me’.
  8. Ms Griffiths said that she did not know any Dreamtime stories, or at least ‘not too well’, although she also said that she had heard that there was a warnampi at Cameron’s Well. She seems to have used ‘Tjukurr’ to mean ‘songs and corroborees’, and a personal totem.
  9. Aubrey Lynch (a non-wati) said that Tjukurr meant a Dreamtime story. He said that when he was a child out camping, his mother would tell him stories about the moon and the stars. In that context, he mentioned ‘the Seven Sisters’, adding ‘a lot of Dreamtime story, is passed on and in language we only, the word that we use is Tjukurrpa, that’s a Dreamtime story’. Mr Lynch also referred to dance: ‘we dance here, the Tjukurr story of the Seven Sisters’. He was referring to dancing that took place in times gone by. He said that there were Tjukurrs about many other things, but he could not think of any in the witness box. He likened them to nursery rhymes. Notwithstanding his evidence referred to above, Aubrey Lynch went on to say that he thought there were other Tjukurr stories – the Porcupine, the Bardi, and the Dog (or Dingo) story.
  10. Both Aubrey Lynch and Lorraine Griffiths asked counsel not to say the word Tjukurr . I do not attach particular significance to this fact. They both used the word and did not object on other occasions when counsel used it. The adverse reaction on two occasions may have arisen from counsel’s having pronounced the word in a way that made it sound like another word.
  11. Rhys Winter (a wati) said that he went through the law at Areyonga in the Northern Territory, but did not want to say anything about what he learned then because it was ‘very secret’ and ‘very sacred’ and was not to be told in front of women and children, and others who had not been through the law. He said that once he became a Christian in 1981, he understood that he was to put Aboriginal law away. However, when asked if Aboriginal law still had some importance to him, he said that he was not going to throw his ‘culture away altogether’, and that he still has his culture which is, for instance, to look after rockholes, and cook kangaroo the right way.
  12. Anthony Harris (a wati) said that the law grounds at Jigalong and Warburton (respectively north and north-east of the Wongatha Claim area) were significant for him because he went through the law there, but that Dreaming stories go all over Western Australia, including country between law grounds, such as between Warburton and Jigalong, and they are ‘all connected’. He said he does not know every one of the stories, but that there are ‘significant stories all through’. He also said that the law ground at Leonora is special to him because it was his grandfather’s. He was told when he went through the law, that the law ground at Leonora was his and that he had to look after it.
  13. Cyril Barnes (a non-wati) said that his father’s parents followed the Dog Dreaming track which led them to roam through country from Minnie Creek to Leonora. I take this testimony to be to the effect that his parents used the Dreaming track as a means of finding their way.
  14. Dimple Sullivan said that Tjukurr meant ‘Dreamtime’, and when she was asked whether she knew of a place called Mount Kilkenny (Mount Kilkenny is some 35 km south-east of Leonora), she answered ‘[y]es, that’s a porcupine Tjukurr’.
  15. In their supplementary report, Pannell/Vachon refer to transcript references where indigenous witnesses referred to Tjukurr:

(a) Seven Sisters;

(b) Wati Kutjarra (Two Men);

(c) Tjilkamarta (Echidna or Porcupine);

(d) Mingari/Ngiyari (Mountain Devil);

(e) Karlaya (Emu); and

(f) Ngarnamarra (Mallee Hen).


The Pannell/Vachon listing does not discriminate between Claim groups. For example, six witnesses are listed as having ‘acknowledged’ the Mallee Hen Tjukurr, but only three of them are Wongatha claimants. Evidence that the other three (Ray Ashwin, Dolly Walker and Phyllis Thomas) know about the Mallee Hen Tjukurr is not probative of knowledge of it on the part of the Wongatha Claim group.

  1. I will summarise the evidence given by some of the Wongatha claimants in relation to these six Dreamtime stories.

(b) Wati Kutjarra (Two Men)

(c) Tjilkamarta (Echidna or Porcupine)

  1. The Wongatha applicants cite the following additional references:

In most of these cases the witness did not recount a story, but identified the name of the story and in most cases the place or area to which it was related, sometimes adding a few words, such as ‘fighting in anger’.

  1. The Wongatha applicants list further additional transcript references of indigenous witnesses who referred to the Tjukurr. The Wongatha claimants are: June Madriaga (said that her totem was the porcupine); Celia Sullivan (said that when she was a child, her mother and aunt told her Dreamtime stories when they were sitting around the campfire); Bertha Thomas (said that when she was a child, they used to lie down on the canvas or tarpaulin, and their grandmother would tell them ‘about the stars and the emu in the Milky Way’); Geoffrey Stokes (said that there is a Seven Sisters site on Kookynie); Duncan Bilson (said that when he was a child he learned Dreamtime stories about the Seven Sisters by reference to the stars, but could not remember any other Dreamtime story, although he said there are stories that he knows but is not allowed to talk about); Ivan Forrest (said that his father told him that there was a Seven Sisters rockhole); RM (said he thought there was a story for a cave at the breakaway near Burtville, where he was born); Murray Stubbs (said his mother told him ‘the Dreamtime story’ for the ‘Yundamindra Camelback area’, and said that the story concerned two rockholes, one good and one bad for drinking, the explanation being that a dingo chased an emu and bit the emu on the stomach causing the emu’s bladder to burst and empty into one of the rockholes – the dingo slung the emu’s carcas up and that caused the hill to be black – that story is the only one that was passed down through his family although there would have been a great many Dreamtime stories associated with various places in his ngurra – there are other places his uncle told him about, but he must not speak about them, as he was not the appropriate person to speak about those matters, even in a gender-restricted session of the hearing); Dennis Forrest said that his father would identify stars in the sky as the Seven Sisters, and that there were seven rockholes supposed to represent them, which he identified when a video was screened – he said that all the law is linked ‘through the story lines’ but he should not speak about it – he said that Jeedamaya Flats is as it is because the mallee hen scratched around there.
  2. Finally, the Wongatha applicants rely upon gender-restricted evidence given in relation to specific Tjukurr/Tjukurrpa sites and stories (see [1496] ff).
  3. The Wongatha applicants also rely on several illustrated children’s books written by May O’Brien, a Wongatha claimant, in which six Aboriginal legends are recounted. One tells the Seven Sisters story, of which Ms O’Brien said:
story goes right through with the Koara people and the Wongatha people, going through right here, and it was enacted by – Laurel [Cooper] told us the story.’
  1. Dennis Forrest described the Tjukurr as follows:
people ... call it fairy stories. You can call them what you like, but it’s Wangkayis’ way of his understanding of where I am, why I am here and where am I going? That’s the best way I could sort of describe it. You know, how did this happen? Your description of the landscape, you know?’ (my emphasis)

  1. The Wongatha applicants conclude this part of their submissions as follows:
is submitted that the evidence of the claimants indicates a continuing knowledge of and transmission of knowledge to younger generations about Tjukurr/Tjukurrpa places; and (taking into account the evidence of initiated men such as Anthony Harris, Kado Muir and others) the continuing central importance of Tjukurrpa in Wongatha law and customs.’

I put to one side Kado Muir because he is not a Wongatha claimant. However, Anthony Harris is.

  1. The State responds to the materials cited by the Wongatha applicants, by advancing general propositions in the text of its submissions, to which were attached lengthy and detailed footnotes referring to the transcript.
  2. The nature of the voluminous testimony touching upon the Tjukurr varies greatly.
  3. Some of the witnesses do little more than mention the name of a story. Some know that a particular site is associated with Tjukurr generally or with a particular story, the name of which is given. Dimple Sullivan, a senior Wongatha claimant, demonstrated a detailed knowledge.
  4. I have no doubt that the Wongatha claimants know less of the Tjukurr than their ancestors did, and that it is less important to them than it was to their ancestors. In the case of many claimants, their knowledge was fragmentary and sketchy. The days of learning the Tjukurrpa through constant repetition of ceremony, song and dance have long since gone. On the other hand, I have summarised enough evidence to show that many of the witnesses know of particular Tjukurr stories and places.
  5. The State submits that notwithstanding the overarching role and importance attributed to the Tjukurr by academic observers:
reality for members of the claimant groups, as disclosed in their evidence, is that the Tjukurr is not of central importance or, in most cases, of much, if any, importance at all.’

The State further submits:

evidence in the proceedings in relation to the concept of Tjukurr does not reveal an acknowledgement, or even an understanding, of the concept that is coherent and comprehensible. It cannot, it is submitted, be properly described as overarching, unifying or as a core concept by reference to which the claimants are provided with a plan of life. Furthermore, it is submitted that what knowledge does exist in relation to Tjukurr amongst the claimant groups is in the nature of an intellectual awareness of the broad nature of the role the concept once played, or a piecemeal knowledge of some aspects of some parts of the concept, rather than the active and deferential regard that was noted to have been paid to the concept in parts of the Western Desert in earlier times. The depletion in knowledge and understanding of the details of the concept of Tjukurr and the concurrent relegation of the concept from being a “core element” in a vibrant society to its present status as a remembrance from a past era are, no doubt, interrelated. It is hard to imagine how a widespread loss of detailed acknowledgment and knowledge of the concept could have occurred if the concept had continued to provide the claimants with “their plan of life”.’

  1. In GLSC Appendix B3a the Wongatha applicants set out extracts from the testimony of 30 indigenous witnesses said to relate to ‘Tjukurr’. It is difficult to know what to make of Appendix B3a. The Tjukurr is a broad subject. There is evidence, for example, that ‘the law’ comes from the Tjukurr. Accordingly, the separation of Men’s Law, Tjukurrpa and pika ngurlu places in the parties’ submissions and in these reasons, although necessary, is somewhat artificial. The indigenous testimony relating to the Tjukurr, edited and extracted in Appendix B3a, is diverse.
  2. Appendix B3a reveals a variety of understandings of the Tjukurr on the part of the indigenous witnesses. I accept the following submission made by the State:
the concept is, as the GLSC Applicants’ submissions and the application seem to suggest, a cornerstone of the social order of the applicants, the level of variation in the understanding of that concept suggests that it may no longer be a common denominator amongst the claimants.’.
  1. Some of the witnesses listed in Appendix B3a testified to their lack of knowledge, rather than their knowledge, of the Tjukurr. Some of the edited extracts of evidence in Appendix B3a do not contain express references to Tjukurr. Generally speaking, the stories of which evidence was given were connected to places, but the connection between story and place was sometimes not extensive. Anthony Harris said: ‘Well my understanding is that in anything to do with water, there is, you know, Jila [snake] there’. Cecily Harris said ‘They [rockholes] always have a Dreamtime story about it’. Sometimes, the story was not known to the witness or had been forgotten. Generally speaking, Appendix B3a comprises passages of transcript in which the witnesses gave little or no detail of a story, but knew that a site and a story were associated. Sometimes, a key character in the story was also identified.
  2. Leo Thomas (a non-wati) testified that his mother told him ‘her Dreamtime story’ and told him before putting him to bed that he was not to look at the moon because it would come down and slice his head off, or at the stars or anything in the sky, because it was ‘men’s business’
know, there’s a lot of stories up there and it’s not for me, you know, tell you the men’s stories because, as I said, I respect it and my brother and my two nephews they would be good. I respect if that’s the way they want to go, that’s their business. So, if there are any other men with them, they should tell you the story, but I can’t. ... And I’m a strong believer of, you know, all of – I’m a strong believer in Aboriginal stories.’

It may be that Leo Thomas knew a story or stories but was saying that, as watis¸ his brother and two nephews were the appropriate people to tell it or them.

  1. May O’Brien testified at length about Aboriginal stories or legends that were the subject of her children’s books, each one telling a story that she had been told by her grandmother and aunty. She said that when she was a child, she and other children were told these stories by ‘the grandmothers, the kaparlis’ around the campfire in response to the children’s questions about natural phenomena, such as, why the crows were black and how the lakes came into being. She said that they were told that the lakes came from the tears of the crows, and added:
so that’s their interpretation of why that lake is a lake and why that whatever it is, is that; it’s our interpretation. But we now read from white man’s books and they tell us something else.’

Ms O’Brien said that she wrote her books because there was a dearth of Aboriginal story books; stories ‘are not written, we’re verbal people, we’ve passed on from word of mouth ... [so] our Wongatha kids will feel proud of these stories, and they are’. She said she was told the stories by people who have now died, and now ‘as a senior person in the Wongatha claim it’s [her] duty and role as a custodian of these stories to pass it on’.

  1. In its submissions, the State referred to the limited evidence in relation to personal totems, which were sometimes described as, or by reference to, Tjukurr. The State submits:
has been described in evidence comprises fragments, broken sequences and discontinuity. This evidence hints at complete, epic, stories that once existed but which are no longer known. Furthermore there was, in the evidence of many individual witnesses, an indifference to the concept and a lack of concern as to the patchiness of the witnesses’ own understanding of it.’

  1. The State addressed the evidence of five Wongatha applicants, Aubrey Lynch, Leo Thomas, Les Tucker, Sadie Canning and Ron Harrington-Smith, in relation to Tjukurr.
  2. Aubrey Lynch, a non-wati, mentioned the Seven Sisters and ‘maybe the moon or whatever up in the sky’. He said: the Seven Sisters we dance here, the Tjukurr story of the Seven Sisters’, apparently referring to a practice of his childhood years. He said there is a Seven Sisters rockhole at Menzies on the Mount Ida road. He also referred to a Porcupine Tjukurr at Murrin Murrin, and said that there was a Bardi Tjukurr just off the road between Yundamindra and Mount Celia, and a Dog Tjukurr at Leonora which travels to Warburton (that has been passed on by the Nyungar people and other people that met in the old days). He said that Aboriginal people pick up Dreamtime stories when they are children in the same way as non-Aboriginal children pick up nursery rhymes. He said he had not learned the names of places where the Dreaming stories travelled and had not discussed Dreaming stories with his father. Asked whether he had learned the names of places where Dreamtime stories travelled in Wongatha country, Mr Lynch said he had only learned Dreamtime stories from his mother and had never followed Dreamtime stories as much as other people did.
  3. I referred to some of the testimony of Leo Thomas at [1552] above. He said his mother had told him: ‘Don’t look at the stars, you know, don’t look at anything in the sky because it’s men’s business’. The State submits that he did not suggest that his mother’s warning formed part of the overarching concept of the Dreaming. I take the latter warning to relate in some way to aspects of the Dreaming that relate to Men’s law. He claimed to be ‘a strong believer in Aboriginal stories’. I am not sure what he meant by this claim: that he believed strongly in the importance of stories or that he believed the stories themselves. He did not tell any Aboriginal stories, and the statement follows his account of his mother putting him to bed.
  4. Les Tucker did not mention Dreaming or Tjukurr or Tjukurrpa.
  5. Sadie Canning was asked if she had ever heard any Aboriginal stories relating to certain rockholes, and replied that she had heard a story about two crows fighting in nanirri (anger). She said that she was told the story by old Aboriginal people whose names she could not recall. It was the only evidence Ms Canning gave of a Dreamtime story.
  6. Ron Harrington-Smith, a non-wati, claimed to have a ‘good knowledge’ of ‘Dreaming stories’, and said:
one’s to look at the whole of the Wongatha claim, they, of course, you know, the Dreaming used to always criss-crossed the whole of the claim’.

He said that there were a lot of Dreaming stories that he was told about, and named the Dog (Papa) Dreaming, the Emu (Karlaya) Dreaming, and the Kangaroo (Marlu) Dreaming. He said he did not elaborate on the stories, saying ‘It’s a thing we got to hold very close to our hearts and we just can’t deliberately, you know, say too much, and that’s all about it’. As a non-wati, Mr Harrington-Smith could not have a good knowledge of wati-only stories, such as the Kangaroo (Marlu) Dreaming. However, there are other stories that are not restricted. I have difficulty with his claim to have a ‘good knowledge’ of Dreamtime stories that he was not at liberty to reveal.

  1. Mr Harrington-Smith’s use of the past tense in the passage set out above is interesting. Why did he say ‘used to’ and ‘criss-crossed’? The stories do not have a limited life span. Perhaps he meant that their real significance lay in the past.

Increase sites

  1. Aubrey Lynch described the Bardi Tjukurr with which his mother was involved. He said that when one travels on the road between Yundamindra and Mount Cecilia, there is a Bardi Tjukurr just off the road which he and the anthropologist, Mr Vachon, had registered. He said that his mother used to clean up that area and claimed that if you looked after it you would be able to go out and dig many bardi there. Aubrey Lynch did not suggest that he regularly cleans up that site today for that purpose.
  2. Janice Scott said that her father had told her about what he called the makuparlulpayi, a rock about the bardi, at Yundamindra. She said that in order for the bardi or ngirriki to be plentiful you have to go to the rock and clean it. She said that she had told others, including her children, about it so that they too could look after it.
  3. The only other Wongatha claimant who gave evidence potentially relevant to this topic was Eric Thomas. He said that there is a Bardi Tjukurr at Pyke’s Hollow (close to the western bank of Lake Carey and about 40 km south-south-west of Mount Margaret). He said that his mother told him that there was a Bardi Tjukurr there. He said that there is a honey ant site near Granites, about eight miles from Pyke’s Hollow. He said that about every two months he checks that both sites are not being interfered with. When asked what he does about those places, he replied:
go there and just keep sort of eye on it and walk around it and think of the old – the granny – what she tell us, the story about that place, and so you got to – you just to keep look-out on it and keep it in good condition and nobody can go in there and touch it.’

Eric Thomas does not say that either site is an ‘increase site’, but clearly they are Tjukurr sites which he actively seeks to preserve.

Conclusion concerning Tjukurr/Tjukurrpa (the Dreaming)

  1. The present topic raises the question, what is meant by ‘acknowledgement and observance’ of the Tjukurr, as distinct from knowledge of it.
  2. Two particular forms of activity that were apparently once related to the Tjukurr have ceased among the Wongatha claimants. The first is the learning of the Tjukurr through repetitive ceremony, song and dance. The second is the performance of increase rituals at increase sites.
  3. A third behavioural aspect of the Tjukurr is the avoidance of sacred Tjukurr sites. I do not think that any Wongatha claimant would knowingly enter upon a sacred Tjukurr site. I discuss pika ngurlu sites below at 4.7(a)(b)(5).
  4. I infer that the Wongatha Claim group, as a whole, has knowledge, varying greatly between members, of various Tjukurr sites and stories within the Wongatha Claim area.

(4) Acknowledgement/observance of the concept of ngurra/ngurrara (country)

  1. My discussion under this heading is divided up as follows:

(ii) Terminology

(iii) The bases of the acquisition of ngurra (my country) area

(iv) General Issues

(i) General

  1. The Wongatha submissions do not set out what is attempted to be proved. What is the law or custom to which the expression ‘the concept of ngurra/ngurrara (country)’ is intended to refer? As I understand it, the Wongatha applicants’ intention is to prove:

Evidence that an individual claims country by reference to those pre-sovereignty laws and customs, and recognition of such claims by others, would be probative of present day acknowledgement and observance in the present respect. I discussed the traditional bases of claim to country at 3.6(c)(3) [828]ff.

(ii) Terminology

  1. In the indigenous testimony, several Aboriginal words related to country occur:

Ngurra;

Ngurrara;

parna (sometimes spelt ‘bunna’);

kapi (sometimes spelt ‘gabi’);

manta;

yiwarra; and

kurtu (or kurturta).

  1. It seems clear that the primary meaning of kapi is ‘water’ or ‘waterhole’. Water was necessary for survival, and kapi came to mean the place associated with the main waterhole close to one’s place of birth, to which place one belonged. Accordingly, ‘kapi’ meant one’s country in that particular sense.
  2. Yiwarra meant something like one’s ‘run’ or ‘roaming area’ or ‘hunting and foraging area’ or ‘track or pathway’ or ‘travelling area’, or ‘orbit of occupation’. A yiwarra was not the subject of ownership, and apparently refers to the range discussed at 3.6(c)(3) [844]ff.
  3. Kurtu (or kurturta) seems to mean something like ‘heart country’ or ‘the country a person knows best of all’.
  4. The most commonly used word to refer to an individual’s country area was ngurra. One meaning of the word ngurra is specific and very local: the wiltja (bough shelter) where one lived, or, nowadays, the house in which one lives. However, in addition to referring to a person’s camp or house, it refers to a person’s ‘my country’ area. For example, asked where her ‘ngurra or country’ was, Doreen Harris said that it was Cosmo.
  5. The words parna and manta seem to be synonyms. Apparently, their primary meaning is ‘ground’ or ‘earth’ but, like ‘ngurra’ they bear a broader meaning of an individual’s ‘my country’ area.
  6. The term ‘ngurrara’ presented a little difficulty. Cyril Barnes said that ‘ngurra’ meant his house or camp, but ‘whenever you come to area, it’s ngurrara’, then added ‘That’s my ngurrara there; that my ngurra. That ngurra could be there, but also it’s my ngurrara’.
  7. Ron Harrington-Smith said that ‘ngurrara’ referred to ‘the whole of the area that you roamed and lived off the land’. This makes ‘ngurrara’ signify much the same thing as ‘yiwarra’.
  8. Nancy Gordon, an MN claimant, said that ‘ngurrara’ meant ‘That’s their country. That’s their place’. Interestingly, asked what her father said about where his ngurrara was, replied: ‘Kapi Rirrti, that say it like this, the Kapi Rirrti is their ngurrara’. Later, Ms Gordon appeared to use ‘ngurra’ and ‘ngurrara’ as if they meant the same thing. In fact, yet later, she said that she did not know whether ‘ngurra’ and ‘ngurrara’ meant different things, but thought they meant the same thing – ‘country’. She said that her late father would say something like ‘ngurra, ngurrara ... and they’d name a specific place [she instanced Rirrti (Empress Spring)]’.
  9. Murray Stubbs said that whereas he calls the country from Menzies to Yapuparra, being his mother’s grandmother’s and thamu’s country, his ‘ngurra’, he calls the small area that he knows best where he has travelled, his ‘kurturtu country’ because it is his ‘heart country’ – the country he knows best. It is the country around Menzies, Leonora, Murrin, Yundamindra, Mount Celia and Laverton. That was the area where his parents, his brother Greg and he went hunting and camping. He said that that area formed part of his mother’s country.
  10. Geraldine Hogarth, a Koara claimant, said that she called the area special to her, her ‘manta’ or ‘home’, and that her spirit or kuurti belongs there. (Interestingly, Geraldine Hogarth distinguished between ‘ngurra’ on the one hand and ‘manta’ or ‘parna’ on the other, stating that her ngurra (meaning, apparently, her house) was in Leonora, whereas her ‘manta and parna’ was out from Leonora, starting at Leonora.)
  11. The State submits that the evidence does not show a consensus as to what is meant by the various Aboriginal terms mentioned. I agree that the meanings of these Aboriginal words may not be as clearly known and differentiated as they were before the language loss referred to previously. However, allowance must be made for several factors which lessen the force of the State’s submission. First, the large number of words indicating various relationships between people and land itself points to the importance of the land to the people. Second, no doubt in earlier times, the precise and distinctive meanings of the words were well known. Third, allowance must be made for the possibility that several words with the same meaning originated in different dialects.
  12. I do not think there is any disagreement that one meaning, perhaps the primary meaning, of ‘ngurra’ is one’s camp or house. Dimple Sullivan said that ‘ngurra’ meant one’s camp, while ‘ngurrara’ meant one’s country. However, Pearlie Wells’s evidence was clear that while ‘ngurra’ meant camping place or house (she said that the Mount Margaret Mission was her ngurra because her father built a house for the family there), all of the places she went camping with her father were also part of her ngurra. This shows that she regarded ‘ngurra’ as being also applicable to an area.
  13. Such uncertainty that exists seems to relate mainly to the distinction between ‘ngurra’ and ‘ngurrara’, and this could be due to two things. One is simply language loss. The other is the lack of discussion of the concepts represented by the language. I doubt that, prior to the advent of Native Title, the Wongatha claimants would have often discussed the question of ‘my country’ areas, so the occasion for use of, and differentiation between, the terms would have been rare.
  14. Notwithstanding this, the degree of confusion is not as great as the non-indigenous respondents would have it.

(iii) The bases of the acquisition of ngurra (‘my country’ area)

  1. The non-indigenous respondents submit that there is also confusion as to the bases on which an individual holds rights and interests in country. The allowance of multiple bases of connection is apt to present an unclear picture, at least to the non-indigenous mind, and to cause disputation, at least with the advent of Native Title. But the participating anthropologists, including Dr Brunton, agreed in their joint report, on a ‘multiple pathways of connection’ model (see 3.5(a)[411]).

(iv) General issues

  1. The Wongatha applicants submit that ngurra is primarily based upon place of birth and growing up. Clearly, they are using ‘ngurra’ in the broader ‘my country’ sense.
  2. Pannell/Vachon suggest that the evidence of the indigenous witnesses indicates that the ‘my country’ relationship begins at birth, and appears to depend upon, place of birth: ‘birthplace appears to be a fundamental anchoring in the system for the individual’. Pannell/Vachon acknowledge that place of birth is ‘the product of contingency and choices made by one’s parents [and that] AP Elkin once called this ... a “fortuitous principle”’. Later they state that a person’s country may or may not correspond to that of a forebear, and that the indigenous evidence suggests that the ‘my country’ relationship ‘from birth and growing up “follows” the father or mother usually where the countries correspond’. They add:
other words, where a forebear’s country is distant from one’s own, the “my country” relationship of a living person is not usually extended to include the forebear’s country, although people can, and often do, make assertions about their connection and relationships to this land.’

In summary, there is no difficulty where one’s place of birth occurs within one’s father’s or mother’s country, but otherwise the ‘forebear’s’ country is ‘usually’ disregarded for ‘my country’ purposes. On this analysis, place of birth is determinative in all cases, at least, where the place of birth was within the Western Desert. Group 6A refers to Anthony Harris who was born at Dampier, which he thought was the country of the Yindjibarndi mob, but who said that he took his grandmother’s country because she had ‘Wongatha blood’, as he does. It will be recalled that ‘place of ancestor’s country’ is a criterion for membership of the Wongatha Claim group alternative to the individual’s own birth and growing up within the Wongatha Claim area.

  1. The State submits that the Wongatha applicants’ reliance on the testimony of RM, Rhys Winter and Troy Chapman, an MN claimant, for the proposition that ‘my country’ areas are based primarily upon place of birth and of growing up, is misplaced. As will be seen, the different approaches of the Wongatha applicants and the State may be explained. The State emphasises the word ‘and’ in the expression ‘birth and growing up’. Accordingly, one’s ngurra is a place where both one’s birth and growing up occurred.
  2. RM said that his ngurra was Burtville because that is where he was born. His children’s ngurra was the Mount Margaret Mission because that is where they were born and that was their home. RM may also have grown up at Burtville. Asked what country he went to when he was in Burtville, RM said ‘all round there’ and mentioned three places around there. His children grew up in the Mission, at least to some extent. I do not think RM’s omission to refer to place of growing up is particularly significant.
  3. Rhys Winter said that his father, Charlie Winter, identified his country as being Rutter’s Grave, Wunda Soak, Ngarnyirri, Hunter’s Waterfall and Tatjarn, which are all within the Cosmo Claim area. He said his father told him that those areas were his country because he lived with his mother as a small boy and hunted in that area. He was born at Minnie Creek. Asked whether his birth there was relevant to his father’s country, Rhys Winter said that Minnie Creek would have been his country, but people do not live around there because it is sacred. Asked whether his father’s place of birth had anything to do with the area that Rhys Winter had named as his father’s country, he said that he supposed so: ‘It would be if you’re born somewhere, you’ve got to call it country, your country [under] Aboriginal law’. He was born at Kalgoorlie Hospital and grew up on Glenorn, Yundamindra and Erlistoun Stations, then in the Mount Margaret Mission and then at Laverton, Mount Margaret and Leonora. Rhys Winter identified his own country as the place where he lived, grew up, hunted, cooked kangaroo in the ground, collected bush tucker and looked after the land.
  4. Troy Chapman, an MN claimant, said that his mother’s country was the country where she was born. He said that his own country was Tjirrkirli and ‘this side of “Banjawarn and Bandya country”’. He said that his mother told him that that was his country, because it was hers and his grandfather’s.
  5. Apparently Troy Chapman claims country on the basis of what was his ancestors’ country was, rather than on the basis of his own place of birth and growing up.
  6. Most Wongatha claimants who testified, either expressly or by implication, claimed country on the basis of their place of birth.
  7. Pannell/Vachon assert that the primary evidence ‘strongly supports the view that the “my country” relationship is especially formed during the time an individual gains early sustenance from the land – where one “grows up”’ (my emphasis). This statement appears to be referring to the gaining of sustenance from the land in a ‘traditional’ manner. The Wongatha claimants have long since ceased to gain ‘early sustenance from the land’. Some of the older witnesses, however, did so.
  8. A particular Wongatha submission is that the Mount Margaret Mission could become part of a person’s ngurra or ‘my country’ area, if the person spent childhood years living there. Laurel Cooper said she regarded Mount Margaret as within her ngurra:
as a child I have more feelings in there [probably a reference to Murrin Murrin], but when I came in here [into the Mission] it was new here. I had to learn and sit at the table; I had to use the knife and fork; how to get in the baths, and to get in the clean sheets, and into big dormitory with high window way up there; everything was new. So I had to adjust to it.’

According to the Wongatha submissions, this is ‘a good example ... of adaptation but continuation of the concept of ngurra under circumstances of European incursion and removals’.

  1. It is an interesting question whether any principle of adaptation would permit the claiming of the place of a European institution in which one was accommodated, as part of one’s ngurra. Boarding schools, missions, hospitals, prisons and educational centres come to mind. I suppose the first question is whether pre-sovereignty laws and customs could have made a place to which one was taken part of one’s ngurra. Ms Cooper said that when she was six years old (1940-41), her parents placed her in the Mission to avoid capture by the Government and the police because she was a half-caste child. She remained there until she was 15-16 years old – for some 10 years. Is the applicable 1829 law or custom that ‘place of birth’ and ‘place of growing up’ qualify no matter what the circumstances were, leading to the child’s being born and growing up in a particular place? What were the pre-1829 laws and customs governing removals, forcible or voluntary, of children as between Aboriginal groups? If a young girl were taken in a warnmala raid, would the place to which she was taken be part of her ngurra?
  2. I pose these questions only to show the surreal nature of some of the issues that can arise. I need not resolve the question of the identity of Ms Cooper’s ngurra.
  3. The State submits that the Wongatha submissions seem to expand the meaning of ngurra to include one’s forebear’s country, that is to say, that ‘people may call their forebears’ country their own country’. The Wongatha submission cites testimony of Jessie Evans. Jessie Evans said that she followed her mother, not her father, for country, and therefore claimed her mother’s ngurra which is Linden. However, Jessie Evans also said that she herself was born and grew up at Linden, where the ration depot was, and claimed Linden as her ngurra because she was born and grew up there. Accordingly, Jessie Evans’s testimony provides an illustration of a coincidence of both bases of connection recognised in the Wongatha POC: ancestor’s connection and birth and growing up of the particular claimant. Interestingly, Jessie Evans added that she roamed in the Linden area and that her kuurti (spirit) was in Linden.

Connections to areas other than a person’s ‘my country’ area

  1. Several witnesses referred to areas which were not their ngurra but with which they had ‘connections’ of various kinds. Sometimes they would add such a statement as ‘I can go there’ or ‘they know me there’. The general idea conveyed was that the person would be ‘recognised’ and ‘accepted’. The evidence relating to such places was vague, but suggests that those connections provide a basis on which the person can activate rights and interests even if he or she has not done so to date. Under the multiple pathways of connection model, connections can be activated and de-activated, so that one’s ‘my country’ area can change during life (see 3.6(c)(4) [895] ff.

Failure of Dr Pannell and Mr Vachon to assess critically the indigenous testimony

  1. A difficulty which I have had with the expert testimony of Dr Pannell and Mr Vachon is that they do not seem to make a critical assessment of any of the indigenous testimony, in the sense of testing it for consistency or inconsistency with established Western Desert laws and customs. Rather, they make what they can of whatever the indigenous witnesses say. In fairness, in relation to the present topic, they make this concession:
admit there is a difficulty here in interpreting the evidence. Distinguishing a claim of rights and interests in an area or making a native title claim from assertions of “my country” is difficult in the context of the present hearing.’

New connections

  1. Pannell/Vachon say that ‘[l]ater in life an individual can establish new connections to place, often a considerable distance from one’s own country’. They say:
these ties to ngurra come about through acknowledging and observing what is often termed “the Law”. Through participation in this regional tradition of interlinked tracks of Tjukurrpa and ceremony, a person acquires new interests in places and new rights as an Aboriginal person. These places may be well outside the Wongatha Claim area and the overlapping claim areas.’

Pannell/Vachon do not identify any particular aspect of the law, the acknowledgement and observance of which would give rise to such new connections to distant places. I find it difficult to understand how the substitution of a new ngurra for an old, and the notion of changing rights and interests, could be accommodated to s 225 of the NTA.

Multiple bases of connection

  1. I discussed multiple bases of connection to areas defined by reference to Tjukurr sites and tracks at 3.6(c)(3)[839]ff.
  2. Pannell/Vachon assert that culturally valid connections to country and associated interests are not confined to those of a ‘birth/growing up’ and ‘relative’s country’ nature. They say that the place where a man is initiated is an example of such a ‘connection to country’. They cite Anthony Harris’s testimony that watis from anywhere can go to law grounds anywhere, once the local people tell them where the law ground is (‘They’re all connected. All that law is the same law. You know, the Northern Territory, South Australia, Western Australia, the three existing States that do practise the law, they all do it together’). His testimony there, however, had nothing to do with acquiring a connection to country.
  3. Perhaps more importantly, it is not explained how place of claimant’s initiation can be accommodated to the POC criteria for membership of the Wongatha Claim group (2.1 [129]).

Hunting, gathering, camping

  1. Pannell/Vachon state in their supplementary report:
witnesses from various claimant groups also expressed the view that they share a common “human” right, as Aboriginal people, to hunt/gather and camp on the Claim Area (including the overlap areas) and adjacent lands. Such a common right is extended to Aboriginal individuals living on and connected to lands within the Western Desert cultural bloc and, at least hypothetically, to any Aboriginal person. This is supported by R. Berndt’s finding, as we note in our original report ..., that Western Desert land-using groups were not restricted in their movement or exploitation of resources. In our view, however, this proposition is over-stated if taken without further elaboration. We intend to show that the primary evidence, consistent with our findings, shows that the claimants’ possession, occupation, use and enjoyment of land and its resources is both endorsed and limited by the acknowledgment and observance of their common laws and customs.’

  1. In this passage, the authors suggest two kinds of rights or interests: a ‘my country’ kind which is unique to the individual, and a ‘human right’ kind of all Aboriginal people in which the individual shares. I have discussed earlier the matter of protocols relating to access to the ‘my country’ area of another person (see 4.6(c) [1404] ff). I am not persuaded that at sovereignty there were protocols that were observed before one entered upon the ‘my country’ area of another. Given the semi-nomadic lifestyle, the vast, arid, inhospitable nature of the Western Desert, and the consequential comparatives sparseness of population, it is difficult to imagine how such protocols would be observed. Observance of common courtesies and practical exigencies when approaching another group are a different matter.

Conclusion concerning ngurra/ngurrara

  1. As I indicated at 3.6(c)(3) [879], I cannot recall a witness who claimed a ngurra or ‘my country’ area, identified by reference to Tjukurr sites and tracks. Multiple pathways of connection, as represented in the indigenous evidence, presents a complex picture. There seems to be no limit to the kinds of connection that can be relied on, provided they gain acceptance. All depends on assertion and recognition. But what kind of assertion and recognition by whom? The difficulty of these questions is sharpened by the Native Title context and overlapping claims in which they are now asked.

5) Acknowledgment/observance of the concept of pika ngurlu
General

  1. The GLSC Form 1 states that the laws and customs derive from the Tjukurr and ‘include the key interrelated concepts and practices relating to ... pika ngurlu, being places associated with Tjukurr and associated ritual ceremonies and practices which continue to be respected, avoided and protected by the claimant group’ (see 2.1 [138]). There was evidence that ‘pika’ means ‘sick’ or ‘sickness’, and that ‘ngurlu means ‘frightening’. The general idea seems to be that people, particularly children, are taught to be frightened of places to which they must not go, and that if they go there, they will become sick or suffer some other misfortune. Thus, the expression pika ngurlu refers to a place that is sacred and is not to be visited except by watis. If a non-wati visits it, that person or a member of his or her family is likely to be punished or to suffer some ill fate, such as an injury or sickness. In addition, such places are not to be spoken about except as between watis.
  2. A rule that pika ngurlu places must not be visited or spoken about is clearly normative, as distinct from a neutral form of observable behaviour. It is a law or custom, although not itself a right- or interest-conferring one. It is capable of being acknowledged and observed, and is obviously relevant to the issue of continued acknowledgement and observance by the Wongatha Claim group of the body of Western Desert laws and customs.
  3. There was evidence that some sites are ‘women only’, but the expression ‘pika ngurlu’ seems to have been used only in relation to ‘men (wati) only’ sites.
  4. The GLSC submissions quote the following extracts from the Pannell/Vachon primary report:
ngurlu is most commonly used by the [Wongatha] claimants to describe some sites or ngurra within the claim area (and outside of it), associated with certain Tjukurr. Pika ngurlu places are most often associated with one of the major Western Desert Tjukurr and, as such, are associated with regional ceremonial complexes. As this suggests, the concept of pika ngurlu operates at a number of levels: the individual, Wongatha society, and the wider Western Desert community.’

and

complex relationship between Tjukurr, ngurra, knowledge and ignorance mediated by the notion of pika ngurlu, structures the realm of what is sometimes glossed as “secret” and “sacred” by both claimants and anthropologists. The claimants also speak of this configuration of “Wangkayi Law”.’

Evidence and submissions

  1. In the text of their submissions, the Wongatha applicants cite testimony of Dimple Sullivan, Elvis Stokes, Christopher Johnson, Lorraine Griffiths, Mervyn Sullivan, Bertha Thomas, Phyllis Thomas (an MN claimant), Kalman Murphy (an MN claimant), Troy Chapman (an MN claimant), Thelma O’Loughlin, Dennis Forrest, Albert Newland (a non-claimant), Duncan Bilson, Maisie Harkens, Cyril Barnes, Stewart Evans (a Koara claimant) and Nancy Gordon (an MN claimant).
  2. The State discusses the testimony of those 17 witnesses, then the testimony of four further witnesses, Geoffrey Stokes, Justine Westlake (a Cosmo claimant), Ashley Blake and Preston Thomas, who, according to the State’s submission, were quite unsure as to what pika ngurlu entailed.
  3. The Wongatha applicants also refer to references made by witnesses to pika ngurlu places in terms of places where ‘they were absolutely forbidden to go on pain ... of sickness and/or punishment’, and assert that examples are noted in the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report. Pannell/Vachon cite the following witnesses and accompanying transcript references: Eric Thomas, Aubrey Lynch, Elvis Stokes, Richard Evans, Stewart Evans, Paddy Walker, Verna Vos, Brett Lewis, Gay Harris, Cecily Harris, Luxie Hogarth, Janice Scott, Anthony Harris, Gavin Murray, Ashley Blake, Dimple Sullivan, Dennis Forrest, Kalman Murphy and Preston Thomas.
  4. The position is quite unsatisfactory. First, the State seems to have overlooked the listing of these witnesses in the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report, although the Wongatha applicants referred to it in their submissions. Second, the Wongatha applicants have not distinguished between Wongatha and non-Wongatha claimants. By including non-Wongatha claimants, the Wongatha applicants are relying on the testimony of non-Wongatha claimants that they know of and avoid pika ngurlu places, but such evidence is not probative of acknowledgement and observance by the Wongatha Claim group. Third, by including non-Wongatha claimants in its own list, the State impermissively relies on evidence that, according to the State, the witnesses were uncertain about the pika ngurlu concept, yet uncertainty on their part cannot tell against the Wongatha Claim group.
  5. I will put to one side all non-Wongatha claimants, including Janice Scott, who are not LIP listed claimants in any Claim group. As noted elsewhere, Preston Thomas was an LIP listed Wongatha claimant, but this was an error, and he is not a Wongatha claimant.
  6. The State submits:
the most part, the evidence of the witnesses who made mention of pika ngurlu suggests an awareness of a past practice and an understanding of the meaning of the words “pika ngurlu”, but not a belief in the continuing binding operation of it. This is consistent with the way in which other practices of the past have been described in evidence, but does not indicate the existence of a vital and functioning system. These characteristics are reinforced by four other observations that might be made in relation to the evidence on the subject of pika ngurlu. Firstly, it is to be noted that most witnesses said nothing on the subject. Secondly, where witnesses did refer to the concept, the reference was typically little more than describing the meaning of the words. Thirdly, ... different witnesses have described the concept in different and inconsistent ways. This suggests that there is no longer a wide consensus as to the way in which this system should operate. Fourthly, even where a rule or system was described, very few witnesses were able to identify places in respect of which the system operated – there was certainly no broad consensus as to which places are pika ngurlu.’

The first sentence does not accurately represent the evidence. Much depends, however, on what is meant by ‘belief’. It is a difficult question whether a witness truly believes in the ‘illness or other misfortune’ sanction. Several witnesses said that they believe in, and teach their children about, the pika ngurlu prohibition.

  1. It is wrong to say that most of the witnesses said nothing on the subject of pika ngurlu. Group 6A is closer to the mark when it submits that 11 of 45 Wongatha witnesses do not mention the subject. It may be that the correct figure is seven rather than 11.
  2. The evidence given by the various Wongatha witnesses varies as between them, as is to be expected. While they described the concept of pika ngurlu in different terms, I do not think there was any fundamental inconsistency in their accounts.
  3. It is true that pika ngurlu places were not identified (with the exception of Pirlpirr (Minnie Creek)). It must be recalled that the case put is that only watis know the precise whereabouts of the pika ngurlu sites. Of course, the case put is also that others know their general whereabouts so that they can avoid them. It would have been possible for the Wongatha applicants to seek an order that non-wati evidence as to the general location, and wati evidence as to the precise location, be given in a closed session. I agree with the State that in the present respect, the evidence was not entirely satisfactory.
  4. The indigenous testimony relating to pika ngurlu places must be assessed in the light of the fact that the witnesses live in towns or communities, and no longer follow a nomadic lifestyle. Therefore, they are not, in their day to day lives, confronted with occasions for avoiding pika ngurlu places. Accordingly, it is apt to mislead to think in terms of the Wongatha claimants, in their daily lives, ‘avoiding’ pika ngurlu places.
  5. However, I am satisfied that a person who knew that a particular place was pika ngurlu, would not visit or discuss it because of either:
  6. The awareness of the existence and identity of particular pika ngurlu places has faded with time. It is a question of fact and degree whether the evidence touching on pika ngurlu places shows, or contributes to showing, the continued existence of a vital and operative system of laws and customs.
  7. In their supplementary report, Pannell/Vachon state that the access protocol they discuss does not relate to pika ngurlu places, and that in relation to them, the rule is ‘unambiguous’: uninitiated people must not access such places or (at least be seen to) know specific details about them. Pannell/Vachon say that ‘[w]itnesses speak of illness and severe sanctions for transgression, knowing or not’, and assert that uninitiated adult males express a responsibility to protect pika ngurlu places ‘within their country against damage’ by engaging wati.
  8. I accept:
  9. I will now consider the testimony of the Wongatha claimants to which reference has been made above.
  10. Dimple Sullivan (born in 1922), said that pika ngurlu was the Aboriginal word for ‘that business or those sacred things’. Asked what pika ngurlu meant, she said: ‘It’s a sacred thing like, you know, weapon and all that’. She said, ‘We not allowed – supposed to talk about them things too much’. Ms Sullivan said that if someone was to talk about a pika ngurlu place, the person might be killed. Asked which people would or might do the killing, she said ‘Laverton people ... their own people, they would kill them’.
  11. I do not accept that if a person were to speak about a pika ngurlu place today, the person would in fact be murdered by his or her own people at Laverton. This is not to say, however, that to do so would not be an affront attracting disapproval and even social ostracism. It would. Dimple Sullivan appeared to be describing either an ‘ideal’ or an actual feature of earlier times. That is to say, I do not accept that she believes that a person who spoke about a pika ngurlu place today would be murdered. Her testimony does show, however, that she feels that there is a strong traditional law against speaking about pika ngurlu places.
  12. Elvis Stokes (a non-wati born in 1959). The following exchange occurred:
McKENNA: And you were talking about those pika ngurlu sites earlier, ... and you said that you were told not to go places. Apart from the fact that you know not to go there, do you know anything else about them?
STOKES: No. We was told not to go there, and we never even question them. McKENNA: Right. And you don’t know – you don’t know exactly where they are?STOKES: No.McKENNA: And you don't know what they’re about, either, really.STOKES: No, I don’t know what they’re about.’

Later, Elvis Stokes said that one pika ngurlu site to which he had been referring was at Ida Hills near Laverton, but he was later told he was free to visit that site and has done so.

  1. The State submits that Mr Stokes’s evidence does not suggest that he adhered to any law or custom. I disagree. Does the submission depend on Mr Stokes’s ignorance? Ignorance on the part of a non-wati is consistent with the nature of pika ngurlu places as described by Pannell/Vachon and in the Wongatha applicants’ submissions. Is the State relying on Elvis Stokes’s testimony relating to Ida Hills? Mr Stokes said that Ida Hills was once a law ground, and, he thought, a pika ngurlu site, that it was ‘moved’, and that the old people at Mount Margaret said that it was safe to go there. There was other evidence in the case of the relocation of law grounds.
  2. There is no substance in the State’s submission. In fact, the further detail to which I have referred tends to strengthen Mr Stokes’s evidence that as a non-wati he would follow a law or custom against visiting pika ngurlu places.
  3. Christopher Johnson (a wati born in 1949), was grabbed at Cundeelee to be put through the law and stayed in the bush about nine miles out from the Christian Mission there for some three months. He was asked whether he had encountered trouble travelling around, and said that after doing his time down at Cundeelee, he felt fearless and at ease, he was able to go anywhere, because ‘After you come out the Aboriginal custom you got a passport
    to go anywhere without being afraid.’ It is possible that in making this statement, Mr Johnson had in mind pika ngurlu places, but the passage is also explicable as a general statement that an initiated man is widely respected and acknowledged. He did not mention the concept of pika ngurlu. The State submits that Mr Johnson’s later evidence suggests that for him and on his ngurra, there is no restriction upon anyone. Mr Johnson said:
there’s no really such thing as something sacred to be hidden. It’s just like talking about the Dreamtimes, Seven Sisters Rockholes, that Mallee Hen Tjukurr with the rock formation looks like; there’s no such really something to hide from anybody – anybody can go anywhere, if they want to travel round there.’

At that point, however, Mr Johnson was referring only to his ngurra, which he defined as being around Menzies. Elsewhere, he said he could not speak about Minnie Creek because females and uninitiated males must not hear about it. Later, he said that only a person who has been through the law can speak about ‘the Aboriginal sacred heritage part’ of country.

  1. I have no doubt that Mr Johnson knows that there are sacred places that may be visited and spoken about only by watis like himself. Whether he believes that sickness or other physical misfortune will befall any non-wati who visits them or speaks about them, his evidence does not permit me to determine. However, I have no doubt that he believes that social condemnation would follow, and I think it would.
  2. Lorraine Griffiths (born in 1930) said that a pika ngurlu place is sacred to men, and that if she were to talk about one, she would get into trouble, even to the point of ‘death’, possibly a reference to her death from sickness or accident, not necessarily murder. She said that the only pika ngurlu place she knew was one at Pirlpirr (Minnie Creek). Asked whether she knew of any pika ngurlu places in the Mount Margaret area, she said that the missionaries, Mr and Mrs Jackson, used to tell the girls, including herself, not to go to certain places. She would have understood them to be referring, not to places sacred to watis, but to places that were dangerous for children. I am satisfied that Ms Griffiths’s understanding is that a pika ngurlu place is a place sacred to men’s business, that there is one at Minnie Creek, and that ill will befall a non-wati who speaks about such a place.
  3. Mervyn Sullivan (born around 1945) said that there were places to which one does not go. He instanced Minnie Creek. His father told him of several places, which he may not identify and which are called pika ngurlu places. He said:
several here in town [he gave evidence in Laverton] too like old corroboree grounds. Like over at the Reserve, you can’t go down past the Aboriginal Reserve here now, down towards the creek, even today because they used to have corroborees over there and things like that. There was the ceremony or whatever.’

  1. Mervyn Sullivan also said that there are women’s secret sites associated with Dreamtime stories that his mother told him, he must never visit. I accept that when he was a child (that would have been in the late 1940s or the 1950s), his mother did tell him this. He said that there is a women’s site about eight or nine km out of Laverton that has a fence around it which was installed by a mining company, probably Sons of Gwalia. It would have been helpful to have more detailed evidence on the circumstances and purpose of the building of the fence. Mervyn Sullivan does not refer to the consequences of a non-wati visiting a sacred site.
  2. Bertha Thomas (born in 1934) said that when she was living at the Mission, her father told her that there was a place to which she must not go. She has never been there. She said that the Aboriginal expression for places where one must not go is pika ngurrara. Although her testimony does not reveal why she was told not to go to the place, I accept that the reason is that the place was a pika ngurlu place.
  3. Thelma O’Loughlin (born in 1949) said that when she was working at ‘Welfare’ in Leonora during the 1960s there was a hut near the airstrip, which is still there. Her father had told her that she was not to go there and that it was pika ngurlu. She said she accepted his instruction and did not question it. Her father had said that it was ‘men’s business’. I assume that she was referring to a conversation in the 1950s, which was when her parents bought a house in Leonora.
  4. The State submits that Ms O’Loughlin did not explain what she understood the designation ‘pika ngurlu’ to mean. That is true, but other evidence establishes at least that it refers to a place which a non-wati must not visit. Ms O’Loughlin knew that the place was pika ngurlu because it was associated with men’s business. She did not give evidence of her belief as to the consequences of a non-wati visiting a pika ngurlu place.
  5. Dennis Forrest (born in 1957) said that pika ngurlu places are big law business places and that he must not go there because he is a murulya, that is, an uninitiated male, ‘a boy’. He said he has followed the instruction to keep away from pika ngurlu places ‘to the letter’. It is odd, therefore, that earlier, he said that his uncle, Paddy Walker, an initiated man or wati, recently took him to a pika ngurlu place near Niagara, which is associated with the Porcupine (Tjilkamarta) Dreaming, and showed him ‘exactly’ where the place was. He said that the site was about 600 to 800 metres from Niagara Dam as you are going in on the road, and that he was surprised that his uncle took him there. Mr Forrest did not say whether he expected that he or Paddy Walker would become sick or be punished. No explanation was offered for the violation. Mr Forrest said that he does not know how many pika ngurlu sites are in his country, and that perhaps there were only three, although there may be more. Mr Forrest said that if he would go into some of these pika ngurlu places, ‘even unwittingly, unknowingly’, he ‘could get a spear in the leg or they could kill [him]’ and that ‘bad things’ could also ‘happen to my immediate family’.
  6. Duncan Bilson (a non-wati born around 1949) said that when he was about seven or eight years of age (mid to late 1950s), his parents told him that there were places called ‘pika ngurlu’, which meant that they were ‘sacred ground’, to which he must not go. His parents used the expression ‘pika ngurlu’, but the expression ‘sacred ground’ is his own.
  7. Maisie Harkens (born in 1937) said that ‘pika’ and ngurlu’ are two words, ‘pika’ meaning ‘sick’ and ‘ngurlu’ meaning ‘frightening’. ‘Pika ngurlu’ ‘has a stronger meaning’, and indicates a fearful place, or a place to which one should be frightened to go, and the visiting of which will make you sick. She agreed that neither ‘pika’ nor ‘ngurlu’ alone meant ‘place’.
  8. Cyril Barnes (a non-wati born in 1935) said that when he was a child, he saw initiated men going to law places, from which they told the children to keep away. He said that at the time the expression ‘pika mayiyaka’ was used, meaning ‘don’t go there, very sacred’, but in recent times the expression ‘pika ngurlu’ has been introduced. He said that there is a pika ngurlu place three or four km north west of Fourteen Mile Well. He said he knew it to be a ‘pika ngurlu’ place, because ‘they told’ him not to go there. Apparently he was referring to the initiated men of his childhood. He said that he had heard ‘pika ngurlu’ only in the last seven or eight years and had not heard the expression when he was a child growing up at Mount Margaret (in, say, the 1940s). He said that ‘pika’ meant ‘sacred’, or more strictly, ‘sickness’, whereas ‘ngurlu’ meant ‘frighten’. He said he knew of other pika ngurlu places, but not in the same area. He said he has told his sons about the pika ngurlu sites that he knows.
  9. The additional Wongatha claimants referred to in Pannell/Vachon’s supplementary report are Aubrey Lynch, Gay Harris, Cecily Harris, Anthony Harris and Preston Thomas.
  10. Aubrey Lynch (a non-wati born in 1937) said that when he was living with his parents, his parents and other people would tell him of places at Mount Margaret where he was not to go, the main place being Wilson’s Hill. He said that it was when corroborees and things like that were taking place, that it was a prohibited area. The prohibited area was called njurlutjarra. His father called it parnangurlutjarra.
  11. Gay Harris (born in 1946) said that when she was a child travelling around with her parents they would say ‘don’t go over that way, don’t go over to that hill’ because they were ‘men’s business’ places. She said that they would call the place a ngulangga. Gay Harris said ‘pika ngulangga’ which she said meant that if you went to the place you would cause yourself to become sick. She said she did not know what was at the places and just knew that she was forbidden to go there, and she obeyed. She said that she still teaches her children and grandchildren not to go to certain places ‘For safety. I don’t want them harmed’.
  12. Cecily Harris (born in 1944) said that she was told not to go to certain ‘ngurlunga places’. She said she knew not to go to certain places because she would see the old men going there. Asked whether anybody these days worries about those ngurlunga places, she replied ‘of course, they still do’. She said that there are womens’ gathering places and men’s gathering places. She said that there are sacred sites. For example, one is not allowed to go across the (Leonora) airstrip because there is men’s business over there. As well, there is a site on Weebo Station where people must not go.
  13. Anthony Harris (a wati born in 1973) said that there are places like a men’s law ground or a women’s ground where the women or men must not go. Some places have things that must not be touched and if a person who must not do so goes there and touches them, the person will get sick. He said he goes to the old Leonora law ground to check that it has not been damaged and sometimes goes to other places just to check. He said ‘if you’re a man, you’ve got to look after – you get given that right to look after them sort of things’.
  14. Preston Thomas (a wati born in 1948, but a non-claimant) said that when he was living in Laverton, his parents told him where he must not go around Laverton. He indicated by reference to a map of the layout of Laverton that he drew, where the men’s law ground and women’s law ground were. He said that he and the other children were told not to go past a certain pipeline that he indicated, because that was pika ngurlu country, a ‘no-go; you can’t go that area’. He was told in those days that if you went into that area, you could easily be punished or killed, so he and the other children never went into that area. Preston Thomas emphasised that he was describing the position when he was in Laverton in the early years, and that Laverton has now changed.
  15. The State refers to certain witnesses whose testimony, it submits, indicates an unawareness of what the notion of pika ngurlu entails.
  16. Geoffrey Stokes (born in 1962) said that when he and his father were driving along, his father would say ‘pika wanti’ meaning that there was a ‘serious’ place to which he was not to go. He said that ‘pika’ meant ‘sore’ or ‘sick’, while ‘wanti’ meant ‘leave it’. He said he was told that there were sacred sites to which only men or only women could go. He said he has kept away from the places he was told about.
  17. The State seems to suggest that Mr Stokes’s testimony shows that he did not know whether it was only he, or others as well, who must stay away from pika wanti places. Mr Stokes did say, when asked whether it was only he or other people too who must stay away from those places, ‘Other peoples. I don’t know you’ll have to ask them’. The answer is equivocal. He meant that other people should, but he did not wish to say anything more concerning others. They should speak for themselves.
  18. In any event, other testimony he gave is to the contrary of the State’s submission. Asked whether he was told why he should keep away from pika wanti sites, he said ‘Yes, because they – they sacred sites. Men – only men or only women go there, you know.’
  19. Mr Stokes’s also recounted a recent event. He said that he was in his vehicle chasing a kangaroo in the Glenorn area, and the kangaroo went down through a creek and up towards the bush, but he (Mr Stokes) saw some stones which he had never been shown, and he gave up the chase, stopped and reversed out. He later informed watis responsible for that area, his nephew Clarrie Green and his uncle Paddy Walker, because a lot of ‘our main old people’ have passed away and the old people left do not know all the places.
  20. This testimony is striking. Geoffrey Stokes clearly modified his behaviour because of what he understood to be a traditional rule binding on him. Whether the site proved to be in fact a pika ngurlu site does not matter.
  21. Ashley Blake (born in 1959), when asked whether there are any pika ngurlu places on his country, said that he had never been shown any ‘by the old people’; that he thought that there may be, but did not know; and that he and his children can hunt and camp anywhere on his country. However, he also said that ‘pika ngurlu’ meant ‘the strict place, you mustn’t go there’ and that the rules about pika ngurlu places are handed down from the old people and are never questioned. He said ‘you don’t go there, and you don’t look’.

Conclusion concerning pika ngurlu

  1. Generally speaking, the evidence in relation to pika ngurlu places is evidence of what the witnesses were taught as children some decades ago, by their parents and other adults. They accepted what they were told at face value and did not question it, their understanding being that pika ngurlu places were prohibited to them because they were associated with men’s business.
  2. I infer that the general body of Wongatha claimants know that there is a traditional law or custom that there are sacred sites that may be visited and spoken about only by watis. Many of those claimants would know of the expression ‘pika ngurlu’.
  3. I do not know how many would believe that illness or other physical misfortunate would befall a non-wati who infringed the prohibition.
  4. I have no doubt, however, that if an occasion were to arise, the Wongatha witnesses would not knowingly enter upon what they believed might be a pika ngurlu place (the testimony of Geoffrey Stokes provides an example).
  5. I think that there is still force in the concept of pika ngurlu. It is very difficult to determine whether the Wongatha Claim group as a whole knows the general location of pika ngurlu sites and avoids them. The testimony that was given itself varied from witness to witness. The occasion for active acknowledgement and observance does not arise as frequently now as it did in the past, because of the sedentary and urbanised lifestyles.
  6. It is clear the Wongatha claimants who testified do acknowledge and observe the rule against visiting pika ngurlu places, to the extent that the occasion for acknowledgement and observance arises. In addition, there is evidence that there are Wongatha claimants who still teach their children about pika ngurlu sites.
  7. On the whole, I think that there is still vitality in this pre-sovereignty law or custom.

(6) Acknowledgment/observance of gender restricted knowledge and protocols

  1. Again, the Wongatha applicants do not spell out the rule, the acknowledgement and observance of which is to be inquired into. I understand that it is a rule that certain gender related subjects must not be generally discussed. Clearly, such a rule has normative content, and is not simply a practice. It does not give rise to rights and interests in land, but is relevant to the question of acknowledgment and observance by the Wongatha Claim group of a body of laws and customs.
  2. The Wongatha applicants refer to the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report at [28], which simply gives the names of the following witnesses and accompanying transcript references: Lorraine Griffiths, Dimple Sullivan, Rhys Winter, Bertha Thomas, Dennis Forrest, Cyril Barnes, Anthony Harris, Dolly Walker (an MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant), Phyllis Thomas (an MN claimant) and Troy Chapman (an MN claimant). The Wongatha applicants cannot rely on the testimony of the three witnesses last mentioned as probative of acknowledgement and observance by the Wongatha Claim group, because they are not Wongatha claimants
  3. The Wongatha applicants also refer to the paragraphs of the Wongatha submissions under 4.7(a)(b)(1) ‘Acknowledgement/Observance of Men’s Law’, which I addressed earlier.
  4. Lorraine Griffiths said that when she was a girl accommodated in the dormitory of the Mount Margaret Mission, she could hear the singing of corroborees. She said that her mother and father told her that there were ordinary corroborees that could be spoken about, but there were also ‘pika ngurlu’ ones that women were not allowed to talk about. She said that talking about something like that would lead to serious trouble.
  5. Lorraine Griffiths was born in 1930 and was in the Mission from the age of three or four years (1933/1934) to 18-20 years (1948/1950), and so she was speaking of the situation in the 1930s and 1940s.
  6. Dimple Sullivan also gave evidence of her childhood experiences. She spoke of sacred ceremonies in which men only participated, and said that women and children had to stay under a blanket until the men came back to the camp. She was not allowed to watch the men as they left or as they returned. If a woman or child ‘moved’, the men would ‘hit’ the offender. She said that ‘pika ngurlu’ meant ‘a sacred thing like, you know, weapon and all that’. She said that she must not talk about those things too much, adding ‘If we do, we’ll get killed. They’ll kill us’. She said she remembered being camped with a big mob at Marntjal and at Wartu (both within the Cosmo Claim area) and coming into Laverton where the men finished off the ceremony near the rubbish tip. She said that she and the others, including the young boys, had to lie under the blanket.
  7. Dimple Sullivan was born in 1922, and was apparently speaking of her experiences in the 1920s or 1930s.
  8. Rhys Winter said that what he learned about the Dreaming when he went through the law at Areyonga in the Northern Territory cannot be told to women or children or males who have not been through the law, because it is ‘very sacred’. Rhys Winter was born in 1957 and went through the law in 1979.
  9. Bertha Thomas said that she knew that her father, Bert Thomas (Murtikurta) had something to do with the law, but did not want to talk about it because it was ‘men’s business’ and women are not allowed to talk about it.
  10. Dennis Forrest said that at Donkey Rock, the women used to camp on one side and the men on the other, and when a ceremony was on, the women stayed on their side. When asked what sort of place is the men’s side, he said: ‘[t]hey just go and do their business. I don’t know what they do. I can’t talk on there ... I can’t talk about that. ... I get in trouble.’
  11. Cyril Barnes gave evidence that when he was a child, there were initiated men whom he saw going up to law places, but he and other uninitiated people were not allowed to go to those places. The children would be told to keep away from those places. The expression ‘pika mayiyaka’ was used, but more recently the expression ‘pika ngurlu’ has been used. ‘Pika mayiyaka’ meant ‘don’t go there, very sacred’. He gave evidence about the Seven Sisters story that his mother told him, but said that there were other Tjukurr stories that he could not speak about in Court. Mr Barnes said that by counsel for the GLSC applicants questioning him about subjects related to watis, even in a general way, he (Mr Barnes) could be in trouble, depending upon how ‘they’ take it. He said ‘Because it’s the death penalty; that might be going back a bit; if they don’t get me, they’ll get my relatives’. By referring to ‘going back a bit’, Mr Barnes meant that in former times, the death penalty was administered for discussing men’s business. Although I do not know who ‘they’ were, I assume that they were watis who take the enforcement of men’s law very seriously. I do not know if they are watis from such places as Warburton, Wiluna or Coonana, where the law is strictly observed and enforced, or whether they are watis from within the Wongatha Claim area.
  12. Anthony Harris said that there are women’s grounds and men’s grounds, where the opposite sexes are not allowed to go. He may have been referring to places on Weebo and Tarmoola Stations, but the position is not clear (Weebo is partly within and partly outside the Wongatha Claim area, and Tarmoola is well within it, just north of Leonora).
  13. The Wongatha applicants drew the Court’s attention to the ‘discomfort felt by ... observers when “men’s business” was referred to during the Court procedures’, and to the requirement for gender-restricted evidence to be heard in gender-restricted sessions. Group 6A submits that it is of little probative value to rely upon the actions of (say) women who left the hearing room when told to do so by a man on the basis that men’s business was about to be revealed, commenting: ‘This does not prove anything other than that some women will take this direction from some men’. Group 6A’s submission proceeds:
that would have been of probative value in this respect was evidence of (say) discomfort when a putatively sensitive manner was inadvertently disclosed. If (say) women in such an instance began of their own motion to leave the hearing room, this would be of probative value. In the absence of such a scenario, the issue is, it is submitted, of no probative value.’

  1. The event described in this paragraph as hypothetical is precisely what happened at Mount Margaret on 5 March 2002, when Aubrey Lynch was testifying. Several women who were seated on chairs just outside the door of the hearing room, arose, apparently spontaneously, and said things to the effect of ‘We must not hear this’ or ‘This is not right’ or ‘This must stop’. After a short adjournment the hearing resumed. The only record of this in the transcript is the statement by Mr Barker QC, for the Wongatha applicants: ‘Your Honour, the discussion concerning initiation is causing concern amongst my client group outside ...’, and Mr Hughston SC’s response ‘Well, I won’t pursue that here anymore. If your Honour pleases’.
  2. Several witnesses also evinced embarrassment or awkwardness when gender-restricted subjects, in particular, law business, were raised. Anthony Harris said in response to a question, ‘Well if all the women could leave now, I can tell you exactly’, after which a large number of women left the hearing.
  3. While I agree that responses were not always predictable and that reactions did not always occur in response to the same ‘cues’, I am satisfied that there was a real sensitivity on the part of women in the audience and of several witnesses, male and female, when the subject of the law was broached.
  4. The State submits that no obvious pattern can be drawn from the reactions, and that it is not demonstrated that the foundation for them was, in all cases, a regard for, and submission to, particular laws and customs. It submits:
seems equally plausible that the reactions that have been observed have been, at least on some occasions, a demonstration of reticence based on modesty and discretion, or a perfectly natural reluctance to enter into discussions on subjects that are not wholly familiar and upon which an uninformed statement could easily cause offence. This sort of decorum does not amount to evidence of the existence of laws and customs.’

  1. I do not agree that the suggested explanation is ‘equally plausible’.

Conclusion on gender-restricted protocols

  1. I am satisfied that the Wongatha witnesses in general acknowledge and observe a law or custom to the effect that men’s law matters must be kept secret to watis, and that women’s law matters must be kept secret to women. It is difficult to assess how frequently these issues arise. Because the Wongatha claimants, generally speaking, now live in towns, I would not expect them to arise as frequently as they once would have done. However, I have no doubt whatever, that Wongatha claimants would not seek to know about men’s only or women’s only matters, or go to men’s only or women’s only sites if they were not permitted to do so.

(7) Observance/understanding of the section system or similar principles (‘skins’)
General

  1. Again, the Wongatha applicants do not formulate the law or custom in question. I take it to be that a person must not marry inconsistently with the ‘skin’ or ‘section’ system, and, accordingly, that there must be sufficient knowledge of the system’s rules to enable people to obey them.
  2. It should be noted at once that the Wongatha applicants’ submission is only ‘that the section system ... still has some residual acknowledgement’.
  3. Rules as to whom one must not marry are normative, and although they do not give rise to rights and interests in land, they are relevant to the issue of continuing acknowledgement and observance by the Wongatha Claim group of a body of laws and customs.

Evidence and submissions

  1. The Wongatha applicants refer to the Pannell/Vachon primary report at p 47. At that page, Pannell/Vachon state that much of Kenneth Young’s correspondence with RH Mathews in 1905-6, focused on ‘the operation of the section system at Duketon and the regional distribution of section terms’. In one of his letters, Young provided a brief summary of three Dreamings, Emu, Kangaroo and Dingo, that travel through the Duketon district.
  2. Pannell/Vachon state that 25 years later, Elkin 1940, p 326, referred to ‘the same three mythologically-sanctioned section couples at Mt Margaret’, that is, that Elkin recorded at Mount Margaret the same six-section terms that had been reported by Young at Duketon. However, the system to which the indigenous witnesses referred is a single six-section skin system, not two four-section systems as described by Young. Moreover, no witness linked the skin system to Dreamtime stories as Young did.
  3. The Wongatha submissions refer to Young’s account as ‘elementary and confused’, but say that ‘the six-system later recorded by Elkin is identifiable’. It is not clear whether they mean identifiable with the system as described by Young, or with that described by the witnesses, or both of these things.
  4. In his principal report, Dr Brunton (pp 106-108) draws attention to certain difficulties in Pannell/Vachon’s reliance on the comparison between Young and Elkin as supporting the continuity of a section system. In their supplementary report (p 43), Pannell/Vachon seek to emphasise what they say should have been clear from their primary report, that Young and Mathews did not provide enough information to enable them (Pannell/Vachon) to conclude, definitively, that Young’s informants were familiar with the operation of a six-section system, although they appeared to be familiar with six-section terms.
  5. The Wongatha applicants submit:
reasons referred to earlier... there is a compelling inference, ..., that the section system that still has residuary acknowledgment and observance amongst Wongatha claimants, is the same as was extant amongst the claimants’ ancestors, at sovereignty.’ (my emphasis)

  1. The Wongatha applicants rely on the transcript passages referred to in GLSC Appendix B4a, headed ‘Wongatha – Skins and Kinship Practices’, where extracts from the testimony of 33 witnesses are set out. They do not mention the listing of witnesses (and accompanying transcript references) in the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report, where the following Wongatha claimants and transcript references are listed under the heading ‘Observance of a Section System with the Same or Similar Principles and Terms among the Claimant Groups’: Aubrey Lynch; Lorraine Griffiths, Dimple Sullivan and Rhys Winter. All of these are listed in GLSC Appendix B4a.
  2. The Wongatha submissions cite the evidence of Lorraine Griffiths as having demonstrated an extensive knowledge of the skin system, but acknowledge that she explains that younger people these days choose their own marriage partner and do not have to follow the skin system. Lorraine Griffiths knew that her mother was karimarra, her father yiparrka, and that, being their child, she herself was milangka. She said that her daughter was tharuru and could marry either panaka or purungu. Thus, Lorraine Griffths knew the skin system rules in so far as they applied to herself and her immediate family.
  3. Aubrey Lynch said that he was purungu because his mother was panaka. He said he learned about skins from his mother when he was a child (he was born in 1937). He said that nowadays, the skin system does not have a role to play for the younger generation, and that younger people just go off and do as they will.
  4. Rhys Winter named the six skins, and said that he was karimarra, his wife purungu and their children panaka. He said his father was panaka and his mother karimarra. He said that his parents married wrong way, but that he married right way.
  5. Dimple Sullivan described the skin system. She said that she and her late husband had married wrong way, but that because they were half-castes, ‘it doesn’t matter’.
  6. Geoffrey Stokes gave a fairly detailed explanation of the skin system as he asserted it to be, identifying the six skin groups: purungu, panaka, karimarra, tharuru, yiparrka (he, alone of the witnesses, said ‘yiparri’) and milangka. By the use of a diagram on a whiteboard, he demonstrated the operation of the skin system as he understood it to be, indicating which marriages were permissible in accordance with it, and the skin groupings of the children born of those permissible relationships.
  7. The State made lengthy submissions of over 25 pages directed to showing the breakdown of the section system. Groups 5B/5F and 6A made brief submissions in support. I will not refer to the detail of the State’s submissions, just as I will not refer to the detail of the Wongatha submissions.
  8. Both Dr Sackett and Dr Brunton discuss the section system. It appears that Geoffrey Stokes’s model is, what has been termed, the ‘Warburton’ system, but that there is another more liberal system, the ‘Kalgoorlie’ system. The Warburton system allows a more limited range of marriage alliances. Accordingly, it will be contravened more easily and often than the Kalgoorlie system will. If the Kalgoorlie system is taken as the appropriate measure, there are less infractions revealed by the evidence.
  9. Nonetheless, in many instances, the evidence showed numerous marriages that contravened the skin rules – ‘wrong way’ marriages. Some of the wrong way marriages took place a long time ago and some marriages were entered into with full knowledge by the parties that they were inconsistent with the skin rules.
  10. There was a general indifference to the skin system. There were married witnesses who did not know their spouse’s or other close family’s skin group. Several witnesses said that the skin system is a thing of the past and that young people are now ‘Westernised’ and do not consider the skin system when marrying. Since we are addressing marriage rules, the attitude of people of marriageable age assumes particular importance.
  11. The point is not simply that there is widespread failure to observe skin rules: widespread exceeding of speed limits on the roads may be accompanied by an acknowledgment that they exist and should be observed. Rather, the point is that there is a general failure to acknowledge the skin rules as a norm that rightly demands observance.
  12. Geoffrey Stokes said (confidently) that the skin system that he described was used ‘in Western Australia, Northern Territory, South Australia and Queensland and for [all he knew] most probably New South Wales, Victoria and Tasmania’. He gave examples of the operation of the skin system at many places outside the Wongatha Claim area, including Yalata and Ceduna, Warburton, Docker River, Alice Springs, Port Augusta and Port Headland.
  13. Interestingly, Geoffrey Stokes described his skin relationship with Ron Harrington-Smith by saying: ‘Well, he’s a panaka man and he’s my brother’. However, Ron Harrington-Smith said that his father was a milangka man, his mother a purungu, his grandfather a tharuru, and that this made Ron Harrington-Smith a yiparrka. Ron Harrington-Smith cannot be both a panaka and a yiparrka, so either Geoffrey Stokes or Ron Harrington-Smith is mistaken. I would expect Ron Harrington-Smith to know his own skin.
  14. The State refers to the numerous references in the indigenous testimony to skins or skin system. A number of witnesses said only that they knew of ‘skins’ or ‘a skin system’, but some said no more or little more than that. Some merely identified their own skin group. Some were able to remember the names of two or three more of the skin groups.
  15. The State submits that the indigenous testimony reveals a lack of familiarity with the skin system or a purported understanding of it that is different from that of Geoffrey Stokes. As the State put it :
witnesses thought that particular marriages were right-way when under the rules described by Mr Stokes they were not. In other cases witnesses said that marriages were wrong-way when, under the rules described by Mr Stokes, they were proper matches.’

  1. I accept this submission, but its foundation is suspect: it takes Geoffrey Stokes’s system as right and as the correct standard by which the evidence of other witnesses is to be measured. As noted below, there is some reason to think that Geoffrey Stokes’s system is one applicable elsewhere.
  2. The State analysed the testimony of 24 indigenous witnesses (of whom only 14 were Wongatha claimants) to the effect that, in one respect or another, the skin rules were different from those described by Geoffrey Stokes. In the case of some of the witnesses, there were several differences. As I said, however, this may tell against Geoffrey Stokes’s evidence.
  3. In very few instances was it suggested that the rules had modified behaviour. There were many instances of indifference to the skin rules. The State refers to the testimony of 19 indigenous witnesses (of whom eight were Wongatha claimants) as supporting its submission that there is a widespread disregard of or indifference to section rules, whether as described by Mr Stokes or otherwise. I accept that, generally speaking, the testimony supports this submission.
  4. The State then refers to the testimony of 18 indigenous witnesses, of whom 11 were Wongatha claimants, in support of a submission that many witnesses said that the system is no longer acknowledged and observed. Anthony Harris, for example, said that he found the skin system confusing, adding ‘the skin group system’s been, you know, pretty much arse about these days’. Doreen Harris, a non-claimant, said that young people nowadays do not follow the skin rules. Aubrey Lynch said that nowadays love dictates the choice of a marriage partner. Duncan Bilson said that young people in Kalgoorlie, Leonora and Laverton are all ‘Westernised’ and do not follow the skin system. Again, I accept that, generally speaking, the testimony supports the State’s submission.
  5. This is not universally the case. There were instances of people marrying people from far away, apparently in order to avoid the possibility of infringing the skin rules.
  6. Cyril Barnes said that he and his wife did not marry the right way. He said that the Mission ‘broke down the skin system a bit so it was all right to marry a woman you call sister’. He said that although he ‘married a little bit the wrong way ... it was all right because [they] were from different areas’. Mr Barnes explained that his wife was tharuru, which could be his aunty or sister in the skin group system. However, he said that no-one minded so much his marrying a sister who was from far away, whereas if you marry your mother or aunty, ‘it’s bad, you know, they’re really against that one’. He said that his mother or aunty would have been panaka.
  7. Janice Scott said that her mother was karimarra and her father milangka, which was like a brother marrying a sister, but it was not wrong because her mother came from a different place – Tjuntjuntjarra. She said that out there, one does not come across a purungu or tharuru. She said that it was alright for her father, a milangka, to marry her mother, a karimarra, because her mother’s tribe had no tharuru or purungu.
  8. Janice Scott said, however, that the skin system became mixed up because of the Mount Margaret Mission, and that the children who went through the Mission married even people from the same tribe, in contravention of the skin rules.
  9. Anthony Harris said that he was panaka, but that he did not consider the question of skin groups and marrying right way or wrong way when he contemplated marrying his wife, Cherie, because she was no relation of his and was from Kalgoorlie. He said that she does not know her skin group. However, if he had wanted to marry someone from Leonora, it just would not have been possible because he has ‘too much family’ and is ‘related to every Aboriginal people in Leonora’.
  10. I do not profess to understand fully the rules in relation to ‘marrying far away’, but it is clear that there is an exception to the prohibitions in the skin rule system where a prospective spouse belongs to different people located a distance from the person in question.
  11. There was some evidence referring to aspects of the skin system other than permissible marriages. Elvis Stokes referred to a special role played by particular skin groups at funerals. Patrick Edwards referred to a special joviality and camaraderie in the relationship between grandparents and grandchildren. The state submissions suggested that this might be because they belonged to the same skin group. However, when Mr Edwards was asked about this he said he ‘did not want to answer’. Cyril Barnes and Gay Harris referred to a practice of marshalling people into skin groups when they came from a distance to assemble in one place. May O’Brien referred to seating arrangements in 1951 at a corroboree at Cundeelee (outside the Wongatha Claim area but within the Western Desert) based on a skin system.
  12. These additional aspects were not thoroughly described in the evidence. The significance of skin groups at funerals and corroborees is not characteristic of the Wongatha Claim group today. The evidence of the special relationship between grandparents and grandchildren on account of their being of the same skin group, was sparse. Again, the general effect of the evidence is that, considering the Wongatha claimants as a whole, observance of the skin system is regarded as optional. Testimony about these additional aspects of the skin system was not given by the younger members of the Wongatha Claim group.
  13. Some of the indigenous witnesses had a vague understanding of the skin system, or thought they did. No clear picture of the system emerged from their evidence. In other words, the evidence as to permissible marriages as between the various skins differed as between witnesses.
  14. Even perfect knowledge of a skin system is not to be equated with acknowledgment and observance of it within s 223(1) of the NTA. The acknowledgment and observance to which s 223(1) refers is acknowledgement of the rightly binding nature of the laws (acknowledgment), and acting in conformity with the customs (observance). The skin system is no longer acknowledged and observed in this sense.

Conclusion

  1. There is certainly some knowledge of the skin system among the Wongatha claimants. It is a question, however, whether the Wongatha Claim group as a whole, acknowledges the skin system as rightly binding, and a further question whether, as a whole, the Wongatha claimants in fact observe the system. I do not think they do either of these things on a fair overall view.

(8) Common kinship system
General

  1. I discussed the Western Desert kinship system at 3.6(c)(2)[746]ff.
  2. As usual, the Wongatha submissions do not formulate a relevant pre-sovereignty law or custom. In this case it is not an obligation-imposing or right-giving law or custom, but a distinctive system of kinship terms and conceptualisation of family relationships. It is characterised by paucity of kinship terms, involving only two terms, one male and the other female, for all those at the same generational level to whom the person relates. Do we find the Wongatha claimants exhibiting that system?

Evidence and submissions

  1. The Wongatha applicants refer to the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report and GLSC Appendix B4a, for evidence which is said to reveal ‘a kinship system within the Wongatha society which differs markedly from the European system’ and is founded upon traditional WDCB law and custom. Such a system may be relevant to show a continuation of pre-sovereignty culture.
  2. Paragraph [38] of the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report simply gives the names of 31 indigenous witnesses (Wongatha and non-Wongatha), and corresponding transcript references, under the heading ‘Inferred Common Kinship System (from terms and their use)’. Thirteen of them are Wongatha claimants: Dimple Sullivan, Lorraine Griffiths, Geoffrey Stokes, Dennis Forrest, May O’Brien, Maisie Harkens, Elvis Stokes, Murray Stubbs, Dan Harris, Eric Thomas, Christopher Johnson, Preston Thomas (not a claimant) and Anthony Harris. Unfortunately, I found nearly all of these references to be irrelevant to the present issue.
  3. Paragraph [39] of the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report simply lists the names of 11 indigenous witnesses (Wongatha and non-Wongatha), and corresponding transcript references under the heading ‘Inferred Common Kinship System (from relatives identified in other claimant groups)’. Six of them are Wongatha claimants: Aubrey Lynch; Leo Thomas; Dennis Forrest; Geoffrey Stokes; Thelma O’Loughlin; and Anthony Harris.
  4. Appendix B4a gives, under the heading ‘Wongatha – Skins and Kinship Practices’, extracts from the transcript of the testimony of 33 indigenous witnesses. As this heading indicates, the passages of transcript extracted do not relate exclusively to the Western Desert kinship system as exemplified among the Wongatha claimants.
  5. The Wongatha applicants cite statements in the Pannell/Vachon primary report pp 215-6 describing the Western Desert paucity of relational terms, and the failure of kinship terminology to distinguish between biological and so called ‘classificatory kin’, that I noted at 3.6(c)(2)[748]ff.
  6. The Wongatha applicants submit that these features are demonstrated in the testimony of the Wongatha claimants, and cite, as an example, Geoffrey Stokes. Geoffrey Stokes, who was born in 1962, said that he calls the father of Harvey Murray (Harvey Murray was born in 1961) his ‘brother’, that there is ‘no difference between blood or tribe’, and that one knows who is one’s brother, Wongatha way, ‘by skin ... but not only that, the relationship that we had with people, my father’. This evidence seems to be relevant, not to a common kinship system as described by Pannell/Vachon, but to the skin system. I should note that I had some difficulty with parts of the testimony of Geoffrey Stokes, a confident and at times voluble witness.
  7. The Wongatha applicants submit that on the evidence, the kinship system extends the Wongatha claimants’ links into other Claim groups. They refer again to the testimony of Geoffrey Stokes, and also to that of Thelma O’Loughlin, who referred to ‘my aunty Frances Murray’ at Cosmo.
  8. In response, Group 6A relies on its submissions at 3.6(c), but this reference is of little assistance – Group 6A’s submissions at 3.6(c) extend over pp 59-78, most of which is plainly irrelevant to the present topic. They include submissions on the ‘Six Section Categorisation System’. Group 6A attacks the reliance on Geoffrey Stokes’s testimony. It submits that Geoffrey Stokes’s use of terms such as ‘aunty’ and ‘brother’ is of no probative value ‘unless there was clear evidence from witnesses as to the kinship system that is asserted to exist’, and that no such evidence was led.
  9. Groups 5B/5F submit that common kinship systems are based on the skin system, and that since the skin system is generally ‘in desuetude’, the appropriate inference is that ‘the common kinship systems are likewise in desuetude or of limited and/or fragmentary relevance’.
  10. The State describes what it understands the Wongatha Claim group’s case to be, namely, that the indigenous testimony shows a ‘system’ of kinship terms or relationships. It refers to evidence of use of the terms ‘brother’, ‘sister’, ‘grandmother’, ‘grandfather’, ‘uncle’ and ‘aunty’ in relation to persons not biologically linked to the user of the term. The State submits that the use of such terms in a non-biological skin group sense was not universal and not systematic.
  11. The State refers to uses of the term ‘brother’, regardless of the generational difference between user and person referred to, eg Elvis Stokes’s use of the term in relation to the much older Johnny Phillips – ‘he’s my cousin, my brother, also he and I have the same skin group’, and Geoffrey Stokes’s use of both ‘thamu’ and ‘brother’ in relation to Harvey Murray’s father.
  12. An indication of the complexity of the present subject, at least as it emerged from the testimony of Geoffrey Stokes, is evident, I think, from the following passage:
WALKER: ... And you said Harvey Murray’s father was your brother?

STOKES: He’s my brother.

WALKER: Can you explain what you mean by that?

STOKES: Well, when – I got a cousin okay, and my cousin call Harvey’s father thamu. I call him thamu in here today, “You’re not my thamu; you’re my brother”.

WALKER: Right. And thamu means?

STOKES: Grandfather.

WALKER: Grandfather. And - - -

STOKES: And then there’s no difference between blood or tribe.

WALKER: Blood or tribe.

STOKES: Yes.

WALKER: Okay.

STOKES: As in my view, and I guess from his view too.

WALKER: How do you know who’s your brother in Wongatha way?

STOKES: Well, I got – I got my blood family, and I got my tribal family.

WALKER: Yes. And how do you know, for example, who’s your tribal brother, Wongatha way?

STOKES: Well, by skin.

WALKER: Yes.

STOKES: And this – my – my – my skin group is panaka and a lot of the – lot of the – but not only that, the relationship that we had with people, my father.’

  1. I agree that there is to be found in the testimony references to persons as ‘brother’, ‘sister’, ‘grandmother’, ‘grandfather’, ‘uncle’ and ‘aunty’, where there is absent the biological relationship that those words ordinarily signify. For example, Dimple Sullivan said that she called the late Alice Yampi ‘mother’ because she was Ms Sullivan’s mother’s sister, and Yampi’s children ‘brother and ‘sister’ for the same reason. Similarly, Dan Harris said that he called his biological uncle, RM, ‘mama’ (father).
  2. This simple model exemplified by Dimple Sullivan’s and Dan Harris’s testimony conforms to the paucity of relational terms and the use of a single term for all relatives of the same gender at the same generational level. However, many of the passages cited in Appendix B4a either demonstrate a conventional use of relational terms, or an unconventional one that does not conform to the system described. For example, several witnesses said that they use ‘brother’ or ‘sister’ to refer to people of the same ‘skin’ as themselves. Dennis Forrest said that he called the old initiated man, Willy Burton, his thamu, but was not sure of the actual relationship between them, and thought he may have called him that out of respect for him.
  3. The use of the terms in a ‘non-European’ way was not universal. It is not as though the Wongatha witnesses never used ‘cousin’, ‘uncle’ or ‘aunt’, and always used instead ‘brother’ or ‘sister’ to refer to a biological cousin, or ‘father’ to refer to a biological uncle, and ‘mother’ to refer to a biological aunt. Some witnesses appeared to use relational terms as if they bore their English senses. Secondly, where the terms were used in a non-European way, they were not used systematically. That is to say, they do not suggest a consistent system according to which they were being used in the non-European way.
  4. The following illustrations may be given of non-European uses of relational terms, which, however, do not conform to the generational feature described by the anthropologists. According to that feature, the word ‘brother’ is used to refer to males of the same generation as the speaker. But Elvis Stokes, born in 1959, referred to the elderly Johnny Phillips as his cousin, but also as his brother, because they have the same skin group. Far from being of the same generation as Mr Stokes, Mr Phillips is more likely to be of his grandfather’s generation. Similarly, Geoffrey Stokes referred to Harvey Murray’s father as his thamu (grandfather) and also as his ‘brother’.
  5. Some of the testimony cited in Appendix B4a does not support the Wongatha applicants’ present submission. For example, the use of ‘father’ to describe a step-father is obviously insignificant. Likewise, the use of the term ‘pop’ by a witness to describe a person in an unspecified relationship to him.

Conclusion concerning a common kinship system

  1. There are definitely many instances of Wongatha witnesses using English relational terms to refer to people who do not stand in the biological relationship to them that is usually denoted by the term. No clear system emerged, however, at least to my mind. The position revealed by the evidence is complex. Adding to the complexity is the relationship between the skin and kinship systems. If ‘brother’ is also sometimes used to refer to a male of the same skin, as well as to a biological brother and a male cousin, seeming inconsistencies in the testimony may be eliminated, but the task of enunciating a consistent system comprehensible to the non-Aboriginal mind is made all the more difficult.

(9) Acknowledgment and usage in varying degrees of Wongatha language

  1. This heading is odd. I do not know what it means to ‘acknowledge’ a language. The Wongatha claimants do not, in their submissions, suggest a link between the use, and the ability to use and understand, Wongatha language, and the continuing acknowledgement and observance by the Wongatha Claim group of the pre-sovereignty body of Western Desert laws and customs. It is a different thing to say that a language is of a Western Desert type (see 3.5(c) [447] ff and 3.6(f) [1024] ff) or that a language identifies (or does not identify) a particular Claim group (see 4.6(a)(2) [1366] ff).
  2. Understanding and use of a language is not probative of the acknowledgment and observance of a body or system of laws and customs. It may, however, be relevant to the continuance of a pre-sovereignty culture of which laws and customs form part.
  3. The Wongatha applicants refer to the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report at ([16]-[20]). At [16]-[20], Pannell/Vachon simply list under various headings the names of witnesses with transcript references against their names. The headings are:

[16] ‘Acknowledgment of the Similarity of “Languages” Identified with, Understood and/or Spoken by various members of the Wongatha and Overlapping Claimant Groups’ (13 witnesses)

[17] ‘Acknowledgment and Use of Wongatha/Wangkayi to Refer to an Aboriginal Person’ (9 witnesses)

[18] ‘Acknowledgment and Use of Wongatha/Wangkayi as a Term of Identity for Self and/or other Aboriginal People Connected to the Claim Area’ 13 witnesses)

[19] ‘Acknowledgment and Use of Wongatha/Wangkayi to refer to a Country, Territory or Area’ (10 witnesses)

[20] Acknowledgment and Use of Wongatha/Wangkayi as a Name for Own and/or Forebears’ Language’ (19 witnesses)

Under those respective five headings, Pannell/Vachon cite transcript page references (sometimes more than one for a witness) for the number of witnesses shown. The witnesses were a mixture of Wongatha and non-Wongatha claimants.

  1. Appendix A10(a) extracts the testimony of 40 Wongatha Claimants under the heading ‘Wongatha – Language’.
  2. It was unsatisfactory for the Wongatha applicants to follow this course. It was incumbent on them to make clear the findings of fact they ask me to make based on that testimony, and to tie their submissions to the testimony.
  3. I will not deal with the detail of the voluminous testimony cited.
  4. The Wongatha applicants rely on the agreement the linguists expressed in paras 1, 2, 3 and 4 of the linguists’ joint report (see 3.5(c) [447]). They also rely on the evidence of Arpad Kalotas, and especially on the word lists in his report, and on his observation of the similarity between words in respect of flora, fauna and land forms, as used by Wongatha claimants on the one hand, and as recorded by Bates and others on the other hand.
  5. Groups 5B/5F and 6A refer to the cross-examination of Arpad Kalotas in which he agreed that he was a botanist, not a linguist, and that the words he listed could have been imported from another language, as distinct from being ‘Wongatha’ words. He also conceded that in so far as his reports dealt with habitat terms, they were not an ‘in depth’ treatment, but gave an indication of a correspondence between what he recorded of words currently used by claimants, and ‘what was available in the historic records but ... also what is also available in the broader Western Desert area’.
  6. I also addressed the evidence of Arpad Kalotas at 3.5(c). For the reasons given there and above, I accord little weight to his testimony.
  7. Groups 5B/5F submit in detail on language use and competence. They submit that the evidence demonstrates that competence in Wongatha language is very limited and the language is no longer a primary mode of communication for Wongatha claimants. They submit that witnesses overestimated their own fluency and that witness estimation should be treated with caution.
  8. Groups 5B/5F repeat their submissions in response to Appendix A10(a), and state:
use in the claim area is, at best, remnant and is practically non-existent. To the extent language is used, it is not used in a manner relevant to establishment of connection with or pursuant to which rights and interests may be acquired.’

I agree that there has been substantial loss of Aboriginal language in the Wongatha Claim area, although to say that Aboriginal language in that area is ‘practically non-existent’ goes too far. It is not obvious why Groups 5B/5F make the statement in the second sentence. The Wongatha applicants do not suggest that the use of Wongatha language contributes to proof of the possession of rights and interests. Rather, rightly or wrongly, they rely on language in their attempt to prove:

  1. Such little knowledge and use of Aboriginal language as remains among the Wongatha claimants is not persuasive, even indirectly, as to acknowledgement and observance by the Wongatha Claim group of pre-sovereignty laws and customs. Indeed, it would not be, even if Wongatha was well used and understood.

(10) Acknowledgment and acquisition of a personal ‘Dreaming’ (totem)
General

  1. The Wongatha submissions do not identify any particular law or custom to which the present heading relates.
  2. I discussed the ‘birth’ or ‘local’ totem at 3.6(c)(2) [765] ff and the ‘Dream’ or ‘conception’ totem at 3.6(c)(2) [779] ff.
  3. The acknowledgment and acquisition of a personal ‘dreaming’ (totem) does not itself point to a norm, but could be probative of the continued existence of a pre-sovereignty culture of which laws and customs form part.

Evidence and submissions

  1. The Wongatha applicants refer to Thelma O’Loughlin’s evidence, and to the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report at [32]. Under the heading ‘Acknowledgment and Acquisition of a Personal Dreaming, Pannell/Vachon simply list Lorraine Griffiths, June Madriaga, Frances Murray, Estelle Ross and Dolly Walker. As usual, Pannell/Vachon do not distinguish between Claim groups, and the Wongatha applicants have not done so either. Sue Murray, Frances Murray and Estelle Ross are Cosmo claimants and Dolly Walker is an MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant, leaving only Lorraine Griffiths and June Madriaga as Wongatha claimants.
  2. The State simply relies on its submissions at 4.7(a)(c) Tjukurr’ and at 3.6(c). Group 6A simply refers to its submissions at 3.6(c).
  3. Groups 5B/5F submit, first, that the evidence of totems was ‘extremely limited’ and, second, that the testimony concerned animal totems and did not relate to land or relationships with land, adding ‘[t]hat is, the totems were mundane animals rather than dreaming protagonists’. I agree that the evidence was very limited, but have difficulty with Group 6A’s second submission. The witnesses are describing what Elkin called dream or conception totems, not birth or local totems (see (3.6(c)(1) [765]). As Pannell/Vachon make clear in their primary report a dream or conception totem does not necessarily relate to a Tjukurr site or track, whereas a birth or local totem does: a dream or conception totem will do so only if it is identical with the birth or local totem.
  4. Thelma O’Loughlin testified that a goanna which had been put in the ashes ‘got up and walked’, whereupon Ted Coomanoo Evans asked, ‘Who’s having a baby?’ At the time Thelma O’Loughlin was three months pregnant with her daughter, Louise. Mr Evans said that her baby would have the Goanna Dreaming. Ms O’Loughlin said that every winter, Louise’s skin peels, and she has attended skin specialists but they have not been able to identify the problem. She said that Louise’s father, Alan Dodd, told Louise that he would go to the Finke River in the Northern Territory to get the Goanna Dreaming song which she must learn and sing, and that when she does so her skin will cease peeling. (It appears that Louise was born in 1975 – Ms O’Loughlin, testifying in June 2002, said that Louise was 27 years old).
  5. Asked if she had a Dreaming, Lorraine Griffiths said that she thought it was the emu which was a ‘totem’. She said that her mother and probably other Wangkayis, such as Olive (Ngingku) or her father, told her that. Asked what a totem was, she said ‘[s]ometimes when a woman may have eaten something when she was pregnant and it makes them sick ... So they say that’s ... your Tjukurr because my mum was carrying me.’ She seems to imply that it was the eating of emu that made her mother sick when she was pregnant with Lorraine Griffiths. Lorraine Griffiths was born in 1930.
  6. June Madriaga said that she did not have a Tjukurr or Dreaming, but ‘more [a] totem’. She said that her sister Amy told her a long time ago that her totem was the porcupine. She said that the porcupine was her totem because her mother ate a porcupine when she was pregnant with her (June Madriaga), and that is why she (June Madriaga) is short of stature. She said that her children and grandchildren did not have totems but she does not know why. June Madriaga was born in 1937.
  7. The Wongatha applicants refer to the statement in the Pannell/Vachon primary report (p 127) concerning dream totems associated with conception referred to in Elkin 1931 at 69 (see 3.6(c)(2) [765] ff. They submit that the totems reported by the three witnesses described above correspond with those reported by Elkin as ‘the species associated with the person’s conception’, and that it is easy to infer that this dreaming totem of ‘Wongatha culture’ existed at the time of sovereignty. I agree that they correspond with Elkin’s ‘dream’ or ‘conception’ totem, and, I infer, with such totems at sovereignty.
  8. The three witnesses were referring to events of 1930, 1937 and 1975. Now that claimants are no longer living in a traditional setting, the scope for such events may be reduced. Perhaps the species must be one that the Aboriginal people hunted.

Conclusion on personal ‘dreaming’ (totem)

  1. The instances relied on by the Wongatha applicants are so few and so long ago that I am not satisfied, on the evidence, that dream or conception totems can be fairly considered a feature of the Wongatha Claim group, regarded as a whole, as a whole, today.

(11) Personal relationship laws and customs
General

  1. The Wongatha applicants identify the following ‘laws and customs’ relevant to personal relationships:

(i) avoidance of the names of deceased individuals;

(ii) the practice of wartulku (passing on the name of a grandparent);

(iii) in-law avoidance;

(iv) food preparation and food sharing practices;

(v) burial practices;

(vi) ‘marry far away’;

These laws and customs come from pp 10-13 of Pannell/Vachon’s supplementary report, where, Pannell/Vachon simply give, under certain headings, dozens of transcript page references with the names of the relevant witnesses. The witnesses are both Wongatha and non-Wongatha. The GLSC submissions do not separate the two categories or formulate submissions by reference to the Wongatha witnesses.

  1. The nature of these ‘laws and customs’ is diverse. Clearly, (i) and (iii) imply prohibition, and are normative. Whether the others are normative requires discussion.

(i) Avoidance of the use of the names of deceased individuals

  1. The present subject is addressed at some length by Groups 5B/5F, in response to GLSC Appendix B6.
  2. Mr Vachon agreed that a practice of avoiding uttering the names of deceased individuals is widespread throughout Australia among people of Aboriginal descent but said he did not know about the Eastern states. Accordingly, avoidance of saying the names of deceased persons does not establish that the witness is observing a specifically Western Desert law or custom, although non-observance would indicate that the witness was not observing a widespread Aboriginal law or custom.
  3. The failure of the Wongatha applicants to formulate the prohibition for which they contend is particularly problematical in the present case, because there may well be many exceptions to the rule. I simply do not know what the law or custom is for which the Wongatha applicants contend. There is no clear standard against which to measure acknowledgement and observance. As will appear below, I have no doubt that there is some kind of law or custom in this area, but depending on ‘how absolute’ it is, there will or will not be acknowledgement or observance. If the rule is the absolute one that the names of deceased people must never be uttered, I have no doubt that the rule is not acknowledged and observed. However, evidence was given that there are exceptions to the rule. Were these exceptions recognised at sovereignty? It is only if we know whether they were, that one can know what the pre-sovereignty law or custom was. In arriving at what it was, I would, as ever, draw an inference of retrospective continuance.
  4. There were witnesses who showed genuine and spontaneous reluctance and awkwardness in relation to uttering the names of deceased people. There were other witnesses who spoke the names of deceased people freely and without hesitation. Some witnesses did not suggest any qualification. I cannot recall counsel for the Wongatha applicants asking a witness to state the rule with its exceptions.
  5. There are suggestions in the evidence that the prohibition applies:
  6. The name of his deceased father, Stanley Forrest, was read out to Dennis Forrest from his statement, and he acknowledged it to be correct. Asked how the name was recorded if he had not said it, he said that it was all right to say it to a white person. In cross examination, he said that:

Mr Forrest also said that it was not culturally appropriate to say the names of deceased people in front of their close relatives. There is other evidence supporting the idea that the governing consideration is sensitivity to the feelings of deceased’s relatives.

  1. Bertha Thomas said that one should not use the name of a recently deceased person, but that it may be used after the person has been gone a long time
  2. Laurel Cooper referred to a rule about not speaking the name of a deceased person, but, instead, replacing it with ‘kumanu’ [Coomanoo]. However, she used the names of a number of her ancestors, including those of her mother, who died 33 years before, her mother’s mother, her mother’s father, Hilda Hicks (an aunt who passed away a ‘couple of years’ previously), and Dinah O’Loughlin and several others.
  3. Cecily Harris said that one is not allowed to use the name of a deceased Aboriginal person and that ‘kumanu’ is substituted, but she uttered the name of her mother, Nalgu and her uncle, Croydon Beaman. She agreed with her counsel that he could read out in Court the names of her deceased brothers and sisters, Arnold, James, Les, Eliza and Terry. Asked why she had agreed, she seemed to say that it was in order for him to read out that which was written down. She refused to say the name of her deceased sister, saying ‘I won’t even mention that name’.
  4. May O’Brien said that there was a rule against naming the dead, but she mentioned the names of deceased people in her evidence. However, she refused to say the names of deceased initiated men from Weebo. When this was taken up with her, she said that it was all right to mention the names of her family, but that ‘those men are from another region’. She said it was not her business to tell or to say their names.
  5. Thelma O’Loughlin said that it was in order for her barrister to say the name of a deceased person, but that she would not do so herself. However, she named her deceased grandmother, Mona Burton (she said she called Mona Burton her grandmother because she was her grandmother’s sister – an illustration of the kinship system in which the same terms are applied to persons of the same gender at the same generational level). At one point in her testimony the suggestion is that she could not say the English name of her deceased aunt, but could say her Aboriginal name, because that name had also been given to her daughter, a living person.
  6. Janice Scott used the Aboriginal and English names of several deceased people. She said the names of deceased people could be used in Court. There were however some names she would not say, because ‘sometimes if you say that, you can offend the relatives’.
  7. Dimple Sullivan had mentioned the names of deceased persons for the purpose of the preparation of her statement.
  8. Jane Beasley spontaneously corrected herself before uttering the names of deceased relatives. She said the names of relatives, then added ‘I shouldn’t be mentioning their names’, and ‘[o]nce ... they pass away we’re not allowed to mention their names. That’s ... one of the cultures.’ She explained that she said the names for the Court, but strictly should not be doing so. I accept that the circumstances of the giving of evidence in a public hearing may create a tension for the witness between observing a law or custom on the one hand, and providing evidence in support of a case and in order to assist the Court, on the other hand.
  9. Elvis Stokes used the names of many deceased people, including Ted Evans. He gave an explanation, but it was difficult to understand. Having been asked whether he was aware of any Wongatha rule or custom that would prevent him from naming people who had passed away, he said ‘I asked them, because – because – we – because the Stokes family and the Evans sort of have a history together. ... So we’ve always sort of crossed each other and met and lived with each other’. Elvis Stokes appears to have meant that he asked the Evans family for permission, but then seems to say that the two families are as one, so that he was at liberty to say the deceased person’s name.
  10. Elvis Stokes also said that his late father had said, ‘When I die, don’t be frightened to use my name. Remember me as Arthur Stokes. Don’t be ashamed to use it’. Elvis Stokes said that the names of deceased people had become free and open to him. Accordingly, he also used the name of Bundy Westlake.
  11. Murray Stubbs said that Aboriginal people do not speak the names of deceased people, but added that he now talked about his father and brother in order to remember them, explaining ‘that’s my choice’. Both his father and brother passed away in 1992, 10 years before he gave evidence.
  12. Kado Muir, an MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant, explained that he could say his grandfather’s or grandmother’s name, because a grandchild is ‘in the same class, in the thamu and kaparli class’. He said, as other evidence also established, that thamu means both grandfather and grandson, and ‘kaparli’ means both grandmother and granddaughter. He added: ‘the grandson and grandfather can actually say the names of deceased people in that class, whereas they can’t say the names of deceased people in my siblings’ or cousins’ class or in my parents’ class’. Accordingly, Mr Muir based the exception on the skin system.
  13. Throughout the hearing, many witnesses expressed a desire not to say the names of deceased people or referred to deceased people in a way that made it obvious to me that they were taking care to avoid saying the deceased person’s name. For example, Rhys Winter said that after he went through the law, he was taught how to cook a kangaroo by his two cousins, Lionel Laidlaw and his (deceased) brother. In other instances, however, the names of deceased people were uttered without hesitation. I infer that much depends on how long ago the person died, the relationship between the witness and the deceased, who was present in the courtroom at the time, and, no doubt, to the degree of cultural sensitivity of the particular witness.
  14. Groups 5B/5F refer to witnesses also giving evidence of another death-related custom, according to which one must leave the house and area where a family member was living at the time of his or her death. It is difficult to be certain whether this is put as an obligation-imposing rule or merely as a practice (are some of the practices at European style funerals the result of a sense of obligation born of a societal norm, or practices for the relief of the grief of one’s self or of others, or both?) None of the witnesses cited by Groups 5B/5F in their submissions are Wongatha claimants.
  15. Explaining why Cosmo was her ngurra or country, Doreen Harris, a non-claimant, said that her mother and father came there from Warburton when their son died. Doreen Harris’s ‘brother’ died before she was born on 8 August 1944. Accordingly, her parents’ relocation from Warburton to Cosmo took place a long time ago. She said: ‘See when they lose their families, they go away to a different place and they make a home. ... They don’t go back. That’s what I got learnt from other people been telling me. ... They don’t live [in] one place when their childrens die.’
  16. On the evidence, I do not find that it is established that the practice of moving away after death is followed by the Wongatha Claim group today. It is not clear to me that the Wongatha applicants have suggested that it is. Nor is it clear to me that the practice is anything more than optional.
  17. Murray Stubbs, said that if a member of the family passes away, it is culturally appropriate that the remaining relatives change their appearance, such as by shaving off a moustache or beard, so that they do not look like the deceased person. He said that when his brother, Trevor (whose name he uttered), died in July 1992, their mother asked him to change his appearance, and that that was the first time he had been requested to do so.
  18. It is difficult to be confident about the origin of the requirement imposed on Mr Stubbs by his mother. It is certainly does not point to an operative law or custom generally observed by any of the Claim groups.

Conclusion concerning avoidance of the use of the names of deceased individuals

  1. I accept that there is an Aboriginal law or custom, extending beyond the Western Desert, against saying the name of a deceased person, and that the Wongatha Claim group acknowledges and observes this rule. I cannot be more precise because the evidence does not clearly expose what the exceptions to the rule are, and, therefore, in precisely what circumstances the rule applies.

(ii) The practice of wartulku (passing on the name of grandparent)

  1. Again, the absence of definition of any law or custom contended for is disappointing. According to the heading, we are concerned simply with a ‘practice’, namely, the passing on of the name of a grandparent. Yet in some of the transcript passages cited, the practice of wartulku is described differently, and as being concerned with the massaging of the baby’s body by a thamu or kaparli, without the passing on of a name. There was some evidence that the massaging procedure mentioned, involved the passing on of characteristics of the adult to the baby. I will take the practice contended for to be the practice of passing on the name of a grandparent.
  2. The Wongatha applicants refer to the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report at [31], and to the testimony of Rhys Winter. At [31], Pannell/Vachon also refer to non-claimant Janice Scott, and to MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant, Dolly Walker.
  3. The practice of wartulku as described has no normative content. Its potential relevance is to the continuance of a pre-sovereignty culture, and, therefore, only indirectly, of a body of pre-sovereignty laws and customs.
  4. Rhys Winter said that there was a practice running back ‘in the bush a long time ago’ that parents give their son his grandparent’s name. One of Rhys Winter’s grandsons is called Rhys, and Mr Winter suggested that probably the reason was that his grandson’s parents wanted to keep his (Mr Winter’s) name going. He said there was also a practice by which ‘the grandfather would wartulku’ (speaking in the past tense). He explained that this meant that the grandfather would massage his grandson and that that would give him the grandfather’s Aboriginal name so that the child would grow up to be like him. Rhys Winter’s own Wangkayi name, Taaput, was given to him by his thamu, Walter Taaput Cable.
  5. Janice Scott, a non-claimant, said that a grandfather or grandmother likes to pass on his or her name to a grandchild so that the name can be carried on when the child grows up. She explained that when the child is a ‘couple of weeks or couple of months’ old, the grandparent will lie the child across his or her stomach and massage and stretch the child, saying ‘Oh when you grow up, you are going to be like me and carry on my name.’ Janice Scott explained that this might be done by an extended grandfather or grandmother, not directly related to the child (a thamu or kaparli). She said she was told about this practice by members of her family and had seen it happen. She also said she had seen children grow up to be like their grandparent, and that if the grandparent was a wati, the grandson is expected, when he grows up, to carry on the task of looking after the land (this evidence suggests a norm). She said that she had seen people fulfilling that obligation, but does not know if young people are doing it today. Janice Scott’s two Aboriginal names came from her mother’s aunty. Janice Scott did not identify a Wongatha claimant who engaged in the practice of wartulku.
  6. Lois Laidlaw, also a non-claimant, said that her Wangkayi name, Wamin, was given to her by her kaparli (the aunty of her mama (father)), and that her sister was named by her other grandmother. She explained that that is done by a grandmother so that when the grandchild grows up he or she will have the ‘same image of that Wangkayi woman that passed on and then she'll give her all her rights and say, “Okay, you carry this name.”’ She explained that the person passes on other characteristics as well. She said that other Wangkayi people (whom she did not identify) do that as well, not just her family. Because Lois Laidlaw is not a member of any Claim group, her evidence is not probative of acknowledgement and observance by any Claim group.
  7. Geoffrey Stokes, who was born in 1962, testified that an old man, Nyukali, wadu him when he was a child, which gave Geoffrey his Wongatha name, Nyukali.
grabbed me as a child and he wadu me and he give me his spirit and he give me his blessing, and on top of that he give me whatever he own. And them places like Black Flag ... that's his run. That's why I go there because right now he's dead but I've got his name and I've got his story.’

  1. May O’Brien described wartulku as a rather different practice, not involving the passing on of a name from grandparent to grandchild, or not necessarily doing so. She said that when a baby was to be born, the mother and midwife would leave the community and go into the bush. She said that they would stay out there for eight days following the birth. She described a ‘purifying stage’, involving the burning of gum leaves to make a smoky perfume, followed by a wartulku or massage in which ‘they’ (the mother and midwife) would bless the baby, saying to him or her, ‘[T]hese hands are going to ... do good things and speak good things, and your head will be full of wonderful thoughts; ... you’ll have good strong feet to walk with’. May O’Brien was describing a practice of former times, when the birth occurred in the outdoors.

Conclusion concerning wartulku

  1. On the evidence, the practice of wartulku appears to be a thing of the past, and was, in any event, optional, in the sense that there was no obligation to engage in the practice or that non-observance was deprecated. However it is described, the practice seems to have generally ceased, and certainly, understood as including the passing on of the name of grandparent, it is not shown to be generally practised today within the Wongatha Claim group.

(iii) In-law avoidance

  1. The GLSC submissions do not formulate the rule condended for. I take it to be that a person must avoid direct contact with the person’s in-laws. Again, in the absence of formulation of the pre-sovereignty prohibition, I can only do my best. Must the rule be observed by daughters-in-law as well as by sons-in-law? Does the rule apply throughout a person’s life? A formulation by the GLSC would have addressed such questions.
  2. The Wongatha applicants cite Pannell/Vachon’s supplementary report at [35] and the testimony of Leo Thomas. At [35], Pannell/Vachon refer to the testimony of Dennis Forrest, Christopher Johnson, Kalman Murphy and Phyllis Thomas in addition to that of Leo Thomas. Kalman Murphy and Phyllis Thomas are MN claimants (Kalman Murphy is also an NK 1 claimant), not Wongatha claimants, leaving only three Wongatha claimants, Leo Thomas, Dennis Forrest and Chris Johnson.
  3. Leo Thomas said that by Aboriginal law he must not speak to his wife’s mother. Asked if there are any other people to whom he or others must not speak, he said:
you also – you aren’t allowed to talk to your – you can talk to your father-in-law, but you aren’t allowed to – it’s been – it’s a long time now, I don’t – I haven’t been through the law or anything like that, but, like everybody else, we do our best to practise it and show our young generation that, coming through.’

This response suggests that Leo Thomas was recognising an ‘ideal’ which was observed ‘a long time [ago]’, and which it is now difficult to observe and have the younger generation observe. That he was doing so is made clear in his cross examination. Mr Thomas said that he did speak to his wife’s mother:

have to be honest with one another, because life’s changed, you know? ... We went to school and learned English, ... we’re not tribal people anymore. ... The European thing sneaked in and this is the way ... we have to be.’

Leo Thomas was describing in-law avoidance as a custom of the past.

  1. Dennis Forrest, who said that he got on well with his mother in-law, was asked if there were any rules about not talking to her or avoiding her. He replied that if she was ‘down here’ (he was testifying in Kalgoorlie) he would not be allowed to even look at her; if she entered the room the proper way would be to turn his head and not speak to her directly, ‘but because we were up there we do it [talk directly], I do it their way’. By ‘up there’, he apparently meant in the Kimberley region, where his wife comes from. His understanding is that there is no similar rule in that region.
  2. The third Wongatha claimant mentioned, Christopher Johnson, said that when he was at Cundeelee he had his five fathers-in-law (wapatju) there, and was not allowed to ‘be in their company, or even see them’, and that if he wished to approach them, he had to make a certain noise to announce himself. (Cundeelee is an Aboriginal community in the desert, south of the Wongatha Claim area, between its southern boundary and Coonana on the Trans Australian Railway line. Mr Johnson lived there for about a year, working for the mission there. While there, he lived with, or was married to, Margaret Hogan.)
  3. He said that his five fathers-in-law were given to him under Aboriginal custom at Cundeelee, and that even if he bumps into any of them in Boulder, he will observe the custom by going to the other side of the street, or if one of them is in a shop, he will send in a message asking his father-in-law to leave the shop so that he (Mr Johnson) can do his shopping.
  4. Christopher Johnson said that he observes the rule if he encounters one of his fathers-in-law elsewhere. For example, he lived for a while at Yalata, in South Australia, where one of them lives, and he observed the rule there.
  5. Later Mr Johnson said that ‘[e]very Aboriginal community has that same custom’ and that it operates in all the different areas to which he has been. The meaning of this evidence is unclear. Within the Wongatha Claim area, there are Aboriginal communities at Mount Margaret, Mulga Queen and Cosmo. The witnesses from those communities did not give evidence of acknowledgement and observance of the law or custom described by Mr Johnson, and I do not accept that it is acknowledged and observed by them.
  6. Mr Johnson’s evidence of his own acknowledgement and observance was of a rule he observes at Cundeelee, not within the Wongatha Claim area. Mr Johnson said that the people at Cundeelee are Anagu people from east of Kalgoorlie and ‘are called in the European way the Spinifex people’.
  7. Lorraine Griffiths said that on a recent camping trip with her friend, Maisie, Maisie’s daughter and the daughter’s husband, the husband talked to his mother-in-law.

Conclusion concerning in-law avoidance

  1. The only indigenous testimony above relevant to the Wongatha Claim area is Dennis Forrest’s evidence that his mother-in-law from the Kimberley would have come ‘down here’ he would have to turn his head and not speak to her directly. I think this evidence from one witness too slender to support a finding of acknowledgment and observance by the Wongatha Claim group, among whom there must be many in-law relationships. Leo Thomas acknowledged the rule as something of the past.

(iv) Customary food preparation/sharing

  1. The GLSC submissions do not formulate a law or custom under this heading.
  2. The Wongatha applicants refer to Pannell/Vachon’s supplementary report and to the testimony of Cyril Barnes (and photographs), Geoffrey Stokes and Rhys Winter. Pannell/Vachon cite 13 transcript references in respect of 10 witnesses (three witnesses appear under both headings), relating to ‘the Practice of Sharing Kangaroo’ ([40]) and ‘Kangaroo Preparation Practice’ ([41]). As usual, neither they nor the Wongatha applicants distinguish between Claim groups. Evidence that a member of Claim group A acknowledges and observes a law or custom is some evidence that Claim group A does, but not that Claim group B does. Of the 10 witnesses, seven are listed on the Wongatha LIP (Eric Thomas is also listed on the MN LIP). The three non-Wongatha claimants are Dolly Walker (MN, NK 1 and NK 2), Hudson Westlake (MN and Cosmo), and Ralph Ashwin (Wutha). The seven Wongatha claimants are as follows: Eric Thomas, June Madriaga, Rhys Winter, Christopher Johnson, Cyril Barnes, Dennis Forrest and Geoffrey Stokes.
  3. GLSC Appendix B5a is headed ‘Wongatha – Preparation, Cooking and Distribution of Meat’. It gives extracts from the testimony of twenty-one witnesses (all except two, Lois Laidlaw and Janice Scott, are Wongatha claimants). I do not think it necessary to outline the evidence of all of them, and will address only the testimony of the Pannell/Vachon seven.
  4. Eric Thomas spoke of the time when he and his wife, Phyllis Thomas, re-established the Mulga Queen community in the early 1960s. He said that people from Warburton visited for the weekend and asked if they could go out and get meat. Mr Thomas used to reply that they could, and added: ‘We all – we all one – one people, Wangkayi people’. Asked what the Warburton people did for food when they came to Mulga Queen, he said that they ate kangaroo, goanna and emu, which they would hunt with kangaroo dogs or rifles. He said that when they returned to the Mulga Queen Community with their kill, they would cook it and after that ‘sing out’ to people who live in the area to come and share their meat. Asked if there was a custom about that kind of thing, Eric Thomas said that there was, that sharing still went on, and that a person who gets a kangaroo always ’sings out’ the people in the Community to come and share the meat.
  5. June Madriaga said that she takes kangaroo meat out to the old people who live at the Nambi Road village just out of Leonora, because she knows they like it. She said: ‘See, we Aboriginals, we are the true Communists; we share’, and she agreed that that was ‘the Wangkayi way of doing things’.
  6. Rhys Winter said that after going through the law (he went through in 1979 at Areyonga in the Northern Territory, when he was about 20  years old), he had to learn how to cook kangaroo properly, and that he learned this from two of his cousins, Lionel Laidlaw and his deceased brother (whose name he did not say). He said he cooked kangaroo in the same way today, adding:
real law is if I shoot the kangaroo I give it somebody else to cook it and they cook it and they have to give me two ribs, the head and the munubul that’s the tail part, hip bone.’

He said the rest of the meat, like the legs, the back and the tail, will be kept by the cook. He said he still divides up kangaroo in that way.

  1. Rhys Winter’s evidence, then, is that watis know the ‘right’ way to cook a kangaroo, and that there is also a right way of distributing the various parts or, at least, that the hunter must receive certain parts before others receive any.
  2. Christopher Johnson, a wati, said that out in the bush he shows his grandchildren how to cook kangaroo in the ashes. He said:
must be cut the proper way; you don’t just – oh, I’ll have the head and I’ll have this and that. You don’t do that. One person cuts, one person distributes.

Mr Johnson said that his nephew, Patrick, who has not been through the Aboriginal custom, has nonetheless ‘cooked goanna and everything’.

  1. Mr Johnson’s evidence is therefore also that there is a right way of distribution.
  2. Cyril Barnes gave detailed and extensive evidence in relation to photographs of him butchering a kangaroo for cooking, including the stitching up of the stomach with a stick, called a tjipiny. Earlier he had said that his father used to take his bit first, then others would come in for their share. I assume that his father was the hunter. He said that the kangaroo is ‘very special’ and must be cut up in the ‘proper way’. He said that some people (wrongly) cut it in half, ‘but with the Aboriginal way, you got to cut the little joints and little pieces up’. He said that the proper way has ‘been handed down’. When asked whether kangaroo and emu have any other importance for Wangkayi people, he answered yes but that he should not talk about it.
  3. Mr Barnes has not been through the law. His last statement suggests to me that the subject of the proper way to cut up a kangaroo is one that is within the province of the watis. This is consistent with Rhys Winter’s evidence discussed above.
  4. Dennis Forrest said that when he was a child (he was referring to a period when he lived at Kalgoorlie, up to the age of 9-10 years), they would go out as a family and his father would cut up kangaroo and share it around ‘even though he wasn’t initiated’. Mr Forrest gave evidence in relation to a video taken at Porky’s Swamp, that in the last five years he has used the same pit that people used to use, in which to cook kangaroo. Group 6A submits that this evidence contradicts Ralph Ashwin's testimony that ‘the old people’ told him that a pit must be filled in after use because they believed that this kept the animal’s spirit (gawdi) in the hole. Ralph Ashwin was the only witness who gave evidence to that effect. What Dennis Forrest did does not contradict Ralph Ashwin’s evidence. Ralph Ashwin’s evidence was of what the old people used to tell him.
  5. Speaking with reference to a photograph taken on a camping trip at Niagara with his brother Ivan some five years prior to the hearing, Dennis Forrest said:
had our normal stores that you get from the supermarket, but we also got kangaroo. My brother Ivan made some damper and we cooked up some – some freshly caught duck that we cooked in that camp oven that you see there, and things like that.

Dennis Forrest also said that when he lived in Kalgoorlie (between the age of 9 and 15) he and his father would go out camping and hunting ‘[e]very time we needed meat.’ He continued: ‘If we run out of chops or whatever in the fridge and decide we want a bit of traditional food, we’d go out and get some.’

  1. Mr Forrest said that ‘[p]eople further up north, north end of the track’, who, Mr Forrest agreed could be Wongatha people, would lie the kangaroo on its side, although he did not do so. He said that his father taught him that ‘[o]ur mob ... keep it straight up’ (ie to keep the kangaroo lying on its back belly upwards). He said he sometimes cuts off the feet (not the legs) and would bend the legs backwards at the joint, but not so as to break them. He learned that practice from his father.
  2. Group 6A submits that Aubrey Lynch’s evidence was inconsistent with this evidence of Mr Forrest’s, because Mr Lynch said that the legs of the kangaroo are cut off. I would not be prepared to find inconsistency. Mr Lynch did say ‘so the legs are cut off’, but it seems that at that point he was describing the way in which people from outside his area cook a kangaroo. Elsewhere, he said ‘The leg must be in the air’ and ‘the foot, the kangaroo’s foot is all cut off. I think Mr Lynch meant that according to the Wongatha way, the kangaroo’s feet but not its legs, are cut off.
  3. Geoffrey Stokes described the butchering and cooking of kangaroo in ashes in a hole in the ground. He said that the kangaroo is placed in the hole lying on its back with its cut off tail next to it and its rear legs in the air with the feet cut off. He said that the cooking could take from half an hour to two hours, depending on the animal’s size. Geoffrey Stokes also gave evidence in relation to how goannas and emus are prepared for cooking and cooked.
  4. Mr Stokes testified that when he went to Yundamindra, he told Brian Manning that he was going to skin, clean, cook and eat, right there in the bush, a kangaroo that he had shot, and Mr Manning said that he had not seen that done for a long time, because nowadays all the young men take the kangaroos they shoot back to Kalgoorlie. Mr Stokes said that the incident occurred about three years previously and that he has still been going out there and ‘nothing changed’. Group 6A submits that this testimony shows that there are few young Aboriginal people who continue to butcher, prepare, cook and eat kangaroos they kill in the bush. I agree that it is some evidence to that effect.
  5. Thelma O’Loughlin (not cited by Pannell/Vachon) gave evidence, by reference to a photograph taken on Tarmoola Station a long time ago, of her mother cutting up a goanna, that her mother always took the best part, the ribs, because she had cooked it; and that ‘she always shared all the pieces there’ by distributing the remainder to the children. It was not suggested that she did so in conformity with a law or custom as to distribution of kangaroo meat by a mother who had cooked it.
  6. Group 6A refers to the testimony of 17 Wongatha claimants, including Thelma O’Loughlin, Rhys Winter, Christopher Johnson, Dennis Forrest, Cyril Barnes, and Geoffrey Stokes referred to above, said to touch on practices relating to the preparation, cooking and eating of kangaroo (Thelma O’Loughlin does not give evidence in relation to cooking a kangaroo). In addition to the testimony to which I have referred, they refer to that of Duncan Bilson, Marjorie Bonney, Anthony Harris, Aubrey Lynch, Darren Mason, Thelma O’Loughlin, Celia Sullivan, Garry Sullivan, Leo Thomas, Murray Stubbs and Ron Harrington-Smith. Group 6A suggests that the practice is not consistent across the Wongatha Claim group and through timebut upon close analysis, most of the suggested inconsistencies disappear. I have seen only one inconsistency, to which I will refer below.
  7. Duncan Bilson recounted how his father taught him to cook kangaroo. Like the other witnesses, he said that the legs have to be facing upwards. He said that the ‘Wangkayi way’ is to cut the lower part of the legs or feet off before cooking. He was asked whether he was taught anything about breaking the bones in the leg, and replied ‘Yes, that’s always’. Asked next whether he breaks the bones in the legs, he said ‘No’. His earlier answer ‘Yes, that’s always’ may signify only that he was agreeing that he was, indeed, always taught about the matter. His answer ‘No’ to the latter question was unequivocal.
  8. Garry Sullivan said that his father taught him not to break the kangaroo’s legs, which is different from how his mother’s family does it. He explained that from Laverton going east into the desert, the legs are broken, while from Laverton going west (his father’s country) they are not. This is the ‘inconsistency’ to which I referred earlier.
  9. Marjorie Bonney said that if a kangaroo has been shot and skinned (apparently when it is brought to her home), she makes rissoles and stew, but if she is out camping, her group may feel like cooking it in the ashes.
  10. As ever, there is the problem of knowing the precise law or custom that the Wongatha applicants propound. In 1829, there was no distinction between ‘home’ and ‘out camping’. If the law or custom propounded is that all kangaroos must be cooked in the ground, facing upwards, with only the feet cut off, Marjorie Bonney’s testimony shows that she does not acknowledge and observe the law or custom. If, on the other hand, the law or custom propounded is only that when kangaroo is cooked out in the bush, it must be cooked in the manner described, Marjorie Bonney’s evidence does not establish a failure to acknowledge and observe the law or custom.
  11. The answer to the question raised may be found in whatever reason underlies the rule, but this was not explored in evidence. I would hold that the fact that the kangaroo is sometimes cooked at home is an adaptation, and that the rule applies only where the kangaroo is cooked in the bush.
  12. Anthony Harris, a wati, said that his uncles taught him how to cut up a kangaroo in the way in which it had been done for years. He said it was important for him to do it in that way. When asked why, he said: ‘that’s just tradition’. He also said that there was a ‘special way’ for dividing up the meat of the kangaroo, and that it is given to the old people first, but so far as particular pieces of the meat are concerned, people can have those they like.
  13. Aubrey Lynch testified in relation to photographs. Group 6A submits that these were taken in the 1970s and are not evidence of a current practice. Asked when photographs numbered 1, 6 and 14 were taken, Mr Lynch said in the 1970s. But at least photograph number 29 was taken in the 1990s. The 33 family photographs identified by Mr Lynch appear to have covered a period from the 1960s down to the 1990s. Moreover, in surrounding pages, Mr Lynch gave evidence of his current hunting activities. There is no substance in Group 6A’s submission.
  14. Mr Lynch said that if an Aboriginal person came into his area and cooked a kangaroo lying down, this would tell him that the person did not belong to his area.
  15. Asked where kangaroos were cooked in the bush, Darren Mason said ‘Just in the ground’. He did not testify in relation to any recognised manner of cooking.
  16. Thelma O’Loughlin said, in relation to the cooking of an emu, that she just skins it for the gizzard: ‘We just cut one leg off. We cook the gizzard and eat that’.
  17. Celia Sullivan said that there was only one way to gut and cook a kangaroo. She said she had seen it done by her father and brothers, and then by her husband. When asked whether she broke or did not break the legs, she said ‘I don’t know. It all depends on who’s cooking it.’ She said that when she is cooking a kangaroo she does not break the legs, but that when her husband is doing so, he breaks them. Group 6A submits that this difference shows that there is not ‘a consistent and continued practice employed among the Wongatha people’. It does not. Celia Sullivan’s husband is Jackie McLean, a Ngaanyatjarra man. He is not a Wongatha man. However, he is, of course, a Western Desert man. Celia Sullivan’s evidence could be regarded as supportive of the view that east of Laverton, the legs are broken, whereas west of Laverton they are not (see the evidence of Garry Sullivan referred to at [1833] above).
  18. Garry Sullivan (Celia Sullivan’s brother) said that different Wangkayi people cook kangaroos differently. He said, however, that he cooks them in the same way every time, which is the way his father taught him, which is not to break the legs. He explained that his father’s family believed that since one does not shoot a kangaroo that has broken legs, it should be cooked with its legs intact. However, he said that ‘on this end, when they cook a kangaroo ... they break the legs. But on my father’s side they don’t.’ By ‘this end’ he was referring to Laverton going east ‘on with the desert’, as against to the west of Laverton. He considered that his father was a Wongatha man, and his father called himself Wongatha.
  19. Mr Sullivan’s evidence indicates that there is not a single rule applicable across the entire Wongatha Claim area in relation to the preparation of kangaroo for eating.
  20. Leo Thomas said that he was taught how to hunt, cook and cut up kangaroo by RM, but does not give details of what he was taught or does.
  21. Asked whether there was anything special about the ‘divvying up of food in the bush ... in the Wangkayi culture’, Murray Stubbs said ‘Yes. When you get a kangaroo or goanna, you share it’. However, he was not asked to elaborate.

Conclusion concerning ‘Food preparation and the practice of sharing kangaroo’

  1. Over the many thousands of years that the indigenous people of Australia have hunted, cooked and eaten kangaroo, it is not surprising that certain regular butchering and culinary practices developed. Considerations of efficiency and convenience would play a role. For example, it was mentioned in evidence that the tail is left on the animal initially in order to serve as a ‘handle’ to enable turning of the animal. This applied to the singeing of the hair off the skin, after which the tail is cut off and placed in the cooking pit next to the rest of the animal for cooking.
  2. The evidence was consistent that the kangaroo is cooked lying on its back with legs upwards, and that west of Laverton, although the feet are cut off, the legs are not. East of Laverton, however, the legs are broken. This difference could be taken to suggest a cultural division at Laverton, but is rather slim evidence of it.
  3. There was evidence that some aspects of the cooking process are secret to watis. I do not know what those aspects are: perhaps they are Tjukurr stories explaining why the kangaroo must be cooked in one way rather than in another. However, this is speculation.
  4. I find that those who camp and cook out feel that they ‘should’ cook the kangaroo in a certain way, namely, after the animal has been gutted and the innards removed, the stomach sewn up and the hair singed off, lying on its back in the cooking pit, facing upwards, with the legs, but not the feet, intact. They feel that this is the ‘right’ and ‘traditional’ way.
  5. I also accept that where a kangaroo is brought into a community, there is a tradition of sharing.
  6. Finally, there was some evidence that kangaroo meat should be distributed in a certain manner, although the evidence was so slight in this respect that I am not able to find what the particular manner is, or whether there is a general adherence to it.

(v) Burial/reburial and other practices associated with death

  1. I described the pre-sovereignty practices of burial/reburial and relocation after a death at 3.6(c)(2) [821] ff.
  2. The Wongatha applicants refer to Pannell/Vachon’s supplementary report and to an extract from Morgan, A Drop in a Bucket that is in evidence. They refer in the text of their submissions to evidence given by Aubrey Lynch and Geraldine Hogarth (a Koara claimant).
  3. In their report, Pannell/Vachon refer to the evidence of four Wongatha witnesses (Aubrey Lynch, Leo Thomas, Dimple Sullivan, Cyril Barnes), one Cosmo witness (Estelle Ross) and one Koara witness (Geraldine Hogarth).
  4. Aubrey Lynch described the traditional burial practice which his mother had described to him. He said she was one of the persons who went out to bury and re-bury people. Mr Lynch said that only persons in the right skin group could do the burial and reburial. The practice involved an initial shallow burial to allow for subsequent retrieval, examination and reburial of the body. Mr Lynch said that the body was buried only about a metre deep in the ground and was covered by logs. Twelve months after this first burial, the gravesite was revisited by people of the right skin group. The bones were inspected, the grave cleaned out and dug to a greater depth, and the logs burnt (the bone inspection apparently served a forensic purpose; that of discovering whether the deceased was murdered). Mr Lynch also said that before the bones were reburied, the deceased’s spouse would lie in the grave. Mr Lynch was born in 1937. We do not know when his mother described the burial/reburial practice to him, but it seems that she was describing it as a practice that was being followed at the time when she described it to him, perhaps in the late 1940s.
  5. Asked whether reburials like that are conducted today, Mr Lynch said:
no, because during those days you can bury bodies round here at Mount Maragret in a shallow grave, even the police don’t take part in the reburial or anything ... [and] because our people [today] are buried in white man’s cemetery and the only way now for our people to go and visit them graves after 12 months is to go to the register and find out the number of the gravesite, and they go and just walk around that grave and then go away because nowadays you can’t dig graves anyway, because they’re six foot deep.’

(It should be noted that the forensic examination of the skeleton is a purpose that served an earlier age.) The Wongatha applicants submit that ‘this can be seen as an adaptation of traditional burial practices’. I take it that they are referring to the visit to the cemetery grave site 12 months after burial. This would be a good illustration of an adaptation if the Wongatha claimants in general did follow this practice of returning to the grave and walking around it after 12 months, but other witnesses did not refer to it and I do not think that Mr Lynch necessarily meant to imply that it is a practice linked to the former practice of reburial. Although the position may not be entirely clear, I think he may have been pointing out that if Aboriginal people wished to perform the old practice these days, they would need to identify the grave and would only be able to walk around it, then go away, because the body is buried six feet deep and bureaucratic procedures would need to be followed.

  1. Cyril Barnes gave detailed evidence in relation to burials and reburials around Mount Margaret when he was a child (he was born in 1935). He explained:
  2. Dimple Sullivan (born 1922) said that the Aboriginal custom was that a reburial took place two or three years after the initial burial. She said the bones were taken out to determine the cause of death, after which they were buried properly, and the widow was free to marry again. Dimple Sullivan described attending the reburial of one of her stepfathers at Minnie Creek when she was around four or five years old.
  3. Several witnesses gave evidence of the ‘bush’ ceremony that follows the ceremony at the cemetery. Each version of it involved a group of mourners lying down at a place away from the grave; those who had been to the burial walking from the grave, carrying branches or bushes, to those lying on the ground; the former brushing or touching those lying on the ground with the bushes, and those mourners rising to their feet marking the end of the ceremony.
  4. For example, Leo Thomas said that the deceased’s in-laws were responsible for carrying out certain tasks in relation to the burial. He described how they touch the grave with bushes and branches, and throw them over the mourners, who are in fact lying down a distance away from the grave. He said that this practice was carried out at European cemeteries.
  5. The Wongatha applicants submit that what Leo Thomas describes is a contemporary form of the traditional burial. I find it difficult, however, to regard this ceremony as an adaptation of the reburial ceremony – it occurs on the day of the burial, not twelve months later.
  6. Groups 5B/5F submit that Appendix B6a on ‘Wongatha - Burial and Other Associated Practices’ does not establish that any traditional law and custom in relation to burial practices is being maintained by the Wongatha Claim group. They submit that with the exception of one witness, the evidence was of traditional burials either in the 1960s or outside the Wongatha Claim area.
  7. Pearlie Wells described certain practices but explained that they were ‘almost all forgotten’ around Laverton and Mount Margaret, but are followed at Warburton.
  8. Albert Newland (a non-claimant) said that he did not know about today, but that many years ago they used to have a second burial.
  9. Group 5B/5F make a submission in relation to Jane Beasley, who, asked whether most or all Aboriginal people are now buried in cemeteries, said that as far as she knows, everyone is now buried in cemeteries ‘ie without traditional ritual or ceremonies’. Of course, this does not touch upon the matter of the Aboriginal ‘bush’ ceremony following a cemetery burial mentioned above.
  10. Group 6A relies on Groups 5B/5F’s submissions, but also submits that given the fact that the Wongatha applicants refer to only three witnesses, the practice has not persisted. Group 6A does not make clear to which ‘practice’ it is referring and, in any event, the Wongatha applicants refer to more than three Wongatha witnesses.

Conclusion concerning ‘Burial/reburial and other practices associated with death

  1. The reburial practice is no longer followed. There is some evidence of the ‘bush funeral’ that follows a burial at a cemetery, but this does not appear to take place nowadays either.

(vi) Marry far away

  1. The Wongatha applicants refer to Pannell/Vachon’s supplementary report at [30]. That paragraph has nothing to do with the present topic. The correct paragraph reference appears to be [36], where the supplementary report refers to the practice of marrying far away genealogically and spatially. Pannell/Vachon refer to the evidence of two Wongatha claimants, Cyril Barnes and Anthony Harris (they also refer to the Cosmo claimant, Estelle Ross, MN and NK 1 claimant, Kalman Murphy and non-claimant Janice Scott).
  2. The evidence of these witnesses is to the effect that the skin system is only one consideration in determining whether marriage is right or wrong way. Marriages that are ‘wrong’ according to the skin system may still be acceptable if one marries someone from an area far away or who has no genealogical connection. A marriage that is ‘right’ according to the skin system may still be a wrong way marriage if the two people are too closely connected genealogically.
  3. The matter of marrying far away is addressed in my discussion of the skin system earlier (see 4.7(a)(b)(7) [1711] ff).

(vii) Greeting/assertion and acknowledgement

  1. The GLSC submissions refer to the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report at [43]. The evidence concerning this practice was discussed under ‘Papaluku’ at 4.6(c) [1408] ff above.

(viii) Hold, receive, pass on knowledge; and instruct and educate

  1. The GLSC submissions refer only to the evidence of the MN claimant, Adele Phillips, as providing examples of this suggested law and custom. She referred to her father (Wongatha claimant Johnny Phillips) showing her the honey ant Tjukurr ‘[n]ext to Mulga Queen’ and the Bardi tjukur on Yundamindra Station where there is a big stone (yapu) shaped like a bardi. This isolated instance leads nowhere. There is ample other evidence in the case about intergenerational passing on of knowledge and skills, that I will not discuss here.

Conclusion to 4.7 (‘Relavant traditional laws and customs’)

  1. There is some acknowledgment and observance of some traditional laws and customs by some Wongatha claimants. Does the evidence lead to the conclusion that there is acknowledgement and observance by the Wongatha Claim group of the body of pre-sovereignty Western Desert laws and customs?
  2. As I indicated at 3.6(c)(5) [976] ff, I am refraining from answering this question.

4.8 RELEVANT CONNECTION TO CLAIM AREA – s 223 (1)(b) OF NTA
(a) Section 223(1)(b) of the NTA and the meaning of ‘connection’

  1. The definition of native title in s 223(1) of the NTA requires, not only that communal, group or individual rights and interests in relation to land or waters be possessed under traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed, but also that the claimants have a ‘connection’ with the land or waters by those laws and customs (s 223(1)(b)): Ward HCA at [18] (joint judgment). That is to say, not only must the rights and interests be ‘in relation to’ land or waters, but also the claimants themselves must ‘have a connection with the land or waters’. Both the rights and interests and the connection must exist by reason of ‘the traditional laws acknowledged [today], and the traditional customs observed [today]’. The acknowledgement and observance must have continued substantially uninterrupted since sovereignty, otherwise the laws and customs would not be traditional (Yorta Yorta HCA at [87] (joint judgment)).
  2. In Ward HCA ([64]) the joint judgment stated:
its terms, s 223(1)(b) is not directed to how Aboriginal peoples use or occupy land or waters. Section 223(1)(b) requires consideration of whether, by the traditional laws acknowledged and the traditional customs observed by the peoples concerned, they have a “connection” with the land or waters. That is, it requires first an identification of the content of traditional laws and customs and, secondly, the characterisation of the effect of those laws and customs as constituting a “connection” of the peoples with the land or waters in question. No doubt there may be cases where the way in which land or waters are used will reveal something about the kind of connection that exists under traditional law or custom between Aboriginal peoples and the land or waters concerned. But the absence of evidence of some recent use of the land or waters does not, of itself, require the conclusion that there can be no relevant connection. Whether there is a relevant connection depends, in the first instance, upon the content of traditional law and custom and, in the second, upon what is meant by “connection” by those laws and customs.’

  1. Their Honours did not need to express a view as to the nature of the ‘connection’ required. In particular, they expressly refrained from giving any opinion as to whether a ‘spiritual’ (in the sense of non-physical) connection will suffice.
  2. Earlier in the joint judgment, their Honours stated ([14]):
is now well recognised, the connection which Aboriginal peoples have with “country” is essentially spiritual. In Milirrpum v Nabalco Pty Ltd [(1971) 17 FLR 141 at 167], Blackburn J said that: “the fundamental truth about the Aboriginals’ relationship to the land is that whatever else it is, it is a religious relationship ... There is an unquestioned scheme of things in which the spirit ancestors, the people of the clan, particular land and everything that exists on and in it, are organic parts of one indissoluble whole”.

is a relationship which sometimes is spoken of as having to care for, and being able to “speak for”, country. “Speaking for” country is bound up with the idea that, at least in some circumstances, others should ask for permission to enter upon country or use it or enjoy its resources, but to focus only on the requirement that others seek permission for some activities would oversimplify the nature of the connection that the phrase seeks to capture. The difficulty of expressing a relationship between a community or group of Aboriginal people and the land in terms of rights and interests is evident. Yet that is required by the NTA. The spiritual or religious is translated into the legal. This requires the fragmentation of an integrated view of the ordering of affairs into rights and interests which are considered apart from the duties and obligations which go with them.

difficulties are not reduced by the inevitable tendency to think of rights and interests in relation to the land only in terms familiar to the common lawyer. Nor are they reduced by the requirement of the NTA, now found in par (e) of s 225, for a determination by the Federal Court to state, with respect to land or waters in the determination area not covered by a “non-exclusive agricultural lease” or a “non-exclusive pastoral lease”, whether the native title rights and interests “confer possession, occupation, use and enjoyment of that land or waters on the native title holders to the exclusion of all others”.’

In this passage, their Honours recognised the great difficulty of our legal system’s coming to grips with the nature of the connection on which s 223(1)(b) insists.

  1. It is difficult to conceive of the kind of ‘connection’ with the land or waters of the Wongatha Claim area demanded by s 223(1)(b) as something distinct from the rights and interests relating to those lands or waters demanded by s 223(1)(a). The structure of s 223(1) makes it clear, however, that the requirement of connection is additional to the requirement of the holding of the rights and interests. I note that the Full Court in De Rose FCAFC discussed ([305]-[307]) the issue of what, if anything, para (b) adds to the requirement of para (a). Their Honours suggest that connection with the land for the purposes of s 223(1)(b) may bespeak an ‘entitlement to do or prevent anything from being done on the land’ whereas a ‘right’ may not necessarily carry with it such an entitlement ([307]).
  2. Groups 5B/ 5F, drawing attention to Ward HCA at [64] (see above), submit that there is not evidence of residence or of other forms of connection (such as ritual or ceremonial association, or knowledge of site specific stories) of any claimant to any part of the easternmost portion of the Wongatha Claim area. Accordingly, so they submit, the criteria for the gaining of rights and interests in land under the WDCB are not satisfied by any claimant before the Court in respect of that portion.
  3. In my opinion, in the case of a claim of group rights and interests, it is the claim group (the claimants as an entity) that must have the connection required by para (b) of s 223(1). The Wongatha Claim does not meet this requirement for the same reason that it does not meet the requirement of para (a) of s 223 (1): the Wongatha Claim group (like the other Claim groups) is not one recognised, directly or indirectly, by pre-sovereignty Aboriginal law and custom, as having a connection with the Wongatha Claim area. Any connection is at the individual rather than at the group level, and is with a ‘my country’ area rather than with the entire Wongatha Claim area.
  4. Moreover, residence of a claimant somewhere on the Wongatha Claim area is not in itself necessarily probative of the connection required by para (b) of s 223(1): the connection of which the paragraph speaks must be one by the traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed.
  5. Group 6A submits that De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J demonstrates that the Wongatha applicants will have practical difficulties in proving connection ‘in the face of gross absence from claimed land’. Group 6A does not refer to the reversal of that decision in DeRose FCAFC. Nor does it give particulars of the alleged ‘gross absence’. The GLSC replies that ‘it is simply not the case that there has been gross absence from the claimed land either over time since sovereignty or presently’.
  6. I find it difficult to address Group 6A’s submission in the absence of particulars of the alleged ‘gross absence’. Equally, however, I find it difficult to address the GLSC reply. I do not know what is the evidence on which the Wongatha applicants rely to show that the Wongatha Claim group and, apparently, predecessor groups of the Wongatha Claim group, have been connected to the Wongatha Claim area since sovereignty. Clearly, they have not. The Wongatha Claim group came into existence in January/February 1990 (see 1.2(a) [18] ff above). Moreover, the ancestors of many Wongatha claimants are shown to have come from places outside the Wongatha Claim area.
  7. No evidence was addressed to the question of the content of traditional laws and customs dealing with connection. The Wongatha submissions addressed the question as if it raised no more than an issue of residence, but did not explain what pre-sovereignty laws and customs had to say about residence.
  8. In a broad non-NTA sense, I have no doubt that the Wongatha claimants, like all Aboriginal people, have an affinity with, and tie to, the land, and that many of them have a special affinity with, and tie to, their ‘my country’ areas. However, in my opinion, s 223(1)(b) of the NTA demands more than this.

(b) Connection of members of the Claim group to claimed areas

  1. The Wongatha applicants submit that virtually all indigenous witnesses gave evidence asserting a connection to areas of ngurra, ngurrura, Tjukurr, parna, ‘heart country’ or other similarly described country (see 4.7(a)(b)(4) [1569] ff), together with a basis for the connection under their laws and customs. They also refer to evidence concerning the recognition of ‘country’ held by others, and refer to earlier parts of their submissions.
  2. The State observes, correctly in my view, that assertion of a connection is not enough, and that an acceptance or recognition of the asserted connection at least by other members of the Wongatha Claim group, and probably by a much broader ‘Wongatha society’ as discussed in the Pannell/Vachon primary report (see 3.6(c)(3) [869] ff) is required.
  3. Mr Vachon emphasised the importance of the Dreaming and its ‘land base’ aspect, apparently as a foundation for claims to country. It is clear, however, that the Wongatha claimants do not claim their ‘my country’ areas by reference to Dreaming tracks or sites.
  4. Mr Vachon also said:
of the characteristics of the Western Desert is that there were a number of means by which people were recognised as having a connection to land. They would be – they’d be recognised as having a connection by being born and growing up in a place rather than having a connection as the result of membership to a corporate land owning group. This criterion of connection was a bit fortuitous. I mean, it was unpredictable where a person might be born, particularly in an environment such as the Western Desert, and particularly amongst people who had a rudimentary technology and were nomadic.’ (my emphasis)

Again, this basis of connection is consistent with individual rights and interests, and inconsistent with communal or group rights and interests, in which the individual member derives his or her interest through the group as intermediary.

  1. Under the heading ‘Maintenance of connection’, the Wongatha applicants emphasise that many Wongatha claimants live within the Wongatha Claim area, such as at the towns of Menzies, Leonora and Laverton, at communities such as Mount Margaret and Mulga Queen, and on Aboriginal pastoral stations such as Moropoi (in fact, a small number also live in the Cosmo Community). They refer to GLSC Appendix A1a for references to the evidence of residence of the Wongatha claimants. As well, they refer to evidence collected in GLSC Appendix A2 of their maintaining a connection with the Wongatha Claim area, wherever they may reside, ‘by regularly travelling and camping in the claim area’.
  2. The Wongatha applicants cite Murray Stubbs as an example and I will consider his claimed connection in detail. Murray Stubbs claimed as his ngurra the area from Menzies to Yapupara (Baker Lake), a distance of 500-600 km, because it was his mother’s, grandmother’s and thamu’s country. He said that that area was his mother’s country because her father came from there, his grandmother’s ngurra because his great-grandmother came from there, and his grandfather’s ngurra because it was his ‘home’. He said he was aware that his mother had said that her ngurra was a much smaller area, basically around Murrin Murrin and Mount Margaret. It was suggested that he could not have a ngurra larger than hers. He explained that she had been describing her heart country, and that she in fact ‘[h]ad connection to the rest of the country through her mother, her father, her grandmother’. He said that a person’s ngurra means the person’s area to which he or she is connected to through family, and is the land that the person claims through the person’s ancestors.
  3. He said that he calls the smaller area or ‘heart country’ his kurturtu country, the country he knows best and has travelled through. His kurturtu, he said, was around Menzies, Leonora, Murrin, Yundamindra, Mount Celia and Laverton. He said he got to know that area best, because it is where his mother, father, brother and he went hunting and camping. He said that he still goes to Moropoi to visit his mother and older brother, Peter, who live there (Moropoi is 50km north-east of Menzies). He said that his mother, grandmother and uncle were all born, and lived most of their lives, in the area he called his heart country. He explained that his ngurra was his area or land, which was ‘the bigger picture that I’m connected to through my families’, whereas his ‘kurturtu’ was his heart country where he had been travelling and of which he had knowledge.
  4. Mr Stubbs said that he claimed the larger area (Menzies to Yapupara), even though he did not walk around there as a child with his parents, and even though the sole basis of his claim to it is that it belonged to his relations. He said that in fact he had never lived at Yapupara or even been there, but his ancestors came from that area. He said that there was no requirement for a person to know country or to live on country, or, otherwise than through an ancestor, to have any connection with country, in order to be able to claim it. He said he also had a right to his late father’s country, and had been told that he was on a Native Title claim in respect of it.
  5. Mr Stubbs said that Tommy Simms had told him that from Yapupara back is Wongatha country, while Ngaanyatjarra country goes the other way.
  6. Mr Stubbs agreed that he did not have a close connection to the whole of the Wongatha Claim area, but said he was related to family members who had connections to other parts of it and stated: ‘We all own that land together ... because we’re all part of the Wongatha people.’
  7. Mr Stubbs said that he thought that the Wongatha Claim should include Kalgoorlie, because he was entitled to claim it by reason of his having been born there and lived there all his life. He said he had omitted Kalgoorlie from his description of his ngurra earlier because the Wongatha Claim area did not include it. He was asked why, then, he had said that his ngurra included Yapupara, which also lay outside the Wongatha Claim area. He replied: ‘we’re talking about land; we’re not talking about my house’ (he has a house in Kalgoorlie), and added that although his ngurra or ‘home’ was in Kalgoorlie, he was not claiming land there.
  8. In referring to the testimony of Murray Stubbs as a ‘good example’, the Wongatha applicants refer to his evidence that he learned about hunting from his parents and his uncle; that his family hunted and camped (on his mother’s country around Murrin, Kookynie, Yerilla, Mount Celia and Yundamindra); that his father would shoot kangaroo, goanna and turkey; that nowadays, when time allows, he (Mr Stubbs) goes hunting, mainly to Menzies, Moropoi, Kookynie and around Yundamindra and Mount Celia; and that he teaches his children and grandchildren how to dig honey ants and to prepare and cook food ‘the Wongai way ... so they can learn about their heritage and their culture and hopefully ... pass it on to their children’. The Wongatha applicants submit that Mr Stubbs was ‘merely one of many witnesses who gave evidence to like effect’.
  9. It is impossible to ‘fit’ Murray Stubbs’s example into any anthropological model of Western Desert land ownership discussed at 3.6(c)(3), (4). The various ‘connections’ he mentions are, or include:

There is no reference to Dreaming sites or tracks. Thereis also confusion between ngurra and kurtutu.

  1. In addition, I do not know what it means to say that an ancestor ‘came from’ ‘an area’ of 600km (between Menzies and Yapupara). So far as I can recall, Mr Stubbs is the only witness who characterised such a large area as ngurra, and who said that a person inherits ngurra from a relative who ‘came from’ the area, even though the witness was not born and did not grow up there, or have any other connection to the area.
  2. In any event, evidence of this kind does not establish ‘connection’ of the kind required by para (b) of s 223(1), because it does not take into account the paragraph’s requirement that the connection be one given by traditional law and custom. That is to say, the evidence does not go far enough. The paragraph requires proof of traditional laws and customs that give the claimants a connection with the land or waters claimed.

(c) Continuity of connection back to sovereignty

  1. The relevance of ‘continuity’ arises from the word ‘traditional’ and is implicit in para (b) of s 223(1) of the NTA. The Wongatha claimants’ connection with the Wongatha Claim area must be conferred by laws and customs which have been acknowledged and observed without substantial interruption, since sovereignty.
  2. The GLSC applicants rely on paras (a)(i), (b)(iv) and (c)(i) of the joint report on the anthropologists’ conference (set out at 3.5(a) [411]). These paragraphs do not, however, assist the Wongatha Claim group on the present issue.
  3. The GLSC applicants also refer to Professor Maddock’s statement in his report:
strategies employed to justify new links with land included:

“realignment of beliefs about conception and birth ‘totemism’”
“adoptive custodianship of sites and ritual objects derived from the previous inhabitants”;“extension and elaboration of their (the immigrants’) own primary Dreaming associations on the basis of existing mythological ‘Law lines’ in the area”; and “Recognition and definition of new associations”.’

(Professor Maddock was quoting from John Stanton, ‘Old Business, New Owners; Succession and “the Law” on the Fringe of the Western Desert’, in Neville Peterson and M Langton (eds), Aborigines, Land and Land Rights (Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra, 1983) p 160.) The GLSC applicants submit:


may have occurred in terms of movement, (and the Applicants submit that no mass migration has occurred into or out of the claim area), it is submitted that even on Professor Maddock’s reasoning, such movement as has occurred has been sanctioned by Western Desert law and custom involving no loss of rights and interests in country; the Wongatha Claim group continues to hold its claimed country under Western Desert law and custom; and that the descendants of the ancestral Wongatha group reaching down to current times, and the claim group today, have at no time departed from their traditional country claimed in these proceedings.’

There has been migration into the Wongatha Claim area from outside it, as discussed at 3.6(a)(b) and elsewhere.

  1. The passage from Professor Maddock’s report, set out above, occurs in the context of his discussion of the ‘serial migration’ to Mount Margaret, as a result of which ‘more recent inhabitants ... have assumed guardianship of sacred sites in the region’, as reported by John Stanton. The passage is a general one, not limited to Mount Margaret. Those who came from east of the easternmost boundary of the Wongatha Claim area, although still from within the WDCB, did not have a connection with the Wongatha Claim area without substantial interruption since sovereignty.
  2. I accept the State’s submission that ‘the advent of European settlement in the region precipitated rapid and widespread demographic change’, with the result that ‘Aboriginal groups east, north-east and south-east of the [Wongatha] Claim area left their traditional homelands and moved to the fringe of European settlement where many of them lost their connection to their former traditional lands’, and that ‘[t]he original occupiers of these areas of early European settlement were either displaced, or otherwise moved away’, or at least, in my opinion, that they were numerically overwhelmed or dominated by the migrants from the east, north-east and south-east.

4.9 RIGHTS AND INTERESTS ASSERTED TO BE HELD UNDER TRADITIONAL LAWS AND CUSTOMS
4.10 WHETHER SUCH RIGHTS ARE ‘IN RELATION TO LANDS AND WATERS’
4.11 WHETHER SUCH RIGHTS ARE ‘POSSESSED UNDER TRADITIONAL LAWS ACKNOWLEDGED AND CUSTOMS OBSERVED’

  1. I need not consider these topics. The Wongatha applicants have not satisfied the requirements of s 223(1)(a) and (b) of the NTA in relation to the Wongatha Claim area.

4.12 APPLICATION OF S 223(1)(c) OF THE NTA

  1. I need not consider s 223 (1)(c).

4.13 CONCLUSIONS: COMMON LAW HOLDERS, RIGHTS AND INTERESTS AND DETERMINATION AREA

  1. For the reasons given above and elsewhere, it is not established that the Wongatha Claim group possesses group rights and interests in the Wongatha Claim area, and the Wongatha application should be dismissed.
  2. I need not address extinguishment.

CHAPTER 5 – THE MANTJINTJARRA NGALIA CLAIM

5.0 INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW

  1. I referred to the MN Claim at 1.2(b) [40], 1.3 [61] and 2.2 [143] ff.
  2. The eight MN applicants were identified at [61]. According to the MN LIP, there were 279 MN claimants. Twenty three of them gave evidence.
  3. The large MN Claim area was described at [144] ff and shown in Annexure A to these reasons. Its northernmost boundary is located some 100 km north of the northernmost boundary of the Wongatha Claim area, and runs substantially parallel to that boundary. That northernmost boundary of the MN Claim area has a small protuberance, the obvious purpose of which is to include Mangkili – a place that was of significance for ancestors of the MN claimants. Mangkili was also significant for ancestors of the Koara, Wutha, NK 1 and NK 2 claimants.
  4. The MN Claim is a claim said to be made by the ‘Mantjintjarra and Ngalia peoples’. Kado Muir said that the MN Claim resulted from the amalgamation of a Mantjintjarra Claim and a Ngalia Claim.
  5. The Ngalia are also the group underlying the NK 1 and NK 2 Claims. Aspects of those Claims are dealt with in Ch 10. Reference should be made to that chapter – I will not duplicate here what I have said there.
  6. At the centre of the making of the MN Claim is the Aboriginal Community at Mulga Queen. The Community was established in the early 1980s. The driving force behind its establishment was Phyllis Thomas and her husband Eric Thomas. They were living at Leonora at the time. Phyllis Thomas lives there, and Eric Thomas lives at the Kanpa Aboriginal Community, where his brother, Preston Thomas also lives. Kanpa is east of the Wongatha and MN Claim areas. The two men, their brother Leo Thomas and their sisters agreed that Preston Thomas would claim their father’s country, while Leo Thomas and Eric Thomas would claim their mother’s country within the Wongatha Claim area.
  7. I discussed the early history of Mulga Queen at 3.7(c) [1098]–[1101]. It will be recalled that Mulga Queen was established as a mining centre in the early years of the twentieth century, and that there was a hotel and several other major buildings and businesses there, including a bakery, general store, and blacksmith, as well as several houses. Prior to the establishment of a ration depot at Mulga Queen in 1953, Mr Shepherd, a pastoralist at Mulga Queen, traded with the Aboriginal people. Phyllis Thomas said that her parents came from the Spinifex to Mulga Queen before the establishment of the ration station, and that the Aboriginal people worked for pastoralists in the area for clothes and food. She said that she remembered the noise of the gold processing battery from her childhood.
  8. When the Thomases established the Aboriginal Community at Mulga Queen in the early 1980s, no buildings remained there. At first Mr and Ms Thomas lived in a bough shelter for some 14 months. In 1988 they procured a 99 year lease from the ALT over Aboriginal Reserves 25058, 25059 and 25060 on behalf of the ‘Nurra Kurramunoo Aboriginal Corporation’.
  9. Funding was secured for a water bore, and, in 1983 or 1984, houses were built. Ms Thomas said that the Community comprises about 12 houses and a school, and that the permanent residents comprise about 26 adults and 15 children. The population includes a school teacher and a nurse. She said that a shop was about to be established.
  10. The Mulga Queen Community is remote from any other residential centre. Moreover, it is the only residential centre within the large MN Claim area – the MN Claim area does not extend to the south to include such places as Leonora and Laverton. Although no MN claimants reside elsewhere within the MN Claim area, the residents at the Mulga Queen Community represent only a very small proportion of the Mulga Queen Claim group.
  11. As noted elsewhere, the MN Claim area is also the NK 2 Claim area, and does not overlap the Cosmo Claim area on its east, or the NK 1 Claim area on its west. The MN Claim area shares common boundaries with each of those two Claim areas.
  12. The MN Claim fails because:
    1. The evidence does not establish that the MN Claim group is a group recognised by WDCB traditional laws and customs, as a group capable of possessing group rights and interests in land or waters.
    2. The evidence does not establish that group rights and interests exist in the Wongatha/MN overlap under WDCB traditional laws and customs.
    3. The evidence does not establish that at sovereignty, WDCB laws and customs provided for an ancestral group of the MN Claim group to possess group rights and interests in the Wongatha/MN overlap, or for individuals to be able to form themselves into a group having such rights and interests.
    4. The MN Claim, in so far as it relates to the Wongatha/MN overlap, is an aggregation of claims of individual rights and interests, and the Wongatha/MN overlap is based on an aggregation of individual ‘my country’ areas the subject of those claimed individual rights and interests, and the NTA does not provide for the making of a determination of native title consisting of group rights and interests in these circumstances.
    5. The Wongatha/MN overlap is not an area, or part of an area, that is ultimately, defined, whether directly or indirectly, by reference to Tjukurr (Dreaming) sites or tracks.
    6. In so far as it may be relevant, it is not shown that the ancestors of the MN claimants had any connection with, let alone rights and interest within, the Wongatha/MN overlap at sovereignty. The most that is shown is that the range of certain more recent ancestors may have extended down into the very northernmost tip of the Wongatha Claim area around Lake Wells and Empress Spring.
    7. The evidence does not establish that the MN claimants have a connection with the Wongatha/MN overlap by Western Desert traditional laws and customs, as required by s 223(1)(b) of the NTA.

5.1 EVIDENCE OF COMPLIANCE WITH S 61 OF THE NTA

  1. The MN application was lodged prior to the commencement of the Amending NTA and was not amended after that commencement. Accordingly, no issue arises as to the authorising of the MN applicants to make the MN application.

5.2 RELEVANT SOCIETY AT THE TIME OF SOVEREIGNTY (‘THE ANCESTRAL SOCIETY’)

  1. The MN (and other GLSC) applicants frequently state, in relation to a particular issue, that they rely on the GLSC submissions made on the Wongatha Claim, and the non-indigenous respondents reply by stating that they rely on their submissions in response. Accordingly, the MN applicants give numerous cross-references, by section or paragraph numbers, to Ch 4 of the GLSC submissions, and the non-indigenous respondents give numerous cross-references to their submissions made in response to those submissions.
  2. This practice unfairly leaves to someone else the task of working out whether the whole or only some part of the Wongatha submission is being invoked, and if part only, which part. I have found that many parts simply cannot be applied to a different Claim.
  3. It would be unreasonable to expect submissions on the same point to be set out fully in all of the many chapters. However, a succinct summary in a sentence or two, accompanied by a cross-reference to the more detailed exposition, would have been appropriate. A particular deficiency in the practice that has been followed is that the submission cross referred to has typically contained extensive references to indigenous evidence that, on any view, could only be relevant to the particular Claim brought on behalf of the Claim group of which the witnesses were members.
  4. The MN applicants submit that the evidence points to the WDCB being the relevant society at sovereignty, and that rights and interests in, and connection to, the claimed land has continued substantially uninterrupted under the laws and customs of the WDCB since sovereignty.
  5. The State submits that the WDCB is not a society of the kind referred to by the High Court in Yorta Yorta or, even if it was, only part of the Wongatha Claim area was within the WDCB.
  6. Groups 5B/5F submit that because the MN applicants ‘substantially duplicate, or incorporate and adopt, the submissions of the Wongatha applicants’, they rely on the submissions that they (Groups 5B/5F) made in response to the Wongatha Claim. In addition, they submit expressly that the evidence does not establish that:

(a) the WDCB extended at sovereignty to the entirety of the MN Claim area, and, in particular, to that part of it west of the ‘Laverton to Cosmo’ line (the Berndt line);

(b) the WDCB presently extends to part or all of the MN Claim area; and

(c) in respect of the MN Claim area, the laws and customs of WDCB, or of any regional division or divisions of it, have continued uninterrupted since sovereignty.

  1. However, I concluded at 3.6(a)(b) that there was a phasing out between the Berndt line and the Menzies-Lake Darlot line. I treat the whole of the MN Claim area as being east of the Menzies-Lake Darlot line, and, therefore within the area of the WDCB.
  2. There remain issues as to the identity of the Aboriginal people who were to be found in the Wongatha/MN overlap at sovereignty, and the relationship between them and the MN claimants, although, as I have noted elsewhere, the way in which the GLSC Claim groups are defined means thatdescent from pre-sovereignty ‘occupiers’ is not required.
  3. The State submits, in relation to the MN claimants having adopted the Wongatha POC, that the uniformity across the various GLSC Claim groups in the matters contended for as to the nature of laws, customs, rights, interests, and, indeed, the WDCB society itself, is ‘an indication of the artificiality ... of those various groups and of the arbitrary nature of the boundaries that define the areas claimed by those groups’. I agree. Why are the GLSC Claim groups not a single group rather than four groups? Why, on the other hand, are they not more than four groups? Again, why are the MN and Cosmo Claim groups not one group? The levels of aggregation that have been adopted have never been satisfactorily explained.
  4. The MN applicants rely on the archaeological evidence of Professor Veth; historical evidence (in particular, that of Craig Muller); anthropological evidence (in particular the report of Daniel Vachon and Daniel de Gand and Mr de Gand’s supplementary report, as well as the report on the anthropologists’ conference); and the linguistic evidence of Dr Clendon. They also refer to the ethno-ecological evidence of Mr Kalotas which I addressed at 3.5(c)(2) [457] ff).

(a) Archaeological evidence

  1. I discussed the archaeological evidence of Professor Veth at 3.5(c)(3) [469] ff. Professor Veth’s evidence is that Aboriginal people of a Western Desert cultural adaptation were the source of the archaeological remains referred to in his reports. His evidence does not assist in relation to the identity of any ‘group’ that may have been in ‘occupation’ of the Wongatha/MN overlap at sovereignty or at any time or times since.
  2. Professor Veth said that the material culture was non-discriminatory as between groups. Groups 5B/5F submit that on the basis of this concession, the material culture does not assist in identifying whether the MN Claim area was and is part of the WDCB. I disagree. The concession was only that the material culture did not discriminate between Western Desert groups. Professor Veth remained firm in his view that the material remains he saw demonstrated a Western Desert cultural adaptation. I need say nothing further of the archaeological evidence in relation to the MN Claim.

(b) Historical evidence

  1. The MN applicants refer to the GLSC submissions on the historical record, and Groups 5B/5F repeat their submissions in relation to the historical record and in relation to migration. In summary, Groups 5B/5F submit, relevantly, that movement of individuals and families occurred towards the fringe of the Western Desert, especially towards the ration centres, missions and towns there. I agree. In relation to the MN Claim in particular, I refer to the migration from the Mangkili, Tjirrkarli, Tjintjira area down, directly or indirectly, to the Mulga Queen area, in a period of some 30 years down to the arrival of the Banks family, apparently in 1953.
  2. Mr Muller disagreed that such migration had occurred to any significant extent but conceded that he had not considered any of the anthropological and ethnographic writings of Bates, Tindale, Elkin and the Berndts, his approach being to leave anthropologists to deal with anthropologists. The MN claimants, in particular, descend from people who came in from the north-east of the Wongatha/MN overlap. Three places to the north-east that have been mentioned in evidence are Tjintjira, which is about 120 km north east of the overlap (accepting it as being Lake Gruszka as the anthropologists suggest), Mangkili which is about 100 km north of the overlap, and Tjirrkarli which is about 80 km east-north-east of the northern-most point of the overlap. When I say ‘from the overlap’, this means in the present case from the nearest point on the boundary of the Wongatha Claim area. I will address later the question whether some of the ancestors should be understood to have come from Lake Wells, within the northern-most tip of the Wongatha Claim area.
  3. Special mention should again be made of the ration depot at Mulga Queen: see 3.7(c) [1098] ff. Mulga Queen is on the northern periphery of the Wongatha Claim area, but is rather central to the MN Claim area. The ration depot was set up at Mulga Queen in 1953 on an 8,600 acre commonage designated ‘Reserve 9881’. A Mr Shepherd was appointed as its first superintendent. However, Mr and Ms Shepherd, who lived in the Mulga Queen area for many years before that and had traded with Aboriginal people in the area, were well regarded by the Aboriginal people. According to Mr Muller, the depot was ‘specifically intended to feed desert people’.
  4. When the depot opened, there were 20 adult recipients living in a permanent camp at the ration station. In 1957 the State Government reserved land in the area for them, and by the following year their number had increased to 31. Mr Muller notes that with the increased population there was a flourishing of ceremonial activity at Mulga Queen. In addition to the ‘more permanent’ residents, ‘numbers of nomads’ would visit for various periods, taking rations as required, and then return to the desert. Mr Muller notes that many of the Aborigines at Mulga Queen moved on to other towns between the late 1950s and the late 1960s, and attributes this to several causes. One was the death of Mr Shepherd. After his death there was an exodus of many of the ration recipients. Half a dozen or so of the eldest settled at Biddy’s Patch, and the rest apparently moved to such places as Milkupurrul and Flowers Well, and, perhaps, Leonora.
  5. Mr Muller refers to a suggestion in the historic record that ‘a group of Aboriginal people frequented the country between and including the towns of Mulga Queen, Erlistoun, Cox’s Find, Cosmo Newbery and sometimes Laverton’. Group 5B/5F submit that the evidence does not establish that such people were ancestors of the present MN  claimants. I agree that it does not, and I do not think that Mr Muller was suggesting otherwise. However, the evidence of Phyllis Thomas, for example, shows that when she was young, her family moved around between Claypan (about 30 km south-west of Cosmo and within the Wongatha and Cosmo Claim areas, but not the MN Claim area), Mulga Queen, Stockwhip and Blanket (also called ‘Famous Well’) which was very close to Mulga Queen (the two were only four to five km apart), Hootanui (about 15 km west of Mulga Queen and just outside the Wongatha Claim area) and Cosmo, and that she finished up in the Mount Margaret Mission. Accordingly, at the time of her girlhood in the 1930s and 1940s, people who had originated in the Gibson Desert, such as her family, had come down and were moving around between such places.

(c) Anthropological evidence

  1. I dealt with general anthropological issues in Ch 3, which included some references to the evidence of Mr Vachon and Mr de Gand, the anthropologists who were retained by the MN applicants.
  2. Vachon/de Gand approached their task as one of investigating the MN Claim, and assembling such evidence as was available to support it, rather than of conducting a fresh and independent inquiry directed to ascertaining, on all the evidence, whether any group or individuals had rights and interests in the MN Claim area, and, if so, who those people were. Thus, they did not address the causes and implications of the existence of the various overlapping Claims or interview members of overlapping Claim groups with a view to ascertaining why overlapping Claims were being made, and whether, under WDCB laws and customs, one Claim group rather than another might have rights and interests in an overlap (since Mr Vachon was, with Dr Pannell, also retained by the Wongatha applicants, he also interviewed Wongatha claimants, but not for the purpose mentioned). As well, they were, in my view, ready to infer the existence of a vital system of laws and customs from MN claimants’ fragmentary knowledge of particular alleged laws or customs.
  3. Mr Vachon considered that all MN evidence was covered in the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report in relation to the Wongatha Claim, and could not ‘really see that there was a way to write a supplementary report simply on the Mantjintjarra Ngalia’. However, Mr de Gand thought otherwise, and wrote his own supplementary report. Mr Vachon also thought that Mr de Gand had, in some instances, led the information from some of the MN claimants.
  4. Mr de Gand had not received the Wongatha anthropological report or read the documents referred to in it, before completing the MN report, even though several important findings recorded in it were expressly incorporated into the Vachon/de Gand MN report.
  5. Vachon/de Gand qualify their MN report with the statement that they did not interview all of the MN claimants, and that some senior claimants had not participated in the ‘field component’ of their research.
  6. As in the case of other anthropological reports in the proceeding, the Vachon/de Gand report and the de Gand supplementary report constantly say such things as ‘the claimants speak’, ‘the claimant group considers’, ‘the claimants see’, and so on, without identifying particular claimants, other than that their research findings and conclusions were referable to ‘senior MN claimants’, by which they said they meant claimants born before 1950. It is not clear what Vachon/de Gand mean when they refer to ‘many’ or ‘other’ claimants or informants, for example.
  7. I have no difficulty in accepting, on the basis of the observations of the early explorers described in the reports of Vachon/de Gand and Muller (John Forrest (1874), A L Wells (1892), David Carnegie (1896-97) and Frank Hann (1908)), that there were indigenous people in the Wongatha/MN overlap at first contact and, I would infer, at sovereignty. Who those indigenous people were, at either time, the evidence does not establish.
  8. The MN applicants cite four paragraphs from a summary in the Vachon/de Gand report, and I will include for convenience paras 12-13 and 18 as well:
While the land-use and occupation histories of the senior claimants and their forebears are quite diverse and conditioned by historical, social and cultural factors, it is possible to identify some general features of their occupation of the Overlap [Vachon/de Gand use ‘Overlap’ to refer to the Wongatha/MN overlap].

Like other Western Desert peoples such as the Wongatha Claimants, the Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants and their forebears’ land-related practices can be characterised as nomadic, although the claimants’ movements have, over the years, combined with periods of sedentary living in camps often associated with European mines, pastoral stations and towns. The former European centres are located largely, but not exclusively, within the Overlap (like Duketon and Cox (New) Find, Erlistoun and Bandya stations, Mulga Queen), or to the west of the Overlap (at places like Darlot, Yandal PL, Melrose PL, Yakabindie PL) and Leonora.

All of the [MN] claimants’ Aboriginal forebears are identified primarily with ngurra located within the Western Desert cultural bloc. Many senior Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants speak of their forebears as “coming from” Mangkili (situated outside the Overlap but within the overall Mantjintjarra Ngalia claim area, some 100 kilometres north of the northern Overlap boundary) and surrounding environs. Other senior Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants identify their forebears as originating from places which are located outside of both the Overlap and the current boundaries of the Mantjintjarra Ngalia claim. Two prominent places are Tjirrkarli (140 kilometres southeast of Mangkili) and Tjintjira (probably Lake Gruszka, 130 kilometres east of Mangkili)....
Along with the Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants and their forebears, other Western Desert people occupied the Overlap in that area roughly south and southwest from Lake Wells. The written record suggests that these latter people did so at the time of European contact and probably before. From around 1910 it appears that, while their occupation of the Overlap continued, these people shifted their orbits of occupation and land-use primarily westward. Some eventually lived at places such as Darlot, Melrose PL and Yandal PL, Wilson’s Patch, Agnew and Mulga Queen. Others incorporated the town of Laverton, nearby mining camps and later the Mt Margaret Mission within their ‘run’. Among other terms of identification, the former became known as Koara/Kuwarra or part of the “Darlot mob”; the latter became known as Wongatha. The majority either had no offspring or they had no grandchildren. For those that did, their descendants are mostly Koara/Kuwarra or Wongatha claimants.
... the Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimant group can be regarded as comprising those Aboriginal individuals who trace their connections, considered in socio-cultural, genealogical and occupational terms to the previous Aboriginal inhabitants of the Overlap....
The secondary sources record a number of indigenous labels which serve to identify Aboriginal individuals connected to all or parts of the Overlap. These include: “Wongada” (Young); “Wangadha”, “Barduwonga” and “Manjinji Wonga” (Bates); “Mandjindja” (Elkin), and “Pini”, “Tjalkadjara”, “Nan:a” and “Mandjindja” (Tindale). As discussed in the Wongatha report, each of these labels do not refer to a distinct “tribe” or an organised society with distinctive laws and customs. Rather, these labels identify people with Western Desert laws and customs who are connected by these laws and customs to the Overlap and adjacent Western Desert lands. Some of these labels are used by some of the claimants today. Others, like Baduwonga, Tjalkadjara, Nan:a and Pini have dropped out of use....From the findings of Bates, Elkin, Tindale, Epling, Birdsell and Morgan, it can be shown that a significant number of the claimants are either genealogically connected or express a kinship relationship to the previous occupiers of the Mantjintjarra Ngalia Overlap.’

Duketon, referred to in para 13, was about 25 km east of Mulga Queen, and Cox’s (New) Find, also referred to in that paragraph (sometimes referred to simply as ‘Cox Find’ or ‘Cox’s Find’) was about 65 km south-east of Mulga Queen – about halfway between Mulga Queen and Laverton. Both have long since ceased to exist as European centres. Bandya and Erlistoun Stations are both south of Mulga Queen.

  1. As mentioned above, Mangkili, Tjirrkarli and Tjintjira, referred to by Vachon/de Gand in their para 14 as the places where many of the MN claimants speak of their forebears as ‘coming from’, all lie outside the Wongatha Claim area, and therefore the Wongatha/MN overlap. The reference in para 18 to ‘that area roughly south and southwest from Lake Wells’ occupied by different people, raises a question as to the small area north of Lake Wells and within the northern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area, to which I will return. Darlot, Leonora, and the Yandal, Melrose and Yakabindie pastoral leases are also outside the Wongatha Claim area.
  2. The MN applicants refer to the part of the report of Vachon/de Gand on the connection between the ancestors of the MN claimant group and the Wongatha/MN overlap area. They submit that Vachon/de Gand considered the probable orbits of occupation, movement and land-use of those forebears of the MN Claim group who were living in the vicinity of Mangkili, Tjintjira and Tjirrkarli in the period roughly between 1935 and 1953. Vachon/de Gand state:
appears that they habitually travelled between these three places – within an area of about 5000 sq kms. The claimants and, as they say, some of their forebears also occupied and foraged in the country around Alexander Springs, Empress Springs (within the Overlap) and as far as the northern extent of Lake Wells. ... The claimants possess knowledge of sites throughout this larger area; knowledge which they say they received from their senior relatives.’

  1. The ‘larger area’ to which Vachon/de Gand refer comes down into the northern tip of the Wongatha Claim area, above the northern extent of Lake Wells. Vachon/de Gand refer to one claimant, Nancy Gordon, whose father was born at Rirrti (Empress Spring). In evidence, Nancy Gordon said she did not recall anything else he told her about that place.
  2. Vachon/de Gand also refer to a story told by Dolly Walker of a Dreamtime incident between two grandmothers that occurred at Tuwi Claypan, which is in the Lake Wells area, near Mount Gerard Reserve. In evidence, Dolly Walker recounted this Tjukurr story concerning Tuwi Claypan, and explained that it showed the relationship between Dimple Sullivan’s family and her own family. She said that it involved the Dreamtime grandmothers of Nowie Westlake (a Cosmo and MN claimant) and Dimple Sullivan (a Wongatha claimant) and Willy Hill’s grandfather (Phyllis Thomas said that Willy Hill is included in the MN Claim). Dolly Walker also said that Dreamtime people could include real people as well. She went on to say that just as ‘they’ had a Dreamtime story just on the other side of Carter Soak, ‘we’ (the Walker family) had a Dreamtime story at WarruTjukurr, of which she added ‘That’s our country’. I refer to the Walker family’s descent from WarruTjukurr, both the person and the place, in Ch 10. Vachon/de Gand attempt to date the incident Dolly Walker recounted, and conclude: ‘this would suggest they may have formed a connection to the Lake Wells area during the time they lived solely in the desert.’ Dolly Walker gave evidence that her family was associated with the area north of Lake Wells which they crossed at a narrow neck (Watuta) to walk down to visit the Koara people. I have discussed this matter further in Ch 10 also.
  3. Vachon/de Gand conclude that while these people did not extend south of the Lake Wells area and did not co-occupy the Wongatha/MN overlap with the people recorded by earlier ethnographers, including Bates in 1908, they gradually ‘shifted their orbits of occupation, movement and land-use toward the area of the southwest Overlap from around 1925’ and co-occupied these areas with some of those people recorded in the earlier literature.
  4. I note that the Wongatha/MN overlap is not an area, or part of an area, that was recognised pursuant to Western Desert laws and customs: it is an overlap of two aggregations or poolings, in recent times, of the claimed ‘my country’ areas of individuals. Accordingly, a connection of any kind with one part does not necessarily signify a connection with the rest or with another part. Thus, an ancestor’s connection with Mangkili, for example, does not, without more, signify a connection with the Wongatha/MN overlap and a connection of an MN claimant with Mulga Queen does not, without more, signify a connection with any other part of the Wongatha/MN overlap.

Early occupiers of the south-western part of the Wongatha/MN overlap

  1. The MN applicants submit extensively in reference to the Vachon/de Gand report on ethnographic and anthropological material relating to the earlier occupiers of the MN/Wongatha overlap. Vachon/de Gand refer to the early observations of Kenneth Young and Daisy Bates. For example, they seek to show places within the Wongatha/MN overlap, with which Bates’s informant, Tjurada, was associated. The MN applicants quote from the Vachon/de Gand report:
the basis of this information, it is clear that Tjurada had both knowledge of and a familiarity with a considerable portion of the Overlap and adjacent lands to the south – an area roughly triangulated by Laverton-Minnie Creek-Lake Wells. Very likely, along with close kin and affines, Tjurada occupied this area with Boonyoo and their mutual relatives, and that they did so according to their own laws and customs.’

The difficulty I have with this evidence is to see how it establishes that an ancestor of an MN claimant had rights and interests in a Tjukurr based area within the Wongatha/MN overlap. Rights and interests were not derived from ‘occupation’.

  1. The MN applicants refer to the Vachon/de Gand report where the authors suggest that several people who previously occupied the eastern half of the Wongatha/MN overlap and who later lived in and around Darlot, came to be identified as ‘Kuwarra’ (Koara) by a number of MN claimants and others. The authors state that the word was not applied to the MN claimants or their forebears, or to other Aboriginal people who ended up in the Darlot area from places to the north, such as Wongawol. Vachon/de Gand identify eleven named individuals who were ‘early Aboriginal occupiers of the [Wongatha/MN] overlap’. These included the following six men: Skipper Sandy (Tjurada) and his brother Paddy Tintarti (Tjintarti); Charlie Beaman; Thati [Sati] Evans; Scotty Lewis (Nampu); and Willy Wheeties.
  2. Vachon/de Gand seek to explore the relationship between these people and the MN claimants.
  3. The MN applicants point out that these early ‘occupiers’ are referred to in the indigenous testimony. A number of witnesses recalled these people living in places such as Mulga Queen, Darlot and Leonora at times from the 1930s to the 1960s. The MN submissions simply cite 46 page references where, apparently, the six individuals mentioned are referred to by any witness. One piece of evidence to which they do not refer, perhaps for reasons mentioned elsewhere, is that MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant, Paddy Walker, said that he went on a walk with his father as a small child (in the 1930s) to Mangkili, Tjirrkarli, Empress Spring, Kanpa, Rutter’s Soak and Cosmo, and that Skipper Sandy, among others, accompanied them. Also, Cosmo claimant Estelle Ross said she was given as a child to Paddy Tjintarti and his wife Alice, who were childless, and stayed with them intermittently at Mulga Queen.
  4. Vachon/de Gand conclude, on the basis of their earlier discussion, that when Europeans established mines and small settlements in the general vicinity of Laverton, they did so within the orbits of occupation, movement and land use of 2-300 Aboriginal people. They say that those people, or most of them, would also have occupied the Wongatha/MN overlap. However, they acknowledge that:
the two decades following contact, most eventually shifted their occupation patterns in two directions. Some went westward toward the goldfields and pastoral station[s] in the vicinity of the former town of Darlot. Others, particularly from the area around the well-known site of Minnie Creek (which itself is outside of the [Wongatha/MN] Overlap), shifted west/south-westward and incorporated the Mt Margaret Mission into their customary “run”.’
  1. The MN applicants rely on the conclusion reached in the Vachon/de Gand report that:
our view the people variously called Tjalkadjara and Koara/Kuwarra basically occupied the same area as we have described in conjunction with Bates’ Laverton district and east/north-east of Laverton pedigrees. Bates did not identify the people represented on these pedigrees with such terms; instead she recorded a variety of other words. It seems likely that certain individuals (and a few appear in Bates’ material) did not become known as Koara/Kuwarra until later in their lives and then, it would seem, at least some of their offspring took up the label. As we have said, most of the people from the early days now called Kuwarra occupied the Overlap and vicinity and then went west towards Darlot. As for those that shifted their occupation of the Overlap and vicinity west/south-westward toward Mt Margaret Mission (and elsewhere, such as Karonie), perhaps some were known as Tjalkadjara in 1939, along with a number of other labels (though not Kuwarra). By Schenk’s time, those at the Mission were called Wongatha as well. This, of course, is a word recorded by both Young and Bates for the people they encountered in and around Laverton much earlier.’
  1. The MN applicants state in relation to the Vachon/de Gand report:
submission is that this particular discussion in the joint Mantjintjarra Ngalia report well illustrates the complexity of the patterns of movement of traditional Western Desert people, as well as the confusing fragments and labels recorded intermittently and with limited understanding by European observers in the post-contact period. The authors of this report, we submit, have managed to tease out this evidence in a worthwhile way, leading to conclusions which the Applicants submit, are worthy of acceptance, and weight.’
  1. The MN applicants refer to the passage in the Vachon/de Gand report that I set out at 3.6(c)(4) [919], and submit that ‘when considering the “country” or “run” of individuals or groups in the Western Desert one needs to proceed with caution’. I agree.
  2. I have not purported to summarise all of the evidence (lay and expert) and submissions relating to the south-western part of the Wongatha/MN overlap. Vachon/de Gand have attempted to piece together fragments of evidence, apparently with a view to establishing that ‘my country’ areas of the ancestors of MN claimants lay within the Wongatha/MN overlap. However, I do not think they have succeeded. Rather the most that has been shown is that some people with whom some MN claimants have connections, had associations, apparently of the ‘range’ or ‘run’ type, with places within that overlap.

Migration of MN ancestors from the Gibson Desert and relationship with previous occupiers

  1. I have dealt with this subject largely in Ch 10.
  2. The MN applicants submit under the heading ‘Gibson Desert Drifters’ that the MN Claim group is largely comprised of people who came down from the Gibson Desert. They submit that the ancestors of MN claimants had country that extended down into the northern most part of the overlap, above Lake Wells, and that they shifted further south and acquired rights and interests further south by co-occupation with the people already there.
  3. The MN applicants submit that the MN claimants share a history of occupation of the MN Claim area, and share a connection through intermarriage, ritual participation, co-occupation and the observation of common laws and customs with the previous Aboriginal occupiers of the overlap. They submit on the acquisition of rights and interests in the area into which people migrated under traditional laws. They submit that the indigenous system functioned so that people could migrate, and acquire rights and interests in the land migrated to.
  4. However, Groups 5B/5F submit that there was migration into an area where the original inhabitants had died out. They refer to the general anthropological material of Berndt. Groups 5B/5F submit that the applicants ‘have not met the onus of proof in establishing that traditionally WD people moved on a permanent basis to the extent demonstrated in the anthropological and historical material tendered’.
  5. Groups 5B/5F submit that the Court must be satisfied that the system would have permitted such widespread migration, and that the present situation is not a movement away from ‘a system which emphasised (albeit to a flexible degree) continuing associations with a particular place over generations’.
  6. The Cosmo applicant’s response to the MN submissions also supports the integration with others in the south of the MN Claim area. The Cosmo applicant submits:
the Mantjintjarra Ngalia and Cosmo Newberry claimants share not only a common ancestral society, being the Western Desert society, but also a common society in the sense that Berndt described areas of social interaction. Connection to figures such as Tjurata, who was probably born around 1871-1878, before European contact with the area, gives rise to a strong inference that the current Cosmo Newberry and Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants were integrated into the claim areas in accordance with traditional laws and customs.’
  1. Vachon/de Gand state:
a later period until the early 1950s, Aboriginal people from the southern Gibson Desert to the east and north-east of the Overlap shifted south-westward. They ended up at places like Cosmo Newberry, Erlistoun, Duketon, Cox (New) Find, Mulga Queen and the Laverton-Mt Margaret area. Some later resided at Wiluna and Leonora and other places. The Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimant group is comprised largely of the descendants of these latter people from the desert.’ (my emphasis)

  1. The authors say they prefer ‘shift’ to ‘migrate’, because, consistently with a semi-nomadic lifestyle, it is not reasonable to suppose that they merely moved from one place and settled permanently at another place a long way off. They say that, at the very least, the concept of ‘place’ associated with a sedentary way of life must be modified to accommodate the situation in which Aboriginal individuals and groups relied upon mixed hunter/gatherer pursuits for survival.
  2. While Vachon/de Gand engage in a degree of speculation, their conclusions expressed in the various passages set out above are in line with the generally accepted ‘migration from of the desert to the fringes of European settlement’ phenomenon. They state:
primary evidence and secondary sources show that the pre-contact occupation orbits of the claimants and their forebears did not extend south of the Lake Wells area. For one thing, none of these people appear on Bates’ genealogies. Neither do any of the claimants’ forebears appear in early Mt Margaret Mission records, Elkin’s notes from 1930 or Tindale’s 1939 genealogical material. This suggests that the people connected to the region referenced by Mangkili, Tjintjira and Tjirrkarli did not co-occupy the Overlap with the people on Bates’ Laverton district and north/northeast of Laverton pedigrees. This much is consistent with what we know from the claimants about themselves and their forebears. That is, they probably did not co-occupy the Overlap with the people recorded by Bates from the time of contact to 1908. But they did about 20 years later.’

Vachon/de Gand estimate that the MN claimants’ forebears and their and other relations shifted their ‘orbits of occupation movement and land use toward the area of the southwest [Wongatha/MN] Overlap from around 1925’.

  1. They continue in a passage that deserves to be set out in full (footnotes omitted):
is likely that this movement was tied in some way to the presence or practices of Europeans. At the very least, people in the bush would have heard about the changes that were taking place elsewhere. Some senior claimants say that before their forebears came to be attached to stations and mines in the south-west Overlap and vicinity, some ventured into the area but stayed only a short while and went back into the desert. ...

connected to the Mangkili-Tjintjira-Tjirrkarli area are recognised as being close relations. To some degree it seems that they intermarried. They are said to speak the same language and to have lived in the same general area. They are also identified in the same ways, that is, according to certain named places or by labels such as Mantjintjarra (and for a few claimants, Ngalia). In other words, by the limited framework of Tindale’s criteria, they could be considered the same “tribe”. Contrary to Tindale’s model of tribal movement, they did not shift southwestward as a single group at roughly the same time.

evidence is that the claimants and their relatives moved to European centres in groups of varying sizes, first coming into places like Cosmo Newbery, Cox Find, Duketon, Erlistoun and Darlot, then Mulga Queen and surrounding stations, over a period of about thirty years. During this time, some stayed a while then went back into the desert. They were not recorded by Elkin in 1930 or Tindale in 1939 because they did not, for the most part, go into the Mt Margaret Mission or camp in its vicinity. The last of the desert people to come in was a party of fourteen – Thatitjarra Banks, his three wives and their children, and his brother – arriving at Bandya Station in 1953. As this example suggests, several members of an extended family would tend to shift together. But given the duration of this southwestward movement and the flexible nature of land-occupying ‘bands’, it was sometimes the case that close kin were separated for years.

and Epling did not record the Banks family at Mulga Queen in 1953 either because they had not arrived from the desert by then or they were living at one of the camps out from the settlement. But as we have indicated previously, a number of the claimants and their forebears do appear on the Birdsell/Epling genealogies for Mulga Queen. Photographs were also taken. One of the attractions of Mulga Queen was the presence of a prospector by the name of Sam Shepherd and his wife. This is just the kind of contingent event that can have relatively broad and long-term effects on Aboriginal occupation. The claimants and their forebears had established a close relationship with Shepherd over many years. Later on, he ran the ration depot at Mulga Queen. He also exchanged goods for a variety of bush resources such as kangaroo skins, dingo scalps and gold. By all accounts the arrangement was regarded as acceptable. The claimants remember Piyarrku, as they called him, to be muntha muntha – a “kind-hearted” man.’

  1. The population shift was generally similar to that of the ancestors of the Koara, NK 1 and NK 2 claimants – from the desert in the north, north-east and east to places associated with European settlement in the Wongatha Claim area (of the places mentioned in the passage quoted above, only the town of Wiluna is outside that area).
  2. In a significant passage, Mr Vachon stated:
Mantjintjarra – I think we’ve mentioned in this report, and certainly in the executive summary, that the Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants had – their forebears came from areas usually identified by anthropologists as the Western Desert. They – nearly all of them, I think, came from places in that part of the Gibson Desert which they identified with indigenous names, like Mangkili Claypan, Tjirrkarli, Tjintjira, Empress Springs, Alexander Springs. They speak of – and I’m talking about talking to different Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants. They speak of they and their forebears coming from that area and going back to that area, and even today going back to that area, or some of those places.

to that extent, they, unlike the Wongatha claimants as a whole, as set out in the form 1, let’s say, display a common occupational history. They come from the same part of the desert, they went back to the same part of the desert in the course of living at Mulga Queen and in a pastoral zone. It wasn’t just the Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants, because there’s a lot of Cosmo Newberry claimants that share the same sort of occupational history, but, yes, that really comes out in the Mantjintjarra Ngalia evidence. Again, it’s always qualified by the fact that the Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants – it was often- it was a rough identification. It wasn’t always easy to know what a Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimant was and wasn’t. Okay?’

  1. Mr Vachon’s evidence, then, is that the ‘common occupational history’ of the MN claimants’ forebears is that they come from the places mentioned in the Gibson Desert: Mangkili Claypan, Tjirrkarli, Tjintjira, Empress Spring and Alexander Spring. All except Empress Spring lie outside the Wongatha Claim area and therefore outside the Wongatha/MN overlap. Tjirrkarli and Tjintjira also lie outside the MN Claim area.

Testimony of MN claimants relating to migration

  1. Many of the MN witnesses gave evidence about the arrival of the Banks family from Tjintjira in 1952/1953. Evidence to this effect was given at Stockwhip and Blanket (also called ‘Famous Well’ and close to Mulga Queen).
  2. FB, an old MN claimant, said that when he was young, he came there from Tjintjira (Lake Gruszka, outside both the Wongatha and the MN Claim areas) with his mother and two brothers and a ‘big mob’. He said (correctly) that it was a long way from Tjintjira in the north-east, out Warburton way. He said that he and his family wore no clothes and had never seen a person of European descent before. He pointed to places at Stockwhip and Blanket where the family had their wiltjas and puris. FB is on the MN LIP, as are several other members of his family. The commencement of the Banks family’s connection to the Wongatha/MN overlap, indeed to any part of the MN Claim area can be identified as having occurred in 1952 or 1953.
  3. RB, a member of the Banks family, also gave evidence of her family’s journey from the desert around Tjintjira to Mulga Queen, or more precisely, to Stockwhip and Blanket which is only some three km from Mulga Queen. She said that relatives, Tommy Williams and his brother Louie came from Mulga Queen to look for her family ‘in the desert around Tjintjira’. Another person who came out to fetch them was Jack Murphy (Partaparta), the father of Clarrie, MM and Kalman Murphy. She said it was her mother’s mother, KawuTjukurr from Tjirrkarli way, who had already come into Mulga Queen from Warburton way with her two sons, who had sent the search party out to fetch the Banks family, because she was worried about them.
  4. RB gives a graphic description, both of the meeting between the search party and the Banks family in the bush, and their arrival at Stockwhip and Blanket. She remembers Marapatjal (Tommy Williams) arriving with camels. Her mother, who was his first cousin, recognised him. Her family could understand his speech. He gave them tinned meat and fruit. There was crying for joy on both sides. RB describes their subsequent arrival at Stockwhip and Blanket as follows:
brought us in by camel and cart. My mother was pregnant with Queenie at the time. We didn’t know anything about tea, flour, or sugar. The first time was saw a fence we were afraid of it. That was on the way into Mulga Queen. We were all naked. I remember them telling us to come through the fence. We were all frightened as we hadn’t seen one before. We thought it was a giant spider web. Our mother was pregnant with Queenie.’

RB explained that she thought the fence wires were spider’s web because the moonlight was shining on them.

  1. RB said that her family camped in humpies at Stockwhip and Blanket, and that her sister, Queenie, was born there. She said that Jack Shepherd was at the nearby Mulga Queen, and was a kindhearted man who gave them flour, sugar and tea. It seems likely that the Banks family arrived after the establishment of the ration station at Mulga Queen in 1953 (Mr Shepherd was the first superintendent of it) because when the ration station opened, there were 20 adult recipients of rations living permanently at the ration station, whereas the number recorded for 1954 was 31. It seems that the Banks family comprised nine adults plus children. It seems unlikely that the commencing number, including them, would have been as low as 20, and it seems likely that the increase between 1953 and 1954 was explained by the arrival of the Banks family.
  2. As noted earlier, Mr Shepherd was already trading with the indigenous people prior to the establishment of the ration station in 1953. I infer that Mulga Queen presented an attraction to them prior to the establishment of a ration station in that year.
  3. Phyllis Thomas also gave evidence at Stockwhip and Blanket of the arrival of the Banks family in about 1952 or 1953. She said that there were nine adults plus children. She recalled them arriving, naked, with camels. She pointed out where they camped. She said that FB was in his early teens at the time. His mother was Mapiya Banks. Phyllis Thomas also said that Queenie Banks’ mother was pregnant with Queenie when the family arrived.
  4. Coral Chapman remembers living at Stockwhip and Blanket as a child. She remembers seeing Queenie Banks as a baby, lying inside a wiltja there, crying. She said she lived there with her parents and aunties and uncles for a long time. Her auntie, Phyllis Thomas’s mother, was there. The uncles and aunties who were there were Yalanga, Yiningku, Wakapu and Kupulutjanu. Those living at Stockwhip and Blanket would walk to Mulga Queen to collect their rations.
  5. Mindi Chapman also identified the people who were living at Mulga Queen (not where the present community is) when he lived there as a child. He said that his sister Coral Chapman was born at Yarrikarta (Waterfall) about 15 km north-west of Mulga Queen. He identified others who ‘camped with us’ there as Kupultjanu (the stepfather of Phyllis Thomas), Wakapu (the father of Paddy Walker), Parntapuka, Yinga (Estelle Ross), Marnupa (Biddy Ross, the mother of Estelle Ross and Frances Murray), Yinga’s father and Nowie Westlake’s mother and father.
  6. Various other MN witnesses gave evidence relating to migration into the Mulga Queen area. Phyllis Thomas said that the Mantjintjarra came from the Spinifex and that her ancestors had roamed and camped around Tjilkatjarra. She said that her people heard about a good man, Mr Schenk, at the Mount Margaret Mission, and that they decided to leave the drought plagued desert and migrate to Mount Margaret for this reason.
  7. Mindi Chapman drew a map showing the sites of some 12 waterholes in the region of the Gunbarrel Highway and Lake Wells. He said that his father used to go to Tarralkutjarra waterhole (near Lake Wells) to get red ochre, and that women and children were not permitted to go there. He said that his father was born at Tjirrkarli and that since his father had passed away, Tjirrkarli was now his (Mindi Chapman’s) country. He said that as a boy he walked around the Lake Wells area, that Lake Wells and Tjirrkarli were ‘the same’ (Lake Wells and Tjirrkarli are some 222–30 km apart), and that both were his father’s country and became his own country. He said that his ‘brother’ Andrew Watson now lives at Tjirrkarli and that he (Mindi Chapman) visits him there. He identified his mother’s country as Wakamurru Manngu (Alexander Spring) and Mangkili.
  8. Nancy Gordon said she felt that her father’s family belonged to the Empress Spring (Rirrti) area. She said she has never been there, but that according to her understanding, her Uncle Mickey Wayarnu (Mickey Warren), who died in the 1970s or 1980s, was the last custodian of the Rirrti country. She said her father was born at Empress Spring, and that not only he, but also people at Warburton, had told her it was his (her father’s) country.
  9. The thrust of the above evidence is that the older witnesses’ generation or the witnesses’ parents’ generation migrated from places north-east of the Wongatha Claim area, and/or places just within the northern boundary of it - Lake Wells and Empress Spring (Rirrti) - to the south-east, to or near places of European settlement (Mulga Queen, Cosmo, Laverton, Mount Margaret).
  10. The case is one of intra-Western Desert migration to a European source of food, water and other benefits associated with the pastoralist, Jack Shepherd, and later, the ration station at Mulga Queen supervised by him. Mulga Queen appears to have been a centre for ceremonial gatherings and corroborees also, but the explanation for the Aboriginal peoples’ coming and staying there was the availability of the European benefits mentioned.

Phyllis Thomas and the concept of yiwarra

  1. Phyllis Thomas was asked if she knew the Wangkayi word for one’s parents’ ‘run’ and she answered ‘yiwarra’. She said that after her mother passed away, her mother’s two sisters who looked after her (Phyllis Thomas), told her about her mother’s yiwarra. Phyllis Thomas said:
said “Yiwarra, ngurra that Mulga – that Tjirrkarli and (nana) Empress Spring and Mangkili, yiwarra be down this way Lake Wells Station we be down on ngurra[Aboriginal language spoken].’

Phyllis Thomas then confirmed that her aunties named all those places as part of her mother’s yiwarra. She said that there were other places too, such as, Miltji, and that the easternmost place was Tjirrkarli.

  1. I regard the passage quoted as important because it illustrates, not just what has happened in the case of Phyllis Thomas, but what has happened more generally. The notion of area the subject of ownership being identified by reference to Tjukurr sites and tracks seems to have been lost sight of, and under the influence of multiple pathways of connection, witnesses equated a person’s ‘range’, ‘run’, yiwarra, or ‘orbit of occupation’, with the person’s Tjukurr-based ‘estate’.
  2. The senior MN witnesses’ evidence was, generally speaking, to the effect that their parents and grandparents were from the north-east of the Wongatha/MN overlap. The only possible qualification concerns the northernmost strip or tip of the Wongatha Claim area, and, therefore, of the Wongatha/MN overlap. The difficult question is whether the ‘my country’ areas of individuals extended down into that area, or whether it was only the range, run, yiwarra or orbit of occupation and land use that did so.
  3. As noted just above, Phyllis Thomas gave a description of her mother’s yiwarra. As will be seen in Ch 10, Dolly Walker and Paddy Walker identify Mangkili and Tjirrkarli (in particular Mangkili) as the place their parents came from, but Lake Wells and Empress Spring are also mentioned. Vachon/de Gand distinguish between Mangkili, Tjintjira and Tjirrkarli as an area where several MN claimants lived as children, on the one hand, and the country around Alexander Spring, Empress Spring and Lake Wells as an area of occupation and foraging, on the other hand.
  4. However, other MN claimants have, at least potentially, an estate up there. As mentioned above, MN claimant Nancy Gordon said that her father told her that he was born at Empress Spring (Rirrti). Nancy Gordon said that she understood that Empress Spring was the country of her father and of his older brother, Micky Warren (Wayarnu). MN claimant Mindi Chapman said that his mother ‘came from’ Alexander Spring (about 20 km north of the Wongatha Claim area) and also that she ‘came from’ Mangkili, and that his father ‘came from’ Tjirrkarli. It is possible that the mother’s estate or ngurra extended down into the Wongatha Claim area. The area of an ‘estate’ varied greatly.
  5. Unfortunately, the distinction between the ‘estate’ and ‘range’ has become blurred, at least in the thinking of many of the witnesses. It seems to me that they have tended to identify places with which a parent or grandparent had a connection or connections, and, without more, to claim the area in question as the witness’s ‘my country area’.
  6. In a report that Mr de Gand prepared in April 2000 for the GLSC, he wrote:
the World Wars, Mantjiltjara people continued to travel to areas located west of their ancestral areas of Tjirkali, Kanpa and Tindira [Tjintjira]. These people were aware of an increasing European presence in areas located further West, and they knew about the availability of food in those areas. This factor, combined with severe droughts that affected the availability of traditional foods and the supply of waterholes and soaks, prompted these movements.

the end of World War II Mulga Queen became an official rationing depot for Aborigines under the supervision of Jack Shepherd and his wife. The initiative to establish Mulga Queen as a rationing depot was obviously prompted by the steady movement of Aborigines out of the Western Desert over a period of at least forty years prior to the time of the establishment of the Mulga Queen Ration Depot.’

Mr de Gand observed that the Mantjiltjara who came into areas such as Mulga Queen did, however, maintain contact with relatives in the Spinifex. Mr de Gand continued in that report by stating:

the early days Mantjiltjara people often got their rations from places such as the Mulga Queen Ration Depot and took their rations, blankets, tea and sugar back into the “spinifex”. Some went back to live into the “spinifex”, exposing those people who had never left the “spinifex” to items they had never seen. Later these people were persuaded to visit areas around Mulga Queen before going back into the “Spinifex”. This was a gradual process that took many years but one which maintained a connection between the people who lived in areas such as Tjirkali, Kanpa and Tindira and people who lived in Mulga Queen.’

Knowledge of Tjukurrpa

  1. I discuss this matter at 5.6(a) [2057] ff below.
  2. The MN applicants refer to GLSC Appendix B3b (‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia – Tjukurr (Dreamings)’) and Appendix C4b (‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia – Transmission of Knowledge’). They do so by reference to section of the Vachon/de Gand report, headed ‘The Dreamtime, the claimants and the Darlot Mob’. I address both of the topics mentioned below at 5.7(a)(b).

(d) Linguistic evidence

  1. The MN applicants adopt the analysis made by the Koara applicants (Ch 6). In substance, the MN submission is that the language of the MN, Koara and Wutha is of a south-western Western Desert type, that the linguistic evidence shows that those three groups are closely related to each other, and that each is part of the WDCB.
  2. In response to the MN submission that the MN Claim group speaks and understands an Aboriginal language of the Western Desert type that is substantially similar to that recorded in the MN Claim area at and shortly after European contact, Groups 5B/5F refer to their submissions on the linguistic evidence. I refer generally to my discussion of language elsewhere, such as at 3.6(f), 4.6(a)(2) [1366], and later in this Chapter at [2251] ff.

(e) Ethno-ecological evidence

  1. I referred to the report of Mr Kalotas at 3.5(c)(2) [457] ff.

5.3 RELEVANT LAWS AND CUSTOMS AT THE TIME OF SOVEREIGNTY

  1. The MN applicants rely on the Wongatha submissions and also on GLSC Appendices B1b, B2b, B3b, B4b, B5b, B6b, B7b, C2d, C4b and F3b. The State repeats its submissions made in response to those submissions.
  2. Groups 5B/5F repeat their submissions elsewhere and to the MN Evidence Appendix attached to their submissions. That volume is headed ‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia Evidence Schedule’, and consists of an analysis, witness by witness, of the testimony given by 18 MN witnesses who, Groups 5B/5F submit, were ‘persons identified or referred to as a member of the Mantjintjarra Ngalia group’, in relation to (a) indicia of connection to land; (b) indicia of Western Desert culture; and (c) specific rights claimed.
  3. The MN Evidence Schedule is the evidence of the witnesses assessed against Western Desert laws and customs. The purpose is to explore the question whether the MN witnesses fulfil the traditional criteria for obtaining rights in land as stated by the experts. As well, the MN Evidence Schedule considers the rights claimed by the MN Claim group against the evidence of the MN witnesses.
  4. Those witnesses do not include Dolly Walker or Kado Muir, as Groups 5B/5F adopt the submissions made by Group 6A in relation to the NK 1 and NK 2 Claims, but for some reason unknown to me, they include Paddy Walker. The MN Evidence Schedule also does not include Hudson Westlake, Justine Westlake or Nowie Westlake who are included in the MN LIP, and who are also Cosmo claimants. The GLSC submissions do not address those people, (perhaps treating them as not claiming ‘my country’ areas within the MN Claim area). Neither will I.
  5. I have dealt with relevant laws and customs at sovereignty at 3.6(c)(2) [739] ff.

5.4 RIGHTS AND INTERESTS HELD AT THE TIME OF SOVEREIGNTY

  1. The MN applicants submit under this heading:
the rights and interests held by the ancestral society at 1829 were held under the Western Desert system as identified by the earlier observers and anthropological researchers referred to in section 5.2 above; and that this conclusion, firstly, properly arises from that evidence (see paras [846] – [942]), and, secondly and concurrently (it is submitted) should be inferred from the research and conclusions of Professor Veth analysed in the same section.’

The MN applicants also adopt the Wongatha submissions on this topic. They rely, in particular, on statements in the Vachon/de Gand Report (see [1949] above), and on the anthropologists’ joint report (see at 3.5(a) [411]).

  1. The MN applicants ask me to infer that in so far as there is a gap of direct evidence on the period from 1829 to 1874, ‘the nature and identity of the normative ancestral society, and the laws and customs of that society and the rights and interests arising under those laws and customs, had not changed during that intervening period’. Since it is not suggested that there was any culturally significant disturbance in that period, I do draw the inference suggested. The problem, however, is to identify, in an appropriate manner, relevant features of the anthropological landscape. I discussed this issue at 3.1 [341] ff.
  2. Groups 5B/5F submit that I should be hesitant to draw any inferences as to the continuity of the nature and identity of the ancestral society and the society as at the present date, and that on the evidence there have been ‘significant and profound changes to the nature of the society (in respect of this area, if not other parts or smaller societies within the WDCB)’. I agree that there have been profound changes since first contact. However, as I have previously indicated, I am prepared to assume that there was a normative WDCB society at sovereignty and that it has continued down to the present time.

5.5 THE APPLICANT GROUP AND THE RELEVANT SOCIETY

(a) Membership criteria

  1. The MN applicants observe that by para 3 of their Amended Points of Response to the Wongatha POC, they have adopted and incorporated the Wongatha contentions in relation to the Wongatha Claim.
  2. They state that, accordingly, ‘the criteria for membership of the group are pleaded in identical terms to those pleaded for the Wongatha group’, namely:
that the person traces his or her ancestry, considered in genealogical, occupational and/or socio-cultural terms, to a man or woman whose “country” is recognised by other members [of the MN Claim group] as being located within the claim area; or alternatively
that the person was born and grew up in the claim area; and (in both cases)that his/her connection to the claim area is recognised by other members of the [MN] claim group.’

All Claims are made by reference to Western Desert laws and customs. How can it be, in relation to the Wongatha/MN overlap, that one GLSC claimant is a Wongatha claimant and another, an MN claimant? The MN Claim group acknowledges that there are Wongatha claimants who satisfy these criteria, and the Wongatha Claim group acknowledges that there are MN claimants who satisfy the comparable Wongatha criteria.

  1. The MN applicants rely on testimony by MN claimants found in Appendix D to the GLSC submissions. Nancy Gordon said that the ‘main reason’ why the MN claimants were bound together in a group was that they had ‘cultural connections’. She elaborated by saying that her understanding was that the MN Claim group comprised families that had travelled from the north-east (from Rirrti, past Banjawarn) and finished up at Mulga Queen.
  2. Kalman Murphy said that he was in Ngaanyatjarra and Muntjintjarra groups because his people, his grandmother and grandfather, came from Tjirrkarli down to Mulga Queen.
  3. Phyllis Thomas said that her old people gave their tribe, which came from the Spinifex, the name ‘Mantjintjarra’. She said that the Bonds, Macarthurs, Walkers, Braes, Murphys, Chapmans and quite a few others have a connection to Mulga Queen because they came there as young people and settled down there and ‘claimed’ that land as their own by hunting and living off the land ‘in a tribal way’. Phyllis Thomas said that ‘Ngalia’ referred to people from up around Lake Throssell and that they were the same people as her own people. She said that claimants had been added into the MN Claim when they explained such things as where their mother had come from, and after she (Phyllis Thomas) checked the accuracy of this information to her satisfaction.
  4. Phyllis Thomas stated, in a part of the transcript not reproduced in the MN submissions, that:
is [the word] that old people gave when that anthropologist ... [Professor Norman Tindale] came here in 1953; he went round all the groups and they given all the names and the boundaries, ...’

She said that the old people told her that the Mantjintjarra were a desert tribe that originally came from the Spinifex, from ‘Mangkili Claypan and Mangkili’. Mangkili Claypan is about 120 km north of the Wongatha Claim area.

  1. In cross-examination, Phyllis Thomas confirmed that she knew that Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes set out tribal boundaries, and had seen the book, but not Tindale’s map showing the location of Mantjintjarra country. Tindale’s map does not include a ‘Mantjintjarra’ area, although it does show a ‘Mandjindja’ area to the east of the MN Claim area. She said that the first time she heard the name ‘Mantjintjarra’ was ‘maybe’ three years prior to the hearing, on an occasion when she went with other ‘elders’ to a meeting with the Premier in Perth. She said that while she was in Perth she lodged her claim. I accept that she learned of the name ‘Mantjintjarra’ on that occasion.
  2. At various points, Phyllis Thomas referred to the Mantjintjarra people having come from Mangkili Claypan (or just ‘Mangkili’), Empress Spring and Tjirrkarli. Mangkili Claypan and Tjirrkarli are outside the Wongatha Claim area, and Tjirrkarli is outside the MN Claim area too. Empress Spring is at the north-eastern extremity of the Wongatha Claim area and is within the MN Claim area. Ms Thomas said that the Ngalia people (notably Dolly Walker’s people) came from ‘around here, just a bit further up too ... Lake Throssell and all that’. She said that the Mantjintjarra and Ngalia people were the same mob. The Wongatha Claim area goes around Lake Throssell, but the southern edge of it is within the MN Claim area. The MN Form 1 states that the MN Claim area includes ‘a portion of proposed Lake Throssell Nature Reserve’.
  3. Phyllis Thomas said that the conjunction of the Mantjintjarra people and the Ngalia people in the one claim followed a meeting, apparently referring to herself and Dolly Walker (‘we two had a meeting, talked about it’). In an interesting passage, she was asked if she would prefer the Ngalia name not to be part of the MN Claim, and replied:
a big thing to answer. If they working with us, yes, it’s alright, but if they’re not, I don’t think it should be there if they want to take over and do it themselves, you know. There’s two ways of looking at it. I’m not saying it’s happened.’

Phyllis Thomas would not agree, however, that the Mantjintjarra and the Ngalia were different mobs. She said that she preferred that Kado Muir (Dolly Walker’s son) be asked whether they were, when he came to the witness box.

  1. As noted elsewhere, Dolly Walker has expressed the wish to be disassociated from the MN Claim, but has not been removed from it. Although she remains an MN applicant and claimant, she now regards herself as associated with the NK 1 and NK 2 Claims (see Ch 10).
  2. Like the other Claims, the MN Claim faces the problem discussed at 3.6(c)(4) that it is an aggregation or pooling of individual claims. The conjunction of the two names ‘Mantjintjarra’ and ‘Ngalia’ suggests a combination of two aggregations. Ultimately, however, the position is no different from, for example, the combination of the 20 antecedent claims that produced the Wongatha Claim. The real vice is the underlying aggregation of the claimed ‘my country’ areas of individuals.
  3. Phyllis Thomas said that people who came to the Mulga Queen area as young people. settled there and claimed that area as their own, are sufficiently connected to it to be recognised.
  4. The MN applicants refer to GLSC Appendix D2b headed ‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia – Group Identity’. The State also refers to MN claimants’ testimony extracted in GLSC Appendix D2b. The witnesses listed there are Mindi Chapman, Troy Chapman, Nancy Gordon, Kalman Murphy, MM, Elton Polak, Phyllis Thomas and MW. Some of them emphasise the distinctness of the Mantjintjarra and Ngalia groupings, while others assert their oneness.
  5. I have read the testimony set out in Appendix D2b, and I think that the following assessment of it by the State is a fair one:
of the evidence in Appendix D2(b) provides little indication of what the particular witness thinks might be the criteria for membership of the Mantjintjarra and/or Ngalia groups, or the Mantjintjarra Ngalia claim group. Taken as a whole, the confusion on this topic, and the extent to which the witnesses that are said to belong to the claimant group have failed to confront it, it is conspicuous.’

Phyllis Thomas, Dolly Walker and Kado Muir were questioned about the composition of the MN Claim group. Unremarkedly, in view of the MN Form 1, they identified, in generally similar terms, the families that were within it, but they did not enunciate a clear basis for it, except, perhaps, elements of common life experiences, and in particular, finishing up at Mulga Queen. However, there remain difficulties. The MN Claim is brought on behalf of the ‘Muntjiltjarra people’ who are identified in the MN Form 1 as 16 named families and two individuals. Phyllis Thomas said that ‘Muriel Barnes (dec) and family’, who were listed, had put themselves on the Cosmo Claim (‘it was her family’s doing, not us’). Dolly Walker identified Phyllis Thomas as ‘Ngalia’, but in lodging the MN Form 1, Phyllis Thomas identified herself and the other claimants as the ‘Muntjiltjarra people’.

  1. I agree with the GLSC submission in reply (that too much can be made of the use of group names). It is recognition of a group identity that matters. In their submission reply, the MN applicants rely on the following extract from the cross-examination of Phyllis Thomas:
HUGHSTON: Yes, okay. Well, before you put in this Native Title claim, I take it you and your family didn’t think of yourselves as Mantjintjarra people because you hadn’t heard that word yet; is that right?

THOMAS: Yes, we – we know the meaning of that people that coming on the route we’re talking about that yiwarra.

HUGHSTON: Yes.

THOMAS: And they explain that – they never across the Victoria Desert.’

At this point, the identifying feature is a shared ‘run’ or yiwarra – something that did not give rise to ownership.

  1. The MN POC connection requirement (adopting the Wongatha POC) is that a member of the MN Claim group trace his or her ancestry to a person whose ‘country’ is recognised by the other MN claimants as being within the MN Claim area, or, in the alternative, that the person was born and grew up in that area. In of their report, Vachon/de Gand refer to many of the forebears of senior MN claimants having originated from Mangkili, Tjirrkarli and Tjintjira – the first being outside the Wongatha Claim area but just within the MN Claim area, the last two being outside both Claim areas. They state:
a few exceptions, the claimants say that their forebears and close kin of their forebears variously “come from” Mangkili, Tjintjira and Tjirrkarli. It is their ngurra or “country”. For many of these people (now deceased), this is corroborated in the genealogies taken by Epling (and probably Birdsell) in 1953 at Mulga Queen and Wiluna. A few of the claimants also say that they were born and grew up in the vicinity of these places, as did some of their deceased siblings and other close kin. But other senior Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants, and most of their descendants, say that they were born and, for the most part, grew up in the southwest Overlap and vicinity. None of these latter claimants were born earlier than about 1930.’

Vachon/de Gand seem to accept that the criteria for membership of the MN Claim group may pose a problem for the MN claimants. They proceed to refer to the familiarity of those MN claimants with the MN Claim area and the relationship between the forebears of the MN claimants and some of the Darlot mob, including intermarriage. They also refer to the MN claimants’ knowledge of places within the Wongatha/MN overlap. Vachon/de Gand record that ‘the claimants’ know of Tjukurr associations with Minnie Creek (Pirlpirr), a ‘significant Kangaroo Dreaming site’, and Tarraltkutjarra, just north of Lake Wells, that is associated with the Seven Sisters story.

  1. While I do not suggest that Vachon/de Gand accepted entirely the State’s criticism, Mr Vachon frankly acknowledged that he found it difficult to know who the MN people were, and emphasised that people with rights and interests in the Wongatha/MN overlap have those rights and interests not ‘as a people’ but ‘as individuals’, albeit rights and interests that other individuals have. This testimony confirms a flaw that is fatal to all of the present Claims, and which I discussed at length at 3.6(c)(4), where extracts from the cross-examination of Mr Vachon, are set out ([896] ff).
  2. Mr Vachon agreed that we cannot assume that, when two individuals say ‘this is my country’ or ‘this is my ngurra’, they are referring to the same bundle of rights and interests. Rather, he said, it is necessary to look at each individual’s history and other circumstances to determine what bundle of rights and interests he or she is asserting.
  3. The State submits that the material in Appendix D2(b) does little to suggest that there is anything approaching a consistent understanding as to what is meant by ‘Mantjintjarra’ or ‘Ngalia’. Groups 5B/5F also submit that there is no consistent acknowledgement of, or a definable entity, known as the MN people. Subject to what I said above about the common feature of a journey to, and settling down at, Mulga Queen, I agree.

(b) Relationship with the ancestral society

  1. I have accepted that the WDCB society existed at sovereignty and has continued to exist down to today.
  2. I have also accepted that the MN Claim area is within the area of that society.

(c) Relationship with other Claim groups

  1. At 4.6(c), I referred to the testimony given by various MN claimants.
  2. I have discussed the anthropological evidence at 5.2 above.
  3. Eric Thomas said that in the 1950s, when he and others were grading the road to Banjawarn and Bandya Stations, they camped at McKenzie’s Well, and some visitors from the Kalgoorlie area or Cundeelee area lit a fire on the ridge. He said: ‘that meant to say that they are there, and they want to come in [apparently to McKenzie’s Well] to see them.’ He said that this happened ‘just on dusk, just before sundown’, and that the two groups met and started ‘crying and greeting one another’, then they started talking. He said that that time in the 1950s was the only time he saw this kind of encounter, which was called ‘papaluka’, and which his old grandfather Shannon and grandmother RB told him had happened ‘for years’.
  4. This evidence of an approach by a group to the camp of other people does not, to my mind, necessarily point to the existence of rights and interests. Moreoever, the incident occurred some fifty years prior to the hearing, and the initiative was taken by people from outside the Wongatha Claim area, who, apparently, were not ancestors of any claimants before the Court.
  5. Phyllis Thomas said that when she goes to Laverton, she calls in to see her aunty, Dimple Sullivan (a Wongatha claimant), and they ‘papula, or greet each other’. She also said that, before going out to Tjirrkarli, she telephones her cousin Andrew Watson, even though Tjirrkarli was part of her mother’s yiwarra. She said that she has great respect for Andrew Watson, who lives in the Aboriginal Community at Tjirrkarli, and would be ashamed to put her foot there without phoning him first.
  6. The MN applicants also refer to the testimony of Luxie Hogarth, a Koara claimant and Dennis Forrest, a Wongatha claimant, but their evidence does not support the MN Claim.
  7. I do not find any of the evidence referred to by the MN applicants of assistance in relation to the present issue concerning the relationship between the MN Claim group and other Claim groups.
  8. The MN applicants’ submissions do not address the relationship between the MN Claim group and other Claim groups, except in a most general way. They do not address the possibility of Wongatha, Koara, Wutha or other people having rights and interests in the MN Claim area, or how co-existing sets of rights and interests are to be accommodated to each other. The MN Claim group apparently rejects and opposes the claims of the Wongatha, Koara and Wutha Claim groups, as groups, to hold rights and interests in any part of the MN Claim area, while conceding that particular Wongatha, Koara or Wutha claimants may hold individual rights and interests in particular ‘my country’ parts of that area, unique to the individual.
  9. The MN applicants submit:
is submitted for the Mantjintjarra Ngalia Applicants that the evidence establishes that the “Mantjintjarra Ngalia people” are the holders of the common or group rights comprising the native title for the [Wongatha/MN] overlap area, together with those Wongatha persons and also the Koara and Wutha Peoples, to the extent of their overlaps who have shown connection in terms of a “my country” relationship with the area.’

  1. The submission is then, that the MN Claim group holds group rights and interests in the whole of the Wongatha/MN overlap; that the Wongatha Claim group does not hold group rights and interests in any part of that overlap; but that particular Wongatha claimants who so prove, hold individual rights and interests in ‘my country’ areas within that overlap. The reference to ‘the Koara and Wutha Peoples’ was introduced in the GLSC supplementary submissions, and does not sit well with the context. However, I treat the submission as referring to those Koara and Wutha persons who have shown connection in terms of a ‘my country’ relationship within the overlap.
  2. It may be taken that each of the four GLSC Claim groups takes a similar stance, that is to say, that it rejects the group claim made by any other overlapping Claim groups to hold group rights and interests in any part of the area the subject of the first Claim group’s claim, but concedes that individual claimants in overlapping Claim groups may hold individual rights and interests in particular ‘my country’ areas within the first Claim group’s Claim area.
  3. Like the other GLSC applicants, the MN applicants do not seek to identify those non-MN claimants who hold such individual rights and interests in the Wongatha/MN overlap. Nor do they seek to explain how, in day to day activities, the MN claimants might identify that sub-set of, for example, the Wongatha Claim group, and be satisfied as to their entitlements.
  4. The further difficulty with the GLSC ‘sharing’ concept is pointed out by the Cosmo applicant in his reply submission:
tension between the various arguments of the GLSC Applicants is most evident in the case of the Mantjintjarra Ngalia submissions. The requirement for the native title holders in respect of this overlap area to all establish a “my country” relationship, and the reservation of rights to “speak for country” and undertake heritage surveys to only those people, all attest to exclusive native title. Even in the attempt to somehow resolve this situation with the simultaneous assertions of common non-exclusive rights and interests, the submissions infer the inherent right of the owners to have an opinion about other people accessing their country: “The claimants revealed that they have no difficulty with neighbouring people coming on to their country for the purposes of seasonal hunting, gathering and camping.” [a quotation from GLSC supplementary submission]. This evidence only goes to support the arguments of the Cosmo Newberry Respondents in relation to exclusive native title that is held in accordance with traditional laws and customs that regulate contingent rights. It is completely inconsistent to submit the existence of “shared rights” with non-claimants yet acknowledge the need for non-claimants to obtain permission to access and use the country [a reference to GLSC supplementary submissions].’

(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising the native title

  1. I quoted at [2041] above from the MN applicants’ submission relevant to this topic. The MN applicants rely on Appendices D2(b) (‘Claimant groups – Group Identity – Mantjintjarra Ngalia’) and evidence referred to at 5.5(a) above, C1(b) (‘Rights and Interests – Decisions – Mantjintjarra Ngalia’, and evidence of Phyllis Thomas), B3(b) (‘Evidence in relation to Tjukurr’) and B1(b) (‘Traditional Laws and Customs – Ngurra – Mantjintjarra Ngalia’ and evidence relating to Tjukurr and ngurra referred to below). The MN applicants also refer to the evidence of members of other Claim groups, notably, the Wongatha and Cosmo Claim groups, who recognised, in one way or another, a connection between certain MN claimants and certain places or areas.
  2. The State refers to the MN submission set out at [2041] above.
  3. The State submits that according to that submission, the common or group rights comprising the ‘native title’ are held by ‘a composite group that includes Wongatha, Koara and Wutha people’, and that this weighs against the GLSC submission to the effect that authorisation of separate applications by each of those groups can amount to compliance with requirements of s 61A of the NTA. I read the MN submission differently. I read that paragraph as a submission that ‘the particular [group] native title claimed’ is held by the MN Claim group alone, and not by that group plus the additional Wongatha, Koara and Wutha individuals referred to. It is true that the words ‘together with’ in the submission could be taken to mean that the group rights and interests are held by the composite group described by the State, but in all the circumstances, I construe the submission to assert that the MN people hold the particular bundle of group rights and interests claimed in the MN application in the Wongatha/MN overlap, while acknowledging that individual Wongatha claimants hold unidentified individual rights and interests in parts of that overlap.
  4. There remains, however, the fundamental problem noted elsewhere. On one view, the MN Claim group claims to be the only holder of group rights and interests in, say, the Wongatha/MN overlap, conceding that individual Wongatha claimants may have individual rights and interests in smaller ‘my country’ parts of it. But by making the Wongatha Claim, for example, the Wongatha applicants assert that all Wongatha claimants have native title rights and interests in the Wongatha/MN overlap, at least by being members of a group that has group rights and interests in that area. For their part, the Wongatha applicants concede that non-Wongatha individuals have individual rights and interests in particular ‘my country’ parts of the Wongatha Claim area, but not that an overlapping Claim group has group rights and interests in any overlap area. Each other GLSC Claim group takes the same position, mutatis mutandis. Why does each GLSC Claim group not concede that each other GLSC Claim group has group rights and interests in the respective overlaps? It is odd that each GLSC Claim group has no difficulty in propounding its own group claim to group rights and interests in, relevantly, an overlap, while not accepting that all the members of an overlapping GLSC Claim group have rights and interests in the overlap qua members of the overlapping Claim group.
  5. The true position, as concluded elsewhere, is that the Claim groups are not traditional landholding groups, and that there are no group rights and interests in the respective Claim areas, the various Claim groups having been constructed in recent times to make claims under the NTA.

5.6 RELEVANT TRADITIONAL LAWS AND CUSTOMS

(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still acknowledged and observed; Acknowledgement and observance of laws and customs by the members of the Claim group and their ancestors since sovereignty

  1. The MN applicants submit:
laws and customs revealed by the evidence as being currently observed by the Mantjintjarra Ngalia applicants [sic claimants], are identifiable as traditional laws and customs, on the basis that they largely accord and conform with those traditional laws and customs observed at sovereignty, with necessary adaptations.’
  1. The MN applicants refer to their adoption of the Wongatha POC, and, in particular, of para 4’s reference to the ‘Tjukurr’ (Dreaming) and ngurra or ‘a person’s birth-place, camp or a more extensive area’. They refer to the discussion of a person’s traditional rights and interests that arise in relation to his or her ngurra in the Vachon/de Gand primary anthropological report, the de Gand supplementary anthropological report, and the Wongatha primary anthropological report.
  2. The MN applicants refer to para 5 of the Wongatha POC adopted by them and to the 21 classes of activity there mentioned by which they say they have maintained, as far as practicable, traditional connection with the Wongatha/MN overlap.
  3. A particular difficulty with the MN Claim group’s submissions is that the structure of them conforms neither to the structure of the Wongatha submissions, nor to that of the Koara and Wutha submissions. The MN submissions commence with ‘Tjukurr’, having omitted the Wongatha ‘(a) Men’s law’ and ‘(b) Women’s law’, then later switch to the structure of Koara 6.6 and Wutha 7.6, then later, under the heading ‘Further activities’, return to the Wongatha structure, then later again address additional laws and customs. The only safe course for me to follow is, I believe, to adhere to the MN applicants’ structure of their 5.6 submissions.
  4. The State does not address separately, Tjukurr, ngurra and the ‘activities showing customs and traditions’ referred to by the MN applicants. However, Groups 5B/5F do so. The State refers generally to its submissions responding to the MN submissions at 5.3 and to its responses to GLSC Appendices A and B, set out under the headings ‘4.7 Relevant Traditional laws and customs’ and ‘4.8(b) Connection of members of the applicant group to the claim area’. In relation to Tjukurr and ngurra, the State repeats its submissions at 4.7, and submits that for the most part, the testimony of MN witnesses, and indeed witnesses from other GLSC Claim groups, is not materially distinguishable from that given by witnesses who profess to be members of the Wongatha Claim group.
  5. Group 6A repeats its submissions at 4.7 and adopts the submissions of the State and of Groups 5B/5F.

(1) Tjukurr

  1. Vachon/de Gand state:
there is strong evidence for continuity of “tradition” during the more recent history of Aboriginal occupation of the Overlap and adjacent lands, it should be discerned in the claimants’ knowledge and practice relating to Tjukurr the basis of Western Desert laws and customs.’

The MN applicants refer to a statement by Vachon/de Gand that the tjikurr is a ‘fundamental aspect of Western Desert laws and customs.’ In substance, knowledge and practice related to the Tjukurr should be a litmus test of continued acknowledgement and observance of Western Desert laws and customs.

  1. The MN applicants refer to GLSC Appendix B3b ‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia – Tjukurr (Dreamings)’ and Appendix C4b, ‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia – Transmission of Knowledge’. They do so by reference to in the Vachon/de Gand report headed ‘The Dreamtime, the claimants and the Darlot Mob’.
  2. The MN applicants refer to the testimony of Wongatha witnesses discussed at 4.7. They refer to an ‘attached Dreaming Map (Map 5)’ as showing dreaming tracks crossing into neighbouring claim areas. Apparently the reference should be to the map in GLSC Appendix F4 (entitled ‘Map 4 ‘Tjukurr Places (Open)’), and identifies sites within, relevantly, the Wongatha/MN overlap associated with particular Dreamings. Map 4 identifies the following Dreamtime sites noted in the Wongatha/MN overlap: Wati Kutjarra, Seven Sisters, Marlu, Tjilkamarta, Mallee Hen, Eagle Hawk, Honey Ant, Goanna, Papa, Waltji and Dragonfly. The MN applicants also refer to restricted men’s and women’s evidence.
  3. A difficulty I have with Map 4 is that although it shows a number of sites within the Wongatha/MN overlap (some sites are associated with more than one Dreaming), the significance to be made of this depends on the evidence given in relation to the respective sites and Dreamings. Generally speaking, the testimony of claimants in relation to Tjukurr was of a very general kind and hardly any of the witnesses had a detailed knowledge of the story or stories associated with sites. (Phyllis Thomas’s account of the story of the blind man and his wife referred to at [2079] below is an exception.)
  4. Groups 5B/5F rely on their submissions in relation to Tjukurr. I accept their submission that in order to ascertain whether the MN Claim group as a whole observes and acknowledges the Tjukurr, it is necessary to consider the number of MN claimants (there are 279 LIP listed MN claimants) who testified about Tjukurr and the nature of their testimony.
  5. It must be recalled that Mr Vachon agreed that it is not just knowledge of the Tjukurr that matters, and that at the very core of the body of Western Desert traditional laws and customs are:
  6. In their principal report, Pannell/Vachon make their ‘core elements’ and ‘plan of life’ statement that was set out at 4.7(a)(b)(3) [1516]. They continued:
the various Tjukurr are known to the claimants in the form of landscape features and cultural narratives, Tjukurr not only denotes certain physical entities but also signifies a range of relationships. Anthropologists sometimes describe the relationship between a person and a Tjukurr in terms of totemism, eg local totems, dream totems and so on. For the Wongatha claimants, the relationship between Tjukurr, person and a place is best encapsulated by the Western Desert concept of ngurra.’ (my emphasis)

Mr Vachon agreed that, in broad terms, the traditional law and custom which both the Wongatha and MN Claim groups profess to have is based on Western Desert law and custom and is the same. Mr de Gand also agreed that the same traditional laws and customs are practised and recognised by the Wongatha and MN groups and that they are both Western Desert groups. I accept, therefore, that the observations are also Tjukurr is relevant to the MN Claim.

  1. I discussed at [1517] the meaning and significance of the Pannell/Vachon ‘core elements’ and ‘plan of life’ statements.
  2. The MN applicants largely do not rely on the testimony of Paddy Walker, Kado Muir, Dolly Walker, and Eric Thomas, except to the extent referred to by cross references to their submissions in Ch 4, no doubt on the basis that Dolly Walker, Paddy Walker and Kado Muir sought to give evidence as members of the competing NK 2 Claim, and in support of that Claim, while Eric Thomas is a Wongatha claimant. Nor do the MN applicants rely on the evidence of Hudson Westlake, Nowie Westlake, Wayne Westlake, and Justine Westlake, who are also Cosmo claimants. While there is no overlap between the MN and Cosmo Claims, it was not clear from their evidence whether these witnesses claim rights and interests in the MN Claim area.
  3. I will now address the testimony given by MN claimants in relation to the Tjukurr.
  4. Troy Chapman, who was born in 1976, spoke of the Goanna Dreaming at Lawut. He said that his knowledge of the story was that the black goanna was up high on top of the rirra and was angry when the ‘normal goanna’ went up to his hill, since each had his own rock hole. They fought and there was lightening in the distance. Mr Chapman added:
so that’s the story. So most likely they fighting over the water, you know, who has the most water.’

Importantly, Troy Chapman said that he learned the story from Phyllis Thomas only about three or four years before giving evidence, when he went out with ‘anthropologists and archaeologists’ on a trip in connection with preparation of the native title claim. He said he had ‘learnt a lot about all this country’ by going out with the anthropologists.

  1. Troy Chapman also said that a couple of years before he testified (that would be in about the year 2000) his Aunty Phyllis Thomas told him a Seven Sisters Dreaming about Lawut. Asked to tell the story, he said:
more likely Seven Sisters got a hold of one man, and they had a fight at Lawut, and they dragged him round and that’s how the Claypan was made.’

  1. Thus, in relation to Lawut Claypan, Troy Chapman had learned two stories from Phyllis Thomas in or around the year 2000: a Seven Sisters story, and a Goanna story. Troy Chapman’s evidence referred to above was given by him before he was initiated. He was initiated during the hearing.
  2. The MN applicants submit that Nancy Gordon gave ‘particularly pertinent evidence’ to the Tjukurr and its relationship to the Wongatha/MN overlap. Her relevant testimony is as follows:
Gordon: There is a Tjukurr story at Rirrti [Empress Spring]. I am not quite sure – I am unsure of that Tjukurr story, but it’s been told to me but I can’t – I haven’t sort of really, you know, understood it.

Walker: Well, what is a Tjukurr ...

Gordon: But my father’s own Tjukurr at time of conception is the Mallee Hen.

Walker: How do you know that?

Gordon: Because we just knew that we not allowed to – I mean, he don’t like eating Mallee Hens and that.

Walker: Right. And what is that Tjukurr story?

Gordon: I can’t tell you because I don’t know. It’s something to do with the eagle and all that.

Walker: Right. I’m not asking about a particular story, but I’m actually asking what it means in general terms when you use the words “Tjukurr story”?

Gordon: Well, that’s – you know – that’s part of the Dreaming and – and it’s the creation of that, you know.

Walker: Of that what?

Gordon: Of that country and that.

Walker: Yes, thank you. Now when your father said that his Tjukurr was Mallee Hen, did he refer to any particular country in that regard?

Gordon: It was around that area.

Walker: Which area to be clear?

Gordon: That Rirrti.’

Rirrti (Empress Spring) is in the far north-eastern corner of the Wongatha Claim area and within the Wongatha/MN overlap.

  1. Nancy Gordon was born in the bush at Broad Arrow ‘around 1946’ and in speaking of her late father, Jack Gordon, appears to have been speaking of things she learned as a girl, in say the 1950s or 1960s. Her father died in 1969.
  2. Groups 5B/5F point out that Nancy Gordon said that she had undertaken studies at Curtin University and obtained a bachelor’s degree and a postgraduate diploma, the bachelor’s degree being in Indigenous Community Management and Development, and the diploma being in Indigenous Research and Development. Groups 5B/5F ask me to infer that the general knowledge of Tjukurr which Nancy Gordon demonstrated may have been gained in the course of her university research. I do not draw that inference. For a start, it was not put to her in cross-examination that she had gained the knowledge in that way. Second, it is fanciful to think that she would have learned of her own father’s Tjukurr at the time of his conception in the course of her university research. Third, her research and development topic concerned fringe dwellers at Kalgoorlie/Boulder, a topic that has nothing to do with a conception totem or Tjukurr. Fourth, while I suppose it is possible that Nancy Gordon acquired some general knowledge concerning the Tjukurr in the course of her university studies, the titles of her degree and her diploma hardly suggest it.
  3. The fact remains, however, that the most that can be said is that her father may have known Tjukurr stories, but, if so, the evidence does not establish that they have been passed down to Ms Gordon. Ms Gordon did not testify as to the content of any story, or as to any relationship between any story and any part of the Wongatha/MN overlap. Her evidence can be summarised as being that she thought there was a Tjukurr story that had something to do with the eagle connected with Rirrti (Empress Spring), and that her father’s conception totem was the Mallee Hen which her family was not allowed to eat.
  4. Kalman Murphy testified, at Salt Soak at Yilindu, not far from Lawut Claypan, some 26 km south of Mulga Queen. Kalman Murphy said that he knew only a little bit about the place and said that there was a woman digging honey ants there when suddenly a man named ‘Yula’ at the side was ‘perving on the woman’. He said that the occasion of his testifying was the first time he had been to the site, adding ‘I don’t know much about the Story about this place here, you know’. (Other witnesses said that Yula was the male character in the Seven Sisters story.)
  5. Kalman Murphy also referred to a dog Dreaming associated with Mount Leonora, also called Gwalia Hill, which is very close to the town of Leonora (Leonora and Gwalia are within the Wongatha Claim area, but about 45 km south of the southern boundary of the MN Claim area). He said that he learned the story from his brothers Clarrie and Reynold and Hudson Westlake (all watis). When asked if he knew other places out in the bush that he learned about from people, he said that he did not know any Dreaming around Leonora, apart from the dog Dreaming.
  6. As noted below, Kalman Murphy, a wati, gave restricted men’s evidence in relation to the Papa Ngalia (Dingo Man) and Wati Kutjarra (Two Men) Tjukurrpa stories. He told about where the Wati Kutjarra came from and their interactions with dogs and of the movements of some of the Tjukurrpa characters following those interactions. He said that the only part of the story that is ‘open’ is that one of the dingoes was killed by the Wati Kutjarra. He pointed out certain features of the landscape which are, or represent, some of these Tjukurrpa characters and the results of some of their actions. Some of the features were close to Leonora and Menzies, and towards Southern Cross.
  7. Adele Phillips said that her father (Johnny Phillips) showed her a place near Mulga Queen associated with the ‘Honey ant Tjukurr’, but that she had forgotten the name of the place. She said that he also showed her a place associated with the Bardi Tjukurr at Yundamindra. She said that there was a big Yapu (stone) there with a Bardi lying down (see T6417-8). Mulga Queen is, but Yundamindra is not, within the MN Claim area. Yundamindra is in the southern part of the Wongatha Claim area. Adele Phillips is an MN (and NK 1) claimant, but Johnny Phillips is a Wongatha claimant.
  8. Elton Polak said that he had no knowledge of the content of Tjukurr, beyond saying that he knew of a ‘Honey Ants Dreamtime’ place that was blown up a few years ago. He did not say what the story was or identify the place.
  9. Phyllis Thomas had considerable knowledge concerning Dreamtime stories. She told in detail a story of a blind man and his wife who crossed the Victoria Desert from the Spinifex. I need not recount the story. She said that Johnny Phillips brought that story from somewhere in the Spinifex and gave it to her and others. She said they made him ‘sit down and talk’. She said that he could ‘tell a good Tjukurr ... but now he’s had a stroke and his speech is not too good’.
  10. Asked whether the story about the blind man and his wife was for any particular place, she said that it was ‘for anyone who want[s] to pass it on to the next’.
  11. Phyllis Thomas also referred to a Dreamtime story about the Wati Kutjarra (two young warriors). She said that they travelled from Darlot (within the Koara Claim area and just outside the Wongatha Claim area), down to Lawut Claypan (about 24 km almost due south of Mulga Queen, and within the Wongatha/MN overlap) where they rested for a while, then flew across, zigzagging, to Laverton and Mount Margaret, then back to Leonora, then back to Darlot. So they travelled across the MN Claim area and ‘other Wangkayi countries: Waljen, Koara’. She said that they were like ‘a hit man’ sent out to check on people. On Map 4, Lawut is shown as a site associated with the Wati Kutjarra and three other Dreamings.
  12. Phyllis Thomas also told the ngarnamarra and warnampi (mallee hen and water snake) Dreamtime story associated with a site in the Murphy Ranges, between Laverton and Mulga Queen and within the MN/Wongatha overlap. She said that the story was not pika ngurlu. She described two pinnacles where the hen sat down and laid her eggs. A water snake (warnampi) that lived in a creek, not far from the mallee hen, swallowed the hen and the eggs. A site associated with the mallee hen at Murphy Hills is shown on Map 4.
  13. The MN applicants submit ([997]) that this testimony of Phyllis Thomas shows:
wide-ranging extent across the GLSC applicant claim areas of this dreaming, and how members of the Western Desert cultural block are united through this concept, and its particular myths, and the heroic exploits of these dream time figures.’

I accept the submission. A similar observation could be made in relation to the Seven Sisters story.

  1. Phyllis Thomas’s testimony was precise and detailed as to the story about the blind man, but she did not associate it with any particular place within the Wongatha/MN overlap. The travels of the Wati Kutjarra and the ngarnamarra to which she referred, however, did cross that overlap.
  2. Phyllis Thomas said that there was a Parnparnpalala Dreamtime story. She also said that there were ‘rockholes Dreaming time stories’. She said it was important to keep the Dreamtime stories and not to throw them away; that it was important to pass them onto the younger generation; and that she has passed on the stories to her daughters who have passed them on to their own children.
  3. Phyllis Thomas stated that she knew the Seven Sisters story but would not say anything about it for the time being, because she understood it was to be told the following day on site at Salt Soak. Phyllis Thomas also said that she knew Eagle Hawk, Cockatoo and Crow Dreamtime stories. She said that the Eagle Hawk Dreamtime story related to Empress Spring, which she, as a woman, was not to talk about because it belonged to ‘the men’s business all that’.
  4. Phyllis Thomas asserted that Tjukurr (Dreamtime) is the basis of the claim to country and that in relation to claims which overlapped the MN Claim area, saying ‘If they don’t bring their Tjukurr out, they haven’t got it [a claim to country within the Wongatha/MN overlap]’. This testimony, therefore, was that entitlement to country depends on knowledge, perhaps familiarity, with the Tjukurr associated with an area. I referred earlier at 3.6(c)(3) [844] ff to evidence that an area framed by associated Tjukurr sites and tracks was the subject matter of rights and interests in country.
  5. The MN applicants also cite Phyllis Thomas’s testimony, that she had been visiting Mount Gerard (also called Mount Toohey – near Lake Wells and the De La Poer Nature Reserve) before the advent of native title, and has continued to do so since. She said: ‘[w]e have good reason to want to visit Mount Gerard, because we have sites there, and Dreamtime stories. As we go along, and we pull up and show our children, and talk to them about it. And that's what we should be doing, teaching the children our culture and heritage.’ She also said there are two big claypans there, and that to the east of Mount Gerard, near Lake Wells, is a men’s site and a women’s site. She did not give any details of the Dreamings at these sites. She described going out there and said that she that ‘they’ go out there, taking watis with them every year. She said that she has taken her daughters, Sophia and Leanne Thomas, there and that the men who had been going out were FB, MW, his recently deceased brother, and Mindi Chapman (all MN claimants).
  6. The MN applicants refer to gender restricted testimony as supporting the acknowledgement and observance by the MN claimants of the Tjukurr. However, only the testimony given at one site, Murphy Hills/Cox’s Find, related to a place within the MN Claim area, and, as I have explained elsewhere, the intended witness did not attend and the evidence that ‘substitute witnesses’ were able to give did not advance matters. Dolly Walker gave gender restricted evidence at Makarra, but she testified in support of the cases of the NK 1 and NK 2 claimants, and said that she wished to disassociate herself from the MN Claim. In any event, Makarra is only 15 km north-east of Leonora, well south of the southern boundary of the MN Claim area.

Conclusion on ‘Tjukurr’

  1. I accept that Phyllis Thomas has a very good knowledge of Dreamtime stories. I have recounted the testimony of certain other MN claimants above.
  2. There are real difficulties as to which Claim group or Claim groups the extensive knowledge of Dreamtime stories possessed by Dolly Walker, Paddy Walker and Kado Muir are to count for. As noted at [2175] below, I count their knowledge as that of the NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups, not the MN Claim group. Similarly, Hudson Westlake, Nowie Westlake and Justine Westlake all gave some evidence of knowledge of the Tjukurr, but I have counted it in Ch 8 as evidence of the Cosmo Claim group’s knowledge, not that of the MN Claim group.
  3. Another difficulty is the position of FB, who had had a stroke and could not speak. I accept, on the basis of the evidence of others, that he had a rich store of knowledge of Dreamtime stories.

(2) Ngurra

  1. The MN applicants refer to Appendices B1b and F3b (‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia’ – Use of ‘Ngurra’/Ngurrara’ and other similar terms’) and F3b (Mantjintjarra Ngalia – ‘my country’) to the GLSC submissions, and, in particular, to the testimony of Phyllis Thomas, Kalman Murphy, Mindi Chapman and Troy Chapman. Additionally, they refer to the Vachon/de Gand primary report; and the de Gand supplementary report. They also rely on Map 3B in Appendix F4 as showing the places that the indigenous witnesses identified ‘as the places where they were born or grew up; and, in that way and to that extent, the places to which such witnesses have expressed a personal “my country” identification’ (Map 3B also includes similar areas for ancestors). Map 3B is entitled ‘Connection to country/Group Identification – Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants. Birth places, Growing Up of claimants and ancestors.’
  2. As ever, the problems with the maps demonstrate themselves. There are no transcript references or other means given of linking the places shown with particular MN claimants or testimony, and there is no indication of places outside the Wongatha/MN overlap where MN claimants or their ancestors were born or grew up. I do not know how many of the growing up symbols on the map refer to the same person.
  3. Map 3B identifies places of birth with a yellow square and places of growing up with a black cross. There are three yellow squares and eight black crosses within the Wongatha/MN overlap. This seems to represent a very small proportion of the total number of the MN claimants and their ancestors, even after allowance is made for the fact that the Wongatha/MN overlap is only, in my estimation, approximately one-third of the total MN Claim area, and the fact that each place indicated on the map may represent the place of birth or of growing up of more than one MN claimant. (For example, Coral Chapman, MM and Clarrie Murphy were all born at Mulga Queen.)
  4. The MN applicants submit that ‘those places, taken together, have a very large geographic spread across the [Wongatha/MN] Overlap area. They include Rirrti (Empress Spring), Lake Wells, Nambi, Cox Find, Mulga Queen and various other locations’. The MN applicants submit:
effect, and taking into account the geographic and environmental realities of the area, and their impacts on orbits of occupation and movement, the whole of the Overlap is embraced by the totality of the individual “my country” relationships held by individual claim group members; and the rights and interests of the group as a whole, or in a corporate sense, arise from the aggregation of those relationships and the “connectedness” of the members.’

In the north-eastern two-thirds of the Wongatha MN overlap, there is a place of birth at Rirrti (Empress Spring) and one at Miltji, and a place of growing up at Lake Wells. In the
south-western third, there is one place of birth (Mulga Queen) and six places of growing up. I do not regard this as embracing the whole Wongatha/MN overlap, but if more were known, ‘place’ might signify a larger or smaller area, depending on the circumstances of the individual case. By the expression in the submission, ‘taking into account the geographic and environmental realities of the area’, the MN applicants probably intended to indicate that there are substantial parts of the MN Claim area in which birth and growing up would be impossible. But this begs the question: why are those parts included? The point is that the MN Claim area is not an entity recognised under traditional Western Desert laws and customs, and birth or growing up in one part cannot necessarily be taken as indicating anything in relation to any other part. In saying this, I do not overlook the fact that by naming a place, Aboriginal people would intend to refer to a larger area.

  1. In effect, Map 3B, like other similar maps in Appendix 4, is only a graphic illustration of a submission, and while I have found it helpful in that respect, I cannot give any weight to the map, without first reconstructing from the testimony of the MN witnesses the process by which the sites on the map must have been identified – a task I will not undertake.
  2. The passage quoted above again illustrates the non-group nature of the rights and interests to which the evidence refers. The submission is that there are individual rights and interests which someone has aggregated to make up a claim by a group formed for the purpose, of group rights and interests (see 3.6(c)(4)).
  3. When considering the testimony of the MN claimants, we must remember that according to the MN POC, the criteria of connection relied on are:

and, of course, recognition by the other members of the MN Claim group.

  1. The passages in the testimony of Phyllis Thomas relied on all involve her using the word ngurra in the sense of a specific camp or camping site. While her use of the expression may indicate a tie to the specific place where the camp is, it does nothing to the assist identifying the extent of the country claimed.
  2. There is much further testimony of Phyllis Thomas contained in the transcript extracts in GLSC Appendix F3b. She said that she was interested in only two ngurra – Mount Margaret and Mulga Queen. She said that she calls both her ngurra. She said that Mount Margaret (meaning, no doubt, the Mission) had done a lot for her. She said that Mount Margaret and Mulga Queen are equally important to her, even though she does not live at Mount Margaret. She said she goes there every year.
  3. Phyllis Thomas said that Mount Margaret was her ‘heritage where I was brought up and all that’. She said that she had reflected on her testimony that Mount Margaret was her ngurra, and said that the better way of expressing it was that it was her ‘heritage’ and not her ngurra, because she had been forced to live there (at the Mission). She said that Leonora was also part of her heritage rather than her ngurra:
my heritage. That’s my yiwarra. Like my mother had a yiwarra run, and I got a yiwarra run too.’

  1. In saying that she was ‘forced’ to live at the Mission, Ms Thomas was referring to the fact that the police had been looking for children to take them away to Mogumber. She explained: ‘My mother would blacken me with burnt sandalwood seed to make me look darker [to make her appear to be a full blood, rather than a half caste]’. She said that the Mount Margaret area was Waljen country, and it would not be right for her to claim that country under her own name.
  2. Phyllis Thomas said that Mulga Queen was her ngurra because it was her mother’s ngurra. Her father’s ngurra, on the other hand, was Tjirrkarli and further east. She said that nobody had told her that her mother’s ngurra was her own ngurra, then, confusingly, concluded:
I’m thinking on the heritage side. If I’m allowed to have two ngurras. If I’m not allowed to, what would I call Mt Margaret? Maybe heritage or what? I want that made clear to me because Mt Margaret has been my ngurra.’

So far as her Mulga Queen ngurra is concerned, she included kapi Lawut, German Well, Banjawarn and Biddy’s Patch.

  1. Phyllis Thomas said that she had been told that when her mother was young, she had lived in country around Mulga Queen and right back to Tjirrkarli, Empress Spring and Mangkili Claypan. She said the old people including her mother had roamed around till they stopped at Mulga Queen. ‘They been here a long time, they never – they never go and claim no other land’. She said she understood her mother’s country was ‘here’ (meaning at Mulga Queen) because she (Phyllis Thomas) saw the wiltjas, puris and remains of cooking pits there. She said that because her mother was around Mulga Queen, under Wangkayi law, it was her mother’s country and it became her country. She said that after her mother passed away, her mother’s sisters, who looked after her, said that her late mother’s yiwarra went from Tjirrkarli, Empress Spring and Mangkili down to Lake Wells. She said that Lake Wells, Tjirrkarli, Mangkili, Empress Spring and Miltji all formed part of her mother’s yiwarra. Phyllis Thomas said that she had never been to Tjirrkarli but had been as far as Lake Wells (Yili Yili).
  2. Phyllis Thomas said that Mulga Queen was her ngurra and that ‘it’s ngurrara where the claim been put, ngurrara’. She was born on the outskirts of Laverton, and between her birth and her entering the Mission, she lived at Claypan (on the Laverton/Cosmo road), Mulga Queen, Hootanui, Stockwhip and Blanket (called by miners, ‘Famous Well’, and to be distinguished from Famous Blue close by), and Cosmo. Apparently she lived at Mulga Queen on two occasions during the first eight and a half years of her life; first, after camping at Claypan with Mr and Mrs Bond, when she said they went ‘back home to Mulga Queen’ where they ‘lived in a wiltja’, and, second, following the death of her mother when the family went from Cosmo ‘back to Mulga Queen’ and stayed there ‘for a while’. Accordingly, Phyllis Thomas spent two periods of unknown duration during her young childhood at Mulga Queen.
  3. Asked what things she does on her ngurra, she said that she teaches the children how to dig honey ants and ‘hunting Aboriginal way’.
  4. Phyllis Thomas’s claim to ngurra is typical of those made by the claimants in the case. First, it does not conform to traditional Western Desert laws and customs by identifying a subject area by reference, directly or indirectly, to Tjukurr sites and tracks. Second, it is actually a claim based on an ancestor’s ‘run’ or ‘range’ or ‘roaming area’, that is to say, an area to which the ancestor had multiple pathways of connection that were related to use or ‘occupation’ of the land.
  5. Kalman Murphy spoke of Mulga Queen and the area around it as his ngurra. He said that Aboriginal people from elsewhere, such as Menzies, were welcome to come there, provided they came to the Mulga Queen Community and saw his Aunty Phyllis to ask where to go to hunt.
  6. The evidence does not reveal precisely what area around Mulga Queen Kalman Murphy had in mind, but I take it to be relatively small. I refer below to the places around Mulga Queen that he knows.
  7. Kalman Murphy was born at Kalgoorlie Regional Hospital in 1975 at a time when his parents were living on the Leonora Aboriginal Reserve (south of the MN Claim area). At the time of testifying, he was 26 years old and living at the Nambi Village in Leonora. He said that two of his brothers were born at Mulga Queen, while his other brother and his sister were born in Leonora. Kalman Murphy said that as a child he lived at the Leonora Reserve, first with his parents, but also with Phyllis Thomas. He said that as a child he probably came more than once from the Leonora Reserve up to Mulga Queen and Banjawarn Station (most of that station is within the northern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area) with his parents, and returned to Leonora Reserve.
  8. Kalman Murphy said that as a boy he may have come up to Mulga Queen with relatives, because he had been told he had been as far north (of Leonora) as Banjawarn Station. When he was about 10, he went to Naburu Hostel in Leonora, and after schooling worked with his uncle, Mindi Chapman, on Banjawarn and Melrose Stations. He was taught by relatives about hunting and bush tucker in the bush about 60 km out of Leonora, at places such as Nambi. He said that as to places around Mulga Queen, he knew only Waterfalls, Puntin Soak and Horseshoe Bend and Minga Well having first gone to Waterfalls when he was mustering on Banjawarn with his uncle, Mindi Chapman. It was also his uncle Mindi Chapman, who took him and his brother to Puntin Soak for the first time when he was 17, to camp there and to muster.
  9. He first lived at Mulga Queen ‘when this place was put up’. His aunty Phyllis Thomas gave him, his mother and his brother Reynold a house to live in. He estimated he was probably about 20 years old at the time. That would be about 1995. He said that the present Aboriginal Community at Mulga Queen is fairly recent and he did not know if there was anything there before that (in fact the present Mulga Queen Community dates from the early 1980s). He also said that he lived at Mulga Queen for about a year with his wife and children, then left to work for the Leonora Shire. However, he visits Mulga Queen regularly. (It is difficult to reconcile the statement that he, his mother and brother went to Mulga Queen to live when the community was established, and that he was about 20 years old when they did so.)
  10. Kalman Murphy was not born in the MN Claim area and did not grow up in it. His attachment to Mulga Queen and the area around it is due to his attachment to his aunty Phyllis Thomas. She raised him in Leonora for some six months, and, as noted above, she gave him, his mother and his brother a house at Mulga Queen to live in. There is obviously a family tie. His work with Mindi Chapman on Banjawarn and Melrose Stations also seems to have taken place within the MN Claim area.
  11. It is difficult to see that Kalman Murphy satisfies the criteria for membership of the MN Claim group through the ‘birth and growing up’ criterion of connection. His mother told him her ngurra was Mulga Queen, Tjirrkarli and Cosmo. He said his father came from Tikatika on the other side (east) of the Warburton Ranges.
  12. He said Tjirrkarli is ‘like home’ to him because his thamu and granny came from there, and were born there. He said he can claim men’s places around Tjirrkarli, where his family came from, now that he is a man (wati).
  13. Kalman Murphy said that his ngurra that he can claim is the Mulga Queen country and the open flat country nearby (where his brothers MM and Clarrie were born) and wherever there are old camps, north, south, east and west of Mulga Queen. He also said that the line of rockholes from Tjirrkarli to Mulga Queen was his country too because his family came from there. Asked how far his ngurra goes, he said ‘I wouldn’t have a clue’. His mother and brothers and sisters told him that the Mulga Queen area was his country. He also said that his aunty Phyllis Thomas, uncle Mindi Chapman and aunty Coral Chapman told him his mother’s ngurra was at Mulga Queen. He said he was first told this when he was about 17 years old (nine years previously – in about 1993).
  14. Apparently, then, Kalman Murphy claims a ngurra at Mulga Queen and its immediate vicinity, on the basis that it was his mother’s ngurra.
  15. Mindi Chapman said that ngurra meant ‘camp’, whereas ngurrara meant ‘country’. Asked where his ngurra and ngurrara were, he answered in each case Alexander Manngu (Wakamurru Manngu, Alexander Spring). Mindi Chapman was born at Cosmo (outside the MN Claim area), when his parents were living in a wiltja there. His mother told him that she came from Wakamurru Manngu (meaning ‘Eagle Nest’) or Alexander Spring – about 17 km north-east of the north-easternmost point on the boundary of the Wongatha Claim area, but within the MN Claim area. She also told him that she came from ‘Mangkili ... halfway to Tjirrkarli’. (Tjirrkarli is outside both Wongatha and MN Claim areas.) His father told him that he (the father) came from Tjirrkarli and was born there, and that he and that he and Mindi Chapman’s mother were married when they walked from Alexander Spring to Cosmo (where, it will be recalled, Mindi Chapman was born). That walk, assuming it to have been more or less direct, would have brought them into the northern part of the Wongatha Claim area, down past Empress Spring, on their way to Cosmo. Mindi Chapman remembers living as a child with his parents in a wiltja at Mulga Queen, and while still a child going back to Cosmo when Mr Donegan was there. (Mr Donegan was appointed as Superintendent of the Cosmo Ration Depot in 1940, and remained there until the early 1950s.)
  16. He said that he claimed his father’s country – Tjirrkarli and around Mulga Queen. He said Tjirrkarli was his father’s country because his father was born there. Mindi Chapman said his own country was Tjirrkarli and Wakamurru Manngu (Alexander Spring). He also said that Lake Wells was his country because he had walked around it as a boy, with his father, mother and brother. He said that his father told him a long time ago, when they were living at Cosmo, that walking around a place as a child with your parents makes that place your country. Mindi Chapman also said that Lake Wells was his father’s country. He said that his mother’s country was Wakamurru (Alexander Spring), Mangkili Claypan and Tjirrkarli.
  17. MM said that Mulga Queen was his ‘country’ because his ‘old people’ ‘walked around’ and ‘lived’ and ‘came from’ there, and because he was born there. He said it was ‘probably all around Mulga Queen’ because the old people did not sit in one place but roamed around. He said his country went south-west to Banjawarn Station because the old people travelled there. His country included only part of Banjawarn, Biddy’s Patch, Flower’s Well, and Wala Wala, where his father had a sandalwood camp, which is about a half hour’s drive from Biddy’s Patch. He said his country did not include Erlistoun or Nambi Stations. He said that Patjar was his grandfather’s country, and that Leonora was everyone’s country and everyone claims it. Banjawarn Station was his country because he worked there when he was a younger man, and had ‘fond and pleasant memories’ of the place. and because his father worked there pulling sandalwood, and his grandmother lived at Flowers Well.
  18. Troy Chapman said that ngurra is the place where a person is born, and added ‘I’d say that ... it’s a place where you’re at home, at home. It’s just like this country’s got a big roof over the top of it, and it’s like a big house, the country is.’ He said that his ngurra was Mulga Queen and as big as the (MN) Claim, and extended to Tjirrkarli and the (Mulga Queen side) of Banjawarn and Bandya Stations. He said it was his mother’s and grandfather’s (on his mother’s side) country. His mother was born at Mulga Queen and that is why it was her country.
  19. He said that his father came from the Central Desert, from the Warburton, Wanan and Blackstone area. He said that Empress Spring is part of his mother’s ngurra because her own mother ‘came from’ there, that is, ‘that’s more likely where she walked from, and then she came here and made a ngurra’. His mother told him 10-11 years ago that the Mulga Queen area was her ngurra. His mother was born at Mulga Queen and her mother was born at Tjirrkarli and they came through the Lake Wells area.
  20. A straight line from Tjirrkarli to Mulga Queen runs through Lake Wells. Tjirrkarli is 375 km from Mulga Queen.
  21. Troy Chapman said that Tjirrkarli was within the MN Claim area (it is not). Although he affirmed that his mother’s country has the same boundaries as the MN Claim area, he also wrongly thought that Erlistoun Station was outside of the MN Claim area (it is just within the MN southern boundary). He said that Nambi and Melrose Stations are not part of the MN Claim area (in fact, both are).
  22. Troy Chapman said that ngurrara means ‘camp’ and that ngurra has a similar meaning to ‘the place where you’re actually staying in, and ngurrara is the place, is the country’. He said that his claim to country was based on the fact that his mother was born at Mulga Queen. He said:
mother’s side, more likely I’d take my mother’s side too, like grandmother’s side, where they come from, so she would more likely claim her mother’s side too, so I have the right to claim my mother’s side and my grandmother’s.’

He explained the more extensive reach of his claimed country was based on the fact that his family had come from Tjirrkarli through Lake Wells down to Mulga Queen.

  1. Troy Chapman claimed to know where the boundaries of the MN Claim area are ‘exactly’, but it is clear that he did not. He is not to be criticised for not knowing whether places are or within or outside the MN Claim area. Generally speaking, the evidence does not disclose the process by which the boundaries of the various Claim areas were arrived at. I assume that those indigenous people who took a leading role following the enactment of the NTA, perhaps with professional advice in some cases, drew them by reference to the connections asserted by individuals to ‘my country’ areas. In addition, there were negotiations, resulting in agreements as to what was to be claimed, and what was to be foregone, in various claims. This all combines to show the articifial nature of the Claim area boundaries, said to explain why a person such as Troy Chapman could hardly be expected to know what was in, and what was out.
  2. Adele Phillips said that her father Lawarr (Johnny Phillips) came from Yapupara (Baker Lake), and that he has lived at Mulga Queen since he was young. (It will be recalled that Johnny Phillips could barely speak due to his having suffered a stroke.) Adele Phillips said that he told her he met her mother at Mulga Queen. Johnny Phillips is a Wongatha claimant, but Adele’s mother was Nellie MacArthur (who is deceased), and the MacArthur family are MN claimants.
  3. Another MN claimant, Elton Polak (who lived in Kalgoorlie, and had just come back to give his aunty, Phyllis Thomas, a hand ‘with all this overlapping and stuff’), said that he had spent close to about three of his 25 years living in the Mulga Queen area. He said that he lived at Mulga Queen with Phyllis Thomas for about two years, at a time about four and a half to five years prior to giving evidence. He said that he would like to come back to Mulga Queen one day and show his children how to hunt and live off the land. He said that Mulga Queen was his ngurra because all his people had lived there: his aunty (Phyllis Thomas) and his thamu (Kupulutjanu). He said his ngurra was not limited to Mulga Queen, but extended to places where he camped during that two year period, namely, Flowers Well, Hootanui and Winter Camp. He said the old people, including Phyllis Thomas and ‘Granny M’ (presumably MB), some of whom are deceased, told him that Mulga Queen was his ngurra because he camped out there and his ancestors had done so too. He said, however, that Leonora was not his ngurra because it was just a place where he stayed and was ‘reared up’. Asked why the Mulga Queen area was his ngurra, Elton Polak gave the following unclear reply:
they made a ngurra everywhere, camp, you know, they follow from here, they went to here, and made a camp here, ... and they come back this way and they made a camp. They made a camp everywhere. ... That’s why they say it’s their ngurra. That’s why I’m saying it’s my ngurra.’

In addition to the two year period mentioned, Elton Polak said that when he was about 10 years old, he stayed at Mulga Queen with his Uncle Eric and Aunty Phyllis Thomas ‘a fair few times’.

  1. Apparently Elton Polak was not born within the MN Claim area, and I do not conclude that he ‘grew’ up there on the slender evidence he gave, of having, as a ten-year old, stayed at Mulga Queen with the Thomases ‘a fair few times’. He rejected Leonora as his ngurra because it was only where he was ‘reared up’ – a connection on which many claimants have based their claims to ‘my country’ areas. Mr Polak’s claim rests on the place of his and his ancestors’ camping and roaming – a ‘range’ based claim.
  2. Nancy Gordon said she had always understood ngurra and ngurrara to mean the same thing, namely, ‘country’. She said that she had heard her father call Rirrti (Empress Spring) his ngurra or ngurrara. She said that she thought Rirrti had ‘cultural significance’ for her family and felt that it was where her family belonged. She said that she had driven along the road between Cosmo and Warburton many times but had never been to Rirrti, although she knew from a map that it was near Tjukayirla Roadhouse.
  3. Wayne Westlake said that when he was living at the Wongatha Wonganarra Village in Laverton, before moving out to Cosmo to live in 1991/1992, he had no interest in the matter of his country. It was when he was discharged from prison (in about 1991 or 1992) that he found that his mother’s sister’s family was living at Cosmo, and began to live there himself. His aunt told him that his father (Bundy Westlake) was born at Cosmo. Since then, he has stayed at Cosmo and made it his home. Accordingly, Wayne Westlake, an MN claimant, identifies his ngurra as lying outside the MN Claim area.

Conclusion on ‘Ngurra’

  1. The claimed ‘my country’ relationships of which evidence was given were based on diverse connections. Many focussed on the Mulga Queen area. References to other places, such as Empress Spring and Lake Wells, were, generally speaking, directed to journeying or roaming. Several claimants recalled their ancestors’ stories of migration to Mulga Queen from places in the desert to the north-east, such as Tjirrkarli, Alexander Spring, Mangkili, Yapupara (Baker Lake) and Tjintjira. However, the MN Claim tends to be focused on the present day reality of the existence of the Mulga Queen Aboriginal Community, which, in turn, has resulted from the earlier attraction of indigenous people from those places to the place that was variously a pastoral station, mission and ration depot at Mulga Queen.
  2. The concentration of residents at Mulga Queen is explicable, not only by the attractions of European settlement and later the ration station, but also by the fact that some of the MN claimants or their ancestors worked on nearby pastoral stations. Mindi Chapman, for example, testified as to his movement around the various stations on account of his employment as a shearer and a ‘jackaroo’. The stations in question included stations outside both the Wongatha and MN Claim areas, such as Wanganoo (north of Melrose Station). After he retired, Mindi Chapman came to live at Mulga Queen because his friends, Eric and Phyllis Thomas, were living there.

(3) Residence

  1. I refer to my discussion of residence within a Claim area elsewhere (see 4.7(a)(b) [1443].
  2. The MN applicants rely on GLSC Appendix A1b headed ‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia – Residence in the Claim Area’, and para 5 of the Wongatha POC. Appendix A1b gives extracts from the evidence of 12 of the 19 MN witnesses. They refer, in the text of their submissions to the testimony of Coral Chapman given at Stockwhip and Blanket, Mindi Chapman, Troy Chapman, Kalman Murphy, MM, Phyllis Thomas and MW. They rely on Map 3B in GLSC Appendix F4 as showing the places referred to in the evidence as places where the MN claimants or their ancestors were born or grew up. Map 3B is captioned ‘Connection to Country/Group Identification – Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants – Birth places, Growing Up of claimants and ancestors’. I referred to Map 3B at [2095] above.
  3. The evidence shows that witnesses or their parents or other ancestors have from time to time resided within the MN Claim area, principally at Mulga Queen or neighbouring campsites, such as Stockwhip and Blanket. However, the mere fact of residence is not probative of the existence of laws and customs giving rise to rights and interests in the land resided upon, even less in a much larger area within which that land is located. Whether it is one of the connections that can activate a law or custom providing for the acquisition of rights and interests is another matter.
  4. The MN applicants submit:
the inhospitable nature of the country, particularly in the north-east of the [Wongatha/MN] Overlap, it is submitted that the effect of the geographic spread of the evidence of the important linkages (to connection) of residence and growing up is to establish, to the Court’s satisfaction, the existence of such linkages across the whole of the Overlap.’
  1. I do not agree. The submission assumes what has to be proved: the integrity, by reference to traditional laws and customs, of the MN Claim area as an entity, so that residence on part signifies residence on the whole.
  2. Residence, as distinct from either periodic visits or temporary camping in the course of a journey, has been concentrated at Mulga Queen, and, for work purposes, on nearby stations.
  3. In relation to present day residence, Groups 5B/5F submit that, according to the places of residence shown on the MN LIP, only eight out of the 279 persons listed on that LIP reside within the MN Claim area. In so far as the MN applicants rely on current place of residence, they derive little assistance from this particular aspect of the evidence. The MN Claim group does not, however, rely only on current residence. It submits that the evidence establishes ‘that MN witnesses have resided at places within the Overlap area from the 1930s through to the 1970s, and from the early 1980s to the present time’. I accept this submission, although, I note that MN claimants’ present day residence within, and visitation to, the MN Claim area, seems to be limited by reference to the Mulga Queen area. The evidence does not support any continuity of residence in, or visitation to, more distant parts of the MN Claim area. Moreover, the submission refers to MN witnesses, who form a relatively small proportion, say one tenth, of the total MN Claim group.

(4) Travelling over the area and camping at particular sites

  1. The MN applicants rely on Appendix A2b (‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia – Travelling and Camping in the Claim Area’) to the GLSC submissions and, in particular, on testimony of Phyllis Thomas, Troy Chapman, Mindi Chapman and MW. Appendix A2b gives extracts from the testimony of 12 MN claimants. The MN applicants illustrate by Map 2B in Appendix F4 travelling and camping by MN claimants within the Wongatha/MN overlap. (Map 2B is captioned ‘Occupation and Use – Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants – Hunting/Foraging, Camping/Travelling and Site Surveys’.)
  2. Groups 5B/5F adopt the State’s submissions in response to the Appendix A2(b).
  3. It is not disputed that if we take the MN claimants and their ancestors, we will find many instances over time of their having travelled, camped and hunted within the Wongatha/MN overlap. However this evidence is not probative of the existence of laws and customs. It may be evidence of a kind of connection as a matter of fact. It may also be relevant to the content of rights and interests. But these matters are different from evidence probative of current day acknowledgment and observance by the MN Claim group of the pre-sovereignty body of laws and customs.
  4. Within the Wongatha/MN overlap the Map shows some 29 green squares said to represent ‘Travel and Camping’ and 17 golden discs said to represent ‘Hunting’. But in the absence of links to the evidence and of any comparator, I do not know what these show. It is conceivable, for example:
  5. The MN applicants submit:
the environmental realities, particularly in the area approximately between Cosmo Newberry, Lake Wells and Empress Spring (Rirrti), it is submitted that the effect of the evidence has been to encompass the whole of the Overlap area.’

This submission, as I understand it, is similar to one made in respect of, for example, birth and residence. The reasoning seems to be: (1) we seek to establish native title over the whole of the Wongatha/MN overlap by, relevantly, travelling and camping over the whole of it; (2) for environmental reasons, a significant part does not lend itself to travelling and camping activity; (3) having established travelling and camping on the part that does, we should be treated as having also established it on the part that does not, and so proved travelling and camping over the whole. If my understanding of the submission is correct, the preferable approach is simply to note that because of the inhospitable nature of the environment, travelling and camping activity is not possible in a significant part of the Wongatha/MN overlap, with the result that if native title rights and interests are to be proved in that substantial part, it will have to be done by other means.

  1. My observation above that residence at places within the Wongatha/MN overlap is not, without more, probative of present day acknowledgment and observance of a body of pre-sovereignty laws and customs, is applicable to travelling and camping. In any event, the distinction between ‘residence’ and ‘camping’ disappears when the camping is long term.
  2. Coral Chapman said that when she was small, she lived at Stockwhip and Blanket (close to Mulga Queen). She was born in about 1948, and so was probably referring to the 1950s. She said that her mother and father and aunties and uncles were camped there for a long time. She said that they would walk to the ration station at Mulga Queen (it was established in 1953) and collected their rations ‘[a]nd their food [was] all ready with names on’. I infer that the proximity of Stockwhip and Blanket to the ration station at Mulga Queen, made it an attractive place at which to ‘camp’ or ‘reside’.
  3. Groups 5B/5F submit that travelling and camping was carried out due to reasons of employment. They refer in particular to the evidence of Mindi Chapman. Mindi Chapman said that in the old days when he was camping in a wiltja with his parents at Mulga Queen, he and others hunted with a dog in order to get kangaroo skins, and that they got gold too, in both cases to sell to Jack Shepherd at Mulga Queen, and to Horace Hill at Salt Soak and Nambi Station in exchange for flour, tea, sugar and tobacco. He said this was done prior to the giving out of rations. His father also hunted with spears. He gave evidence that the places he had walked around with his parents were: Spring, Rungku, Puntin Soak, Puturrkapi, Yultu, Irarri (Red Well), Cutline Bore, Butcher’s Well, Tjilkatjarra and Walkiri.
  4. Mindi Chapman further said that when he was working for Horace Hill, and camping at Salt Soak, he, his two brothers Roy and Lumi, and Brian Jennings ‘cleared the road to Lake Wells’ using axes and camping on the way. They went through Red Well, Parntapuka (Wartapuka), Miltji and Karru. Later he worked for Horace Hill’s son, Peter Hill, doing contract fencing on Lake Wells Station.
  5. Mindi Chapman said that after he left Salt Soak, and before working on Melrose Station, he went and camped in the bush at Lawut, Puntin Soak and Tjilkatjarra, where there were a mob of people camped. Mindi Chapman worked on numerous other stations, which he named. His work was both within and outside the MN Claim area. He gave evidence that in the 1950s, between working on stations and on holidays for some months, and sometimes on weekends, he would return to Mulga Queen to visit his parents. He has lived at Mulga Queen in the early 1980s and for three years until 2000.
  6. Mindi Chapman also described the sites he visited on a trip to Warburton. Groups 5B/5F submit that this trip was made during the course of employment. However, Mindi Chapman said that this trip was when he was a small child. He travelled from Mulga Queen to Warburton via Wakamurru and Tjirrkarli with his parents (his mother was born at Wakamurru, his father at Tjirrkarli). He said that they travelled and camped via waterholes and ate food his father hunted. Other places he identified going to were Lalalka (Lake Wells), Nyirruru, Marnakutja, Nurr, Mali Claypan and Tilyin. They attended some corroborees and returned via Tjirrkarli. Mindi Chapman crossed much of the MN Claim area on this trip. Mindi Chapman also gave evidence that he claims the country around Lake Wells because his father told him that he could because he walked around there as a child. Groups 5B/5F also submit that this trip occurred only once. I accept that is the case. However, Mindi Chapman gave evidence of having been to places, such as Tjirrkarli, Wakumurru/Warluwurru Manngu, and Lake Wells at other times in his life.
  7. Groups 5B/5F also submit that the MN applicants refer to places where travelling and camping took place in the past but does not today. They refer to the MN submissions where the MN applicants state that Mindi Chapman referred to Tarralkutjarra (Taralkutjarra – an isolated place about 45 km west of Lake Wells), where the old men, including his father, were allowed to go to get red ochre. This evidence referred to a historical event. However, Mindi Chapman gave evidence of being taken and shown where Tarralkutjarra was in recent years. Phyllis Thomas also testified that Mindi Chapman had been to the Lake Wells area in recent years. The MN applicants submit that this is the site named by Tjurada as ‘Taralgudana’.
  8. In summary, Mindi Chapman hunted, travelled and camped within the Wongatha/MN overlap, in connection both with non-traditional activities, such as getting kangaroo skins for trading, road construction, contract fencing, and, no doubt, mustering, and traditional activities such as camping and hunting.
  9. Kalman Murphy said that he went to Waterfalls and Puntin Soak many times when he was working as a musterer with his uncle, Mindi Chapman, on Banjawarn Station, and that his uncle Mindi Chapman and aunt Coral Chapman, first took him to Minga Well, some four km north-west of the Mulga Queen Aboriginal Community, a couple of years before he gave evidence, since which he has been back there many times. He was also shown places where two of his brothers were born and where his mother had camped.
  10. Phyllis Thomas, who was born in 1932, gave evidence of having lived as a child in a wiltja at Mulga Queen and Hootanui and of having walked with her family extensively within and outside the Wongatha/MN overlap. For example, they walked from Hootanui (like Mulga Queen, Hootanui is on Bandya Station, but it is some 10 km west of Mulga Queen and outside the Wongatha Claim area) to Liwuliwu (about halfway between Mulga Queen and Cosmo, and within the Wongatha/MN overlap) and back, camping at Stockwhip and Blanket (Famous Well) and Mulga Queen. These travels appear to have been in the mid to late 1930s. She lived at Biddy’s Patch (outside the overlap but within the MN Claim area) in the late 1950s and returned to live at Mulga Queen in the early 1980s. During the 1960s and 1970s she lived in Leonora but said that she came out to Mulga Queen in that time for long weekends and school holidays. Phyllis Thomas showed the Court a number of wiltjas at Old Winter Camp near Mulga Queen Community.
  11. The MN applicants rely on the testimony of Troy Chapman as supporting a submission that ‘his community’ has been camping in a large area around Mulga Queen over the past 100 years. However, the relevant portion of the transcript either gives a different picture or at least is unclear. Troy Chapman’s evidence concerned certain camps or camp sites which he was trying to have registered under the Heritage Act. He appeared to say that he, or he and others, had shown the sites to anthropologists (he having therefore already known of them). It is unclear whether he then said that the anthropologists had told him, or that he had told them, that people used to camp there. However, it seems clear that he himself recognised the camps as camps that were ‘just about 100 years old’ and he said, should be preserved for another 100 years or so.
  12. I accept Troy Chapman’s evidence that his aunty Phyllis Thomas, his uncle Mindi Chapman, and others showed him old camp sites ‘where old people once used to live’. He said that they were at Minga Creek, Flowers Well, Biddy’s Patch (Milkupurrul), Stockwhip and Blanket (Famous Well), Famous Blue and Government Well. On a site visit, I saw the remains of some of these camps. I accept that they were ‘old’. Precisely how old they are does not matter, because even if they were only, say, 50 years old, it is not seriously in dispute that indigenous people camped within the Wongatha/MN overlap 100 years and more ago. Indeed, having regard to the size of that overlap, it would be surprising if they did not.
  13. Troy Chapman also said that his responsibilities as a member of the Mulga Queen Community included keeping the Community ‘in good nick’ and showing visitors where they are able to camp. He said that he had responsibilities not just in the Community itself, but beyond, saying, ‘it's a large area where I can actually go out and show people. ... Halfway from here to Laverton, Banjawarn Station and right out to Spinifex country back through this way here, north-east, out through this country here, yes, out through Spinifex country.’ He gave evidence that his aunty, uncle and others had also shown him rockholes further away from the Community, at Puntin, Payari, Miltji, Yiliyili and Waterfalls.
  14. Mindi Chapman agreed that going out camping and hunting nowadays differs from that activity as it occurred in the past. In the past, when Aboriginal people were on foot, they could not carry much water, and thus depended on waterholes, being able to travel only for one or two days between them. However, when he went out camping and hunting from Mulga Queen, he went by truck and would carry water and canned food; was not confined to camping near water holes; and could travel much further by truck than was possible on foot. He agreed that camping nowadays was ‘really just a bit like a holiday’. Most of the camping destinations referred to fall within an area in the vicinity of Mulga Queen, such as at Lawut Claypan and Ten Mile.
  15. The MN applicants submit that Phyllis Thomas gave evidence of current hunting and camping practices. When asked about getting food in the Mulga Queen community, Phyllis Thomas said that they get stores from town and that ever since moving back to Mulga Queen they have used the reserve for food, but that:
the village, we use all that reserves round there. We go out and do exercise and digging honey ants, and things like that, as we have showed it to the court before. And further away, we go out week-ends, long week-ends and camp. School holidays, we go through there out, and we do all that area to Lake Wells, when weather's good. Rain, we get bogged.’

  1. The MN applicants also refer to Phyllis Thomas’s evidence that she takes young people out bush, camping and hunting: ‘Maybe some of them have lost their culture, and show them back, this is your culture, you stick to it.’ The people to whom she refers are not necessarily MN claimants, although she says she knows their parents. They are people from Kalgoorlie, Leonora and Laverton whom the Community at Mulga Queen takes as part of a program run by the Department of Community Corrections. She said that the young people are all ‘Wongatha’ people whatever the area they come from.
  2. The MN claimants also refer to MW’s evidence that he knew the country around Mulga Queen because he lived near Famous Well as a child during the War. He went from rockhole to rockhole in the bush with his father and other families including the Westlake, Murphy, Bond and Banks families. He was then placed in the Mount Margaret Mission, but Mindi Chapman would collect him and take back to Mulga Queen every holiday.
  3. Map 2B in GLSC Appendix F4 is subject to the same criticism as the other maps in that Appendix. In addition to criticisms previously made, I note that no distinction is made between, for example, camping that may have happened more than 50 years ago when ancestors were ‘migrating’ from the desert beyond the north-east boundary of the MN Claim area, and camping which may occur today in the vicinity of the Mulga Queen Aboriginal Community.

Conclusion on ‘Travelling over the area and camping at particular places’

  1. Clearly, between them, MN witnesses and their ancestors have travelled and camped a great deal within the MN Claim area, mainly in the south-western half to two-thirds of the Wongatha/MN overlap. Indeed, much of the camping has centred on Mulga Queen, some of it being within the Wongatha/MN overlap and some being within a small area north-west of the Wongatha Claim area boundary, but still within the MN Claim area. Much, but not all, of the camping occurred when Jack Shepherd was the pastoralist and, a little later, ration station superintendent, at Mulga Queen. I infer that his presence was one factor influencing the choice of camping site. Evidence was also given of camping in the last 20 years since the Community at Mulga Queen was established.

(5) Knowing and using waterholes

  1. The MN applicants submit that several MN witnesses spoke of waterholes. As an example, they refer to testimony of Phyllis Thomas and to that of Mindi Chapman, who drew a map indicating a number of waterholes that he knew in the Lake Wells area. In their supplementary submissions, the MN applicants submit that Phyllis Thomas was speaking not ‘just of her memories of the old days’ but was showing that ‘she has an ongoing knowledge of these places [waterholes]’. The distinction is a false one. When Phyllis Thomas testified concerning rockholes to which she and her family once went, she demonstrated both her recollection of past events and her present day knowledge based on that recollection. If the submission is meant to invite me to infer that Phyllis Thomas based her description of rockholes on present day visits, I do not do so in the absence of a context which shows that she has visited and learned of them, or refreshed her memory of them, in recent times.
  2. Phyllis Thomas began by describing past events. It is true that later she spoke in the present tense, but I think it tolerably clear that she was still speaking of the past. For example, she states that Pilki is halfway between Mulga Queen and Cosmo, and when she is then asked what place Pilki is, she states ‘that’s just the name Pilki, that’s where they retire and sleep overnight after their long walk’. She is referring to an event in the past, notwithstanding the use of the present tense. Past and present tenses were often mixed in this way in the indigenous testimony. Phyllis Thomas also gave evidence of going to Yiliyili, to the north of Lake Wells on a site survey. She did not know the meaning of the name. Groups 5B/5F submit that there is no evidence of Phyllis Thomas having been to Lake Wells other than on this site visit. However, she did give evidence of going to Lake Wells at other times (see [2105] above). I accept that she has visited the area at other times. She has not, however, travelled further north-east into the Claim area and said she did not know the rockholes on the northern side of Lake Wells. She said that the old people who travelled from that area could name all the waterholes there.
  3. Groups 5B/5F submit that the evidence of waterholes was scant and that the witnesses did not know the indigenous names, or the meaning, of many of the waterholes.
  4. Mindi Chapman’s map showing a number of waterholes that he knows in the Lake Wells (Lalalka) area included Karru, Miltji, Lalalka, Nyirruru, Marnakutja, Tarralkutjarra, Tuwi, and Yiliyili, which his family had visited when he was a child (he was born in about 1937 to 1939). Mindi Chapman identified Tarralkutjarra (just north of Lake Wells) as a men’s site where his father used to go to get ochre. Vachon/de Gand note that this site was referred to in Bates’s listing of Tjurada’s country.
  5. As seen above in reference to camping and travelling, many of the waterholes in the MN Claim area about which witnesses gave evidence were referred to by their indigenous names. Generally speaking, evidence was not, however, given of the meanings of the names.

(6) Further activities showing customs and traditions

  1. The MN applicants adopt the Wongatha submissions and topics listed at 4.7(a)(b) [1441]. That is to say, at this point they address the topics numbered (1)-(11) in [1441]. I will adopt decimal numbering to accord with the Wongatha series.
  2. They refer to testimony given by MN claimants in relation those topics, as discussed below.

6.1 Acknowledgement/observance of men’s law

  1. I will deal here only with male initiation. Other aspects of men’s law, such as men’s Tjukurr stories and pika ngurlu sites, are dealt with elsewhere.
  2. The MN applicants state that eight male adults gave evidence on acknowledgement and observance of men’s law on behalf of the MN Claim group, namely: FB, Mindi Chapman, Troy Chapman, Clarrie Murphy, Kalman Murphy, MM, Elton Polak and MW.
  3. It should be noted at once that they omit Eric Thomas, Paddy Walker, Kado Muir, Hudson Westlake and Wayne Westlake, who, as stated earlier, are also on other Claims. I will treat those five witnesses (and Dolly Walker and Justine Westlake) in the Chapters relevant to those Claims, and as not being MN claimants for present purposes.
  4. The MN applicants rely on GLSC Appendix F1 as revealing that six of the eight males mentioned were watis, the two exceptions being Mindi Chapman and Elton Polak. However, MM also has not been initiated, leaving five of the eight who have been.
  5. The statistic five (or six) out of eight is misleading: if only the five (or six) had testified, the proportion would have been 100 percent. The more important questions are:

(a) how many of the MN male claimants would have been initiated if the pre-sovereignty rule was being observed?

(b) how many of the MN male claimants would need to be initiated in order for there to be acknowledgement and observance by the MN Claim group?

(c) in the case of the MN male claimants who have been initiated, is the appropriate inference that the MN Claim group is currently observing the rule as to male initiation, or that it is a practice of the past?

  1. The MN applicants do not address these questions. Assume that one half of the 279 MN claimants are male. That would be 140. Assume that one quarter of these (35) have not reached the age for initiation. That would leave 105 who would have been initiated, and who would not have married without first being initiated, if the rule was being totally observed.
  2. I turn now to the five MN male claimants who have been initiated.
  3. FB was an old man, and I infer that he was initiated many decades prior to the hearing.
  4. MW went through the law in Jigalong in 1964.
  5. The evidence does not reveal when Clarrie Murphy went through, but Kalman Murphy said that his brother Clarrie went through the law at Leonora and was about 40 years old (born about 1962). MM testified that his brother Reynold Murphy, who is younger than Clarrie, had been through the law. It is not clear when he went through the law.
  6. This leaves only Troy Chapman and Kalman Murphy as male MN claimants who went through the law in recent times who are to be discussed (I exclude watis Paddy Walker, Kado Muir, Hudson Westlake, Wayne Westlake, and Jake Westlake - also on the MN LIP and, according to evidence, a wati - for the reasons mentioned earlier).
  7. The MN applicants refer to the testimony of Troy Chapman who underwent initiation between 21 March 2002, when he first testified, and 15 July 2002, when he was recalled to testify. On the first occasion he referred to places to which he could not go because it was ‘tribal business and stuff’, and said that if he went there, it would ‘cause trouble’ for him. He said that those places were called ‘pika ngurlu places’; that he could say nothing about them; and that it was ‘the old blokes’ who had told him about them. He said he had not been through the law.
  8. On the second occasion, he said he had become ‘a tribal man’ and that the process took two weeks. He said that he had been ‘grabbed’ about a month earlier when he was up at Wiluna and that the ceremony took place on the Pantini Reserve, about 10 km north-east of Wiluna. Troy Chapman was born in 1976, and so was initiated at the age of 25 or 26 years. He said that six or seven other boys went through with him, and although he could not say ‘exactly’ where they were from, they were from ‘through Warburton and Wiluna and Laverton area, and out through the Central Desert’. The ceremony concluded about two weeks prior to his testifying on 15 July 2002. He said that he was not permitted to say how many men were involved or where they came from (in cross-examination he said there would have been about 100 men). However, he said that now that he had ‘been through’, he would go back to Mulga Queen to look after it. He said that when he gave evidence on the first occasion, he did not know that he would be going through the law.
  9. It appeared from later evidence that there was not actually a boy ‘from’ Laverton who went through the law with Troy Chapman, although Nigel Smythe from Warburton, who went through with him, ‘stays’ in Laverton.
  10. Kalman Murphy said that he also was initiated at Bondini (Pantini) Reserve, Wiluna. He said he went through because his prospective parents-in-law told him that he must do so before marrying their daughter. The MN applicants submit:
shows, it is submitted, a considerable degree of social and community acceptance of the importance of initiation in men’s Law, and also the existence of pressure from other persons applied on a young man to go through the Law; and is a clear indication of the functioning of a normative system, one with the Law at its centre.’

The problem with this submission is that the parents-in-law were Coonana people living on the Cundeelee Aboriginal Reserve (outside the Wongatha Claim area) and who insisted that Kalman Murphy go through the law before they would agree to his marrying their daughter. He agreed he went through the law so that he could marry her.

  1. It was part of the pre-sovereignty Western Desert rule that only an initiated male may marry (see 3.6(c)(2) [815] ff). Accordingly, the girl’s parents can be seen as having insisted on observance of that rule.
  2. Cundeelee and Coonana are both south of the MN Claim area, and some 180 km east of Kalgoorlie. I do not know how representative the pressure from Kalman Murphy’s prospective parents-in-law was of Coonana people, but the incident says little about the acknowledgement and observance by the MN Claim group of a law or custom requiring male initiation. Kalman Murphy, like Troy Chapman, was ‘grabbed’ at or near Wiluna, to the north of the Wongatha Claim area.
  3. Kalman Murphy also gave gender-restricted site evidence at Station Creek and was subsequently cross-examined in a gender-restricted session in Kalgoorlie.
  4. The Station Creek site is approximately 10 km north-west of Leonora, and is outside the MN Claim area. The watis who were present, in addition to the witnesses Kalman Murphy and Anthony Harris, both of Leonora, were Dan Harris from Laverton, Barney Morrison from Kalgoorlie, Clarrie Murphy from Leonora, Johnny Phillips from Kalgoorlie, Frankie Wongawol, an elder from Wiluna currently residing in Leonora, MW from Cosmo, and FB from Leonora.
  5. In the course of the oral evidence, the men sang, in Aboriginal language, part of a song, which was said to tell part of the Wati Kutjarra (Two Men) and the Papa Ngalia (Dingo Man) Tjukurrpa stories. The events referred to in the song happened close to the place where the evidence was given.
  6. Kalman Murphy described the Wati Kutjarra and told about where they had come from in order to reach Station Creek. He told of their adventures in the Station Creek area, and their interactions with a number of dogs or dingoes. These included Papa Ngalia and a female dingo and some puppies, and also Papa Nyukali. He told of the movements of some of the Tjukurrpa characters following those interactions. He said that the only part of the story that was ‘open’ was that one of the dingoes was killed by the Wati Kitjarra.
  7. Mr Murphy pointed to several features in the landscape which represented some of the Tjukurrpa characters and the results of some of their actions. The features also included some close to Leonora and Menzies, and towards Southern Cross.
  8. Mr Murphy also referred to two physical features, not close enough to be seen, but which Kado Muir had pointed out to the Court during his evidence given at Nyukali on 26 March 2002.
  9. During his evidence of the actions of some of the Tjukurrpa characters, Kalman Murphy spoke of current day restricted men’s practices related to becoming a wati.
  10. Following the evidence, the Court was taken on foot to five nearby locations where, in four places, physical features forming part of the Tjukurrpa story were pointed out. The Court was also shown the remains of material which had been used to mark and protect the place as sacred. The location evidence was given primarily by Kalman Murphy, and to a lesser extent by Wongatha claimant, Anthony Harris.
  11. I find that Kalman Murphy has a detailed knowledge of the stories that he related and of the features of landscape associated with them.
  12. MM, Kalman Murphy’s brother, said that no one had ever told him that a young man should go through the law and that he had never discussed the matter with anybody. He evinced a reluctance to answer further questions touching the law. Asked whether anyone had ever said that they would prefer him to go through the law, he said ‘Well, do you have to ask me that question?’ The MN applicants submit that I should infer from his discomfort, not only that he was embarrassed at not having become a wati as his brothers had, but also at being questioned in a direct and public way about the subject of men’s law.
  13. I agree that MM became upset over the line of questioning (he went on to say ‘We’re talking about land here ... well, go on, ask about land’), and I accept that he was embarrassed about being questioned directly and publicly about men’s law. I do not, however, infer that an additional reason was a feeling of embarrassment that, unlike his brothers, he had not been through the law.
  14. The MN applicants submit that Phyllis Thomas demonstrated the same reluctance to speak publicly of men’s law, and that she provided evidence supportive of ‘the continued and continuing occurrence of men’s law business’. I accept the submission, but not in the sense that the MN applicants intend. Phyllis Thomas’s testimony is to the effect that ceremonies and initiations are not practised at Mulga Queen (MW gave evidence to the same effect). Phyllis Thomas said that the law men who go to Pantini Reserve and to Jigalong ‘on the culture trip’, travel through Mulga Queen, and call in to the Community there for water, but that she was not at liberty to say anything more about the matter.
  15. Phyllis Thomas also said that while ceremonies and corroborees were in progress, the children used to be instructed to wait in the wiltja, then added
people have mostly all died away, but they’re keeping their cultures and they go to Bundinni [apparently a reference to Pantini Reserve near Wiluna] over here, some of them, and Wiluna, they go and take the young ones and get initiated; they are still doing it today and lot of them take it to Ngaanyatjarra in the lands up there. Lot of them that’s here at [Mulga Queen today], these people they been initiated through those places there, still practising on that.’

Phyllis Thomas is here saying that most of her old people had passed on, but that young men were still being initiated at Wiluna and in the Ngaanyatjarra lands, and that a lot of the men present at the hearing had been initiated at those places.

  1. Phyllis Thomas also gave some rather inconclusive evidence about the use by men only of a hill with a tower at Mulga Queen, to which she has never gone. She said that the hill was on one of the three reserves on which the Mulga Queen Aboriginal Community was established. She said that over many years (she does not know how many), that hill has been used by the men, but she does not know how often as she never goes there. She said that at the time when the Mulga Queen Aboriginal Community was re-established (in the early 1980s), the old men used to go to it. She said: ‘Not far they have caves hiding their precious instruments, some kind you’d like to call it.’ She said that in more recent times young men have gone out there. In any event, her evidence is that there is a men-only sacred site at Mulga Queen to which the old men used to go in the early 1980s. Kalman Murphy also referred to caves with things in them on a hill near Mulga Queen.

Conclusion on ‘Acknowledgement/observance of men’s law’

  1. I find, relevantly, that boys are no longer initiated within the Wongatha/MN overlap; that men travelling on law business come through Mulga Queen on their way to Wiluna or Jigalong, and are given water; that male initiation is still practised at Wiluna, and on the Central Reserves; that it is possible for a young MN male claimant to be initiated at one of those places; and that it is rare for this to happen, but that it did happen in the case of Troy Chapman during the currency of these proceedings.
  2. While the Troy Chapman case is some evidence of acknowledgement and observance, it is a single instance. In my opinion, it does not establish that the rule that all males must be initiated and must not marry unless they are initiated, is, on a fair overall view, still being acknowledged as binding or observed by the MN Claim group.

6.2 Acknowledgement/observance of women’s law

  1. The MN applicants rely on the testimony of Nancy Gordon on gender restricted evidence and evidence regarding Tjukurr, in particular, and to evidence given by Phyllis Thomas.
  2. Nancy Gordon said that her sister, Carol, had been involved in ceremonies, so she asked her what it was all about, but her sister would never disclose the details. Nancy Gordon said that the ceremonies had been conducted at Wiluna. In cross-examination, Nancy Gordon said that although Aboriginal culture is experiential, that is, ‘one has to live it’, it is not true that if a woman does not go through the law she lacks part of her culture. She said that an uninitiated woman is ‘still accepted’, but if you want to ‘go to that level you have to be a part of it’.
  3. The MN applicants accept that Nancy Gordon’s testimony is the only evidence before the Court suggestive of a ceremony by which women could ‘go through the law’. Dr Sackett’s supplementary report recounts Daisy Bates’s description of female initiation. The MN applicants accept that the practice of female initiation in the western part of the Western Desert generally, and in the Wongatha and MN Claim areas in particular, has not been observed for a very long time. Therefore, I need to say no more of it.
  4. The MN applicants rely on gender restricted evidence that was given at Makarra, but the Makarra ‘women’s only’ site lies outside the MN Claim area, between the boundary of it and Leonora, and the evidence given there was given by Dolly Walker. Although Dolly Walker is an LIP listed MN claimant, for reasons given earlier, I am treating her as an NK 1 and NK 2 claimant only. Therefore, I need say no more of it.

6.3 Acknowledgement/observance of Tjukurr/Tjukurrpa (‘the Dreaming’)

  1. I discussed this topic at [2057] ff above.

6.4 Acknowledgement/observance of the concept of ngurra/ngurrara (country)

  1. I discussed this topic at [2093] ff above.

6.5 Acknowledgement/observance of the concept of pika ngurlu

  1. In relation to pika ngurlu sites, the State seems to submit that avoidance of such a site may be properly viewed as nothing more than the avoidance of a dangerous place, motivated by ‘no more than a healthy, possibly instinctive, sense of self-preservation’. It is difficult to know what to make of this submission. While it is true that any witness’s testimony in relation to a pika ngurlu place must be examined in order that it be properly understood, it should not be readily assumed that a witness’s reference to danger is nothing more than a reference to physical danger. Indeed, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, I would assume that pika ngurlu places present no greater physical danger than other places do.
  2. The question is whether it is a rule that is compelling the avoidance of the place. Groups 5B/5F (and the State) submit that insufficient MN claimants gave evidence of pika ngurlu laws and customs to support a conclusion that there are laws and customs which the MN Claim group regards as binding on its members. They submit that there has been a loss of any real knowledge of pika ngurlu sites, their locations within, relevantly, the Wongatha/MN overlap, the secret stories relating to them, and their relationship to the Tjukurr.
  3. Groups 5B/5F acknowledge that some MN witnesses gave evidence of a concept of pika ngurlu, but submit that there has been a considerable loss of knowledge as to the content and nature of the rules governing pika ngurlu practices.
  4. The MN applicants rely on GLSC Appendix B2b. They refer, in particular, to the testimony of Nancy Gordon, Kalman Murphy, Mindi Chapman, Troy Chapman and Clarrie Murphy.
  5. The MN applicants submit that this testimony illustrates two points:
  6. The MN applicants submit that the evidence supports the following findings:
the Law distinguishes between wati and others in terms of status, so that only wati are permitted to see and touch and know about matters to do with men’s Law;
a breach will entail serious consequences, including illness or death;having grown up in one’s own country and having been taught about areas to avoid because they are pika ngurlu, a member of the group (who is not a wati) will be able to move around it with comfort;when he or she goes to another’s country, prudence will require the taking of advice before moving through it, as for instance would be involved in camping or hunting;this may reasonably be seen as the modern equivalent to, or adaptation of, the practice observed by explorers and anthropologists, whereby Western Desert people would announce their presence by the smoke of fires, and when approaching another group in the country of that group, sit and await contact [the submissions refer to the testimony of Phyllis Thomas that she had been told about the Banks family coming in from the desert in the 1950s and waiting at Stockwhip and Blanket (Famous Well) about 3 km from Mulga Queen, and lighting a fire which led to the people of Mulga Queen inviting the family to come in to Mulga Queen].
  1. Nancy Gordon, who was born ‘around 1946’, said that when she was a child, Mickey Wayarnu told the children, including herself, to keep away from pika ngurlu places and not to go in certain directions. Her mother told her to keep away from certain places, and at times her father would tell her and her mother to stay behind and remain quiet while he went ahead. She said she followed these instructions. She said that pika ngurlu means ‘very sacred’. She said ‘it’s a bit uncomfortable for me to say things.’ She said that in order to avoid any pika ngurlu places, she would go into the bush only with somebody who knew the area.
  2. When testifying at Mulga Queen (before he was initiated), Troy Chapman said that he knew nothing at all about pika ngurlu places, and that the people who should be asked about them were ‘tribal, older people’. He had said earlier that he knew some places to which he could not go and would not want to go, and, when asked why, replied, ‘Because my tribal business and stuff and I wouldn’t want to go there for instance, because I know cause trouble for me’. He said that they were called pika ngurlu places, but that he could say nothing more about them and it was not his role to do so. He said that the ‘old blokes’ like [FB], Mr [Johnny] Phillips and his uncle Mindi [Chapman] had pointed out the places to him, and that if he was hunting in such an area he ‘would more likely keep away from that area’.
  3. Groups 5B/5F make the point that Troy Chapman did not identify any of the sites, but I would not expect him to have done so, at least with precision.
  4. Phyllis Thomas did not testify about pika ngurlu places, beyond saying that she could talk about a Tjukurr story relating to the Ngarnamarra site, because it was ‘not pika ngurlu’. She also referred to the existence of one women’s site and one men’s site near Lake Wells, and described a site visit to the area where the women and men respectively went to their respective sites. On that occasion, there were about four watis and three women, and the anthropologist, Mr de Gand.
  5. Kalman Murphy said that pika ngurlu was the name used to refer to places where non-watis must not go. He said that people today can come out and camp at Mulga Queen, but that he and others would tell those who have not been through the law the places where they must not go.
  6. Kalman Murphy gave evidence about a cave at or near Mulga Queen which was a men’s site and contained things not allowed to be touched by the uninitiated. Asked if he knew the location of any such caves, he said that he knew of one in the hills east of where he was testifying. He said that it was the ‘old people’ who kept things in the caves. Asked if he knew whether people still had things in the caves, he replied ‘No, not now.’ Although the position is not entirely clear, I think he meant that older ‘tribal’ people used to keep things in the caves, but, so far as he knows, nowadays no-one does so. Later, he said that there were three caves in the hills and that he had gone there with Mindi Chapman, Daniel Vachon and FB on about two occasions.
  7. Finally, he said that there were two pika ngurlu places near the places where he was giving evidence at Mulga Queen, and that Johnny Phillips, FB and Mindi Chapman told him about them during the eight month period when he was living at Mulga Queen. He was uninitiated then and they did not tell him any more than not to go out that way.
  8. The MN applicants rely on discomfort experienced by Kalman Murphy (and MM) when the subject of men’s law was raised. I agree that the discomfort was obvious, but although this is relevant for other pursposes, it does not establish a practice of avoiding pika ngurlu places.
  9. Mindi Chapman referred to a men’s only site at Tarralkutjarra, near Lake Wells, where his father would get red ochre and women and children were not allowed to go.
  10. Groups 5B/5F refer to testimony given by Elvis Stokes, a Wongatha claimant, as suggesting that a place may not continue to be a pika ngurlu place over time. Elvis Stokes referred to a law ground which he thought was a pika ngurlu site at the time, but which was later ‘moved’, after which the old people from Mount Margaret said that it was safe to hunt in the area of the former law ground. I fail to see what Groups 5B/5F get from this evidence. Apparently, one law ground ceased to be used in favour of a different location, after which the former law ground lost its pika ngurlu status. I fail to see how these circumstances militate against the existence of pika ngurlu places and practices.
  11. Similarly, Groups 5B/5F seek to make something of the fact that Nancy Gordon’s uncle, Mickey Wayarnu, who instructed her to avoid pika ngurlu places, did not tell her precisely what the places were or why she was not allowed to go to them, and merely told her not to go in a specified direction. I should have thought that the lack of detail adds to, rather than detracts from, the sacredness of pika ngurlu sites. It can not reasonably be suggested that the sacredness of a site is heightened by a detailed identification of its whereabouts and description of it.
  12. Groups 5B/5F point out that MN claimants FB, RB, Coral Chapman, Clarrie Murphy, MM, Adele Phillips, Elton Polak and Wayne Westlake, gave no evidence on the pika ngurlu matter. Paddy Walker, who was called by the NK 1 and NK 2 applicants, not by the MN applicants, identified ‘Ngulangga’ places as places to which he was told, when a child, he must not go. Groups 5B/5F submit that Paddy Walker’s testimony is inconsistent with that of other witnesses to the effect that initiated men can go to pika ngurlu sites, or, indeed, anywhere. But Paddy Walker was speaking of his childhood. He was not saying that now, as a wati, he is not allowed to go to Ngulangga places.

Conclusion on ‘Pika ngurlu’

  1. While I agree with Groups 5B/5F that the evidence is limited and that many MN claimants did not testify about the pika ngurlu concept, I am persuaded that there is still some force in the concept, making at least some of the MN claimants feel obliged to avoid such places.
  2. It should be remembered, when one is assessing the significance of the indigenous testimony on this topic, that the precise location of such places, and their nature and any associated story or practice, were kept secret from all except watis. It is to be expected that information concerning them conveyed to the uninitiated would be limited and would vary as between one uninitiated person and another. On the other hand, it was always open to the MN applicants to seek to lead evidence touching these matters from watis in a gender restricted session.

6.6 Acknowledgement/observance of gender-restricted knowledge and protocols

  1. In relation to men’s sites, the present heading is not entirely appropriate. In respect of them, Western Desert Aboriginal people were divided into watis and non-watis, the latter including, not only females, but also uninitiated males.
  2. The MN applicants submit that the evidence on acknowledgment and observance of laws and customs relating to men’s law, Tjukurr, and pika ngurlu (discussed above) also demonstrates maintenance of gender restricted protocols. Groups 5B/5F similarly refer to their submissions in relation to these topics, contending that there is little evidence of gender-restricted codes of behaviour or any consequences for breach of such codes.
  3. In addition to the topics just referred to, the MN applicants refer to certain instances where discussion in Court of people having gone through the law was met with consternation on the part of indigenous observers and witnesses. I discussed this earlier at 4.7(a)(b)(1) [1468]. They cite the testimony of MM and Kalman Murphy. In addition, Pannell/Vachon refer to the testimony of two additional MN claimants who likewise expressed concern about discussing certain gender-restricted information: Phyllis Thomas and Troy Chapman.
  4. I referred to the testimony of MM and Kalman Murphy above. Kalman Murphy said that he could speak about men’s ceremonies only in the absence of women. Phyllis Thomas, when asked to explain what she meant when she said her family were the only ones ‘on the Mission go on to the law ... Because otherwise they’ll ... get wild’, said: ‘if I explain it to you I’ll be going through what I shouldn’t be saying. Because I’m a woman and I can’t repeat anything of a man.’ Troy Chapman, testifying in March 2002 before he went through the law (June of 2002), said he did not want to speak about his attitude about going through the law. The latter relates to gender-restricted protocols to the extent that it reflects a prohibition on speaking about men’s law in front of women.

Conclusion as to ‘Acknowledgement/observance of gender-restricted knowledge and protocols’

  1. I accept that in relation to the law related information, sites and stories, there is both acknowledgement and observance in the sense that if and when the occasion should ever arise, an MN non-wati would not knowingly broach wati-only subjects or go to wati-only sites, and that, likewise, men would not knowingly discuss women’s subjects or go to women’s sites.

6.7 Observance/understanding of the section system or similar principles (‘skins’)

  1. The MN applicants allude to ‘various’ MN claimants who gave evidence which, they say, indicates overall significant knowledge of and familarity with the ‘skin’ or ‘section’ system. However, they refer explicitly only to Phyllis Thomas’s testimony. The MN claimants to whom they were referring to are probably those cited in GLSC Appendix B4b which I discuss below at.
  2. Phyllis Thomas said her skin name was karimarra, her husband yiparrka, and their children, milangka. She said that her marriage was ‘right way’. Ms Thomas said that her family had told her that she was karimarra when she was about 22 years old. Asked whether people still had to follow the skin rules when marrying, Phyllis Thomas said that they are ‘supposed to’. When further asked if they in fact do, she said ‘when young people fall in love you can never stop them’. She said that some, but not all, young people break the skin rules. She told the anthropologist Daniel Vachon that skin rules are broken nowadays and that this was ‘disgusting’. She said that when the skin rules are broken, ‘we get hurt about it ... We like our culture to be safe, pure ...’. She said that nowadays, a couple of the same skin will marry, and that it is sometimes like two first cousins marrying and does not ‘seem nice’. Jane Beasley also gave evidence that the skin groups are not followed today.
  3. The GLSC submissions relating to this aspect of the MN case do not refer to GLSC Appendix B4b which contains extracts from the testimony of MN claimants Mindi Chapman, Troy Chapman, Nancy Gordon, Kalman Murphy, MM and Adele Phillips.
  4. Generally speaking, this evidence shows that the witnesses knew the names of their own skin and that of their parents. Some also knew the names of the six skin groups and the operation of the system. While some appear to know the skin ‘system’, that is to say, which skin alliances were ‘right way’ and which were ‘wrong way’, most did not (although they may have been told that their parents’ marriage was ‘right way’). Kalman Murphy, for example, knew that he, his mother and brothers were panaka, and that he was married ‘right way’, but did not know:

At first he said his children were tharuru then said he thought they were milangka but was not too sure.

  1. The MN applicants concede that the evidence indicates a section or skin system which is not always observed. However, they submit that the system still forms an ideal and important set of normative rules for the forming of marriage relationships. They state that the fact that a rule is not always observed does not establish that the group as a whole does not observe the rule, or that the rule is not one with a normative quality.

Conclusion on ‘Observance/understanding of the section system or similar principles (“skins”)’

  1. Generally speaking, the younger generation no longer acknowledges or observes skin rules. This disappoints Phyllis Thomas, who would prefer to see the ‘ideal’ followed. The evidence does not demonstrate that, for practical purposes and in day to day life, the law or custom obliging a person to marry in accordance with the skin rules is acknowledged or observed.

6.8 Common kinship system

  1. I refer to 3.6(c)(2) [746] ff and 4.7(a)(b)(8) [1722] ff, above.
  2. The MN applicants adopt the Wongatha submissions on this topic (noting that the same kinship system operates within the two groups). Those submissions refer to the Pannell/Vachon principal report (describing the Western Desert kinship system) and the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report containing reference to transcript pages of indigenous testimony in support. The MN claimants listed are: Nancy Gordon, Eric Thomas, Kalman Murphy, Phyllis Thomas, RB, Mindi Chapman and Troy Chapman. Pannell/Vachon report that the kinship system has a paucity of terms, no distinction between biological and non biological relations, and classificatory alternate generations.
  3. The MN applicants also rely on GLSC Appendix B4b, and refer, in particular, to Mindi Chapman’s and Nancy Gordon’s testimony. With respect to Mindi Chapman, it is his testimony that he calls Andrew Watson, who is the son of his kurntili (his father’s sister; that is, his aunt) ‘brother’. In a later passage, he explictly refers to Andrew Watson as his brother, saying that when he goes to Tjirrkarli, he sees his brother, whom he identifies as Mr Watson. I accept the MN’s submission that this is evidence of the Western Desert kinship system operating.
  4. Nancy Gordon said that Geoffrey Stokes’s father calls her own father ‘uncle’, so she and her siblings always address Geoffrey Stokes’s father as their kurta (brother). Geoffrey Stokes is a Wongatha claimant. She said that Geoffrey Stokes claims that her mother is his ‘sister-cousin’, so that she (Ms Gordon) is his niece and calls him ‘uncle’. She said that while that was the position on her mother’s side, she believes that on her father’s side she is Geoffrey Stokes’s aunt, and that he is her nephew, and that that is ‘how complex the relationships are’.
  5. The MN applicants state that Nancy Gordon’s evidence exemplifies the fact that the MN and Wongatha Claim group members use the same kinship system. They also submit:
evidence in regard to the Mantjintjarra Ngalia claim group and its members reveals the same kinship system operating within the group as operates within the Wongatha group; both groups are members of the Western Desert cultural bloc.’

I have difficulty in understanding Nancy Gordon’s explanation, and I am not sure that she professes to have a full grasp of the matter either. She was trying to relate what her parents had told her.

  1. Groups 5B/5F submit that the majority of the witnesses did not refer to people other than through the appropriate biological relation. They use, as an example, the term ‘uncle’ (someone who is biologically a mother’s brother). There is a kin term for your mother’s brother (kamaru), so to refer to your mother’s brother in the translated term of ‘uncle’, while not a ‘breach’ of the kin system, is in conformity with English language characterisation, and does not provide evidence of the Western Desert kinship system in operation. Thus, they note that MM used the term ‘uncle’ to refer to his mother’s brother, Mindi Chapman, and that Elton Polak referred to ‘aunty Phyllis and uncle Eric [Thomas]’, of whom he was a biological nephew (Elton Polak is the son of Johnny Polak deceased, who was Phyllis Thomas’s brother).

Conclusion on ‘Common kinship system’

  1. The position is complex. The most that can be said is that there is some resort to the distinctive Western Desert kinship system by some of the MN claimants who gave evidence, and there is also use of English language kinship terms and concepts.
  2. Dr Pannell agreed that in order to see that a kinship system existed, one would need evidence, not only of knowledge of kinship terms, but also rules of behaviour associated with those terms.

6.9 Acknowledgement and usage in varying degrees of Mantjintjarra or Wongatha language

  1. I refer to my discussion at 3.6(f) [1024] ff, 4.6(a)(2) [1366] ff, 4.7(a)(b)(9) [1742] ff.
  2. The MN applicants rely on GLSC Appendix A10b for the testimony given by MN claimants relevant to this topic. They submit that this evidence demonstrates ‘significant, but varying, degrees of fluency in the use of the Mantjintjarra language’, and that ‘the Mantjintjarra way of speaking is very similar to the Wongatha language or way of speaking’. Groups 5B/5F refer to their earlier submissions with respect to language, and to the same GLSC Appendix A10b which, they submit, ‘demonstrates a significant deterioration and loss of language competence in the members of the [MN] applicant group ...’.
  3. With respect to the testimony given by MN claimants, Mindi Chapman said that he speaks ‘Mantjiltjarra’ which, he said is also the language ‘for’ his father’s country and his mother’s country. He appears to have been referring to Tjirrkarli and Alexander Spring (Wakamurru Mangu), respectively, both a little north-east of the Wongatha Claim area, and perhaps Mangkili further north. It will be recalled that Mr Chapman said that his parents walked from Alexander Spring to Cosmo, where he (Mr Chapman) was born, and then brought him as a baby to Mulga Queen where he spent his early years.
  4. It is difficult to assess Mindi Chapman’s bald statement that he speaks his parents’ Aboriginal language called ‘Mantjiltjarra’. Does he mean that he converses in it or knows it, and if the former, with whom does he converse in it? He knew certain words that are apparently ‘Wongatha’ words. Mindi Chapman was considered by the expert linguist, Dr Clendon, to be one of the more ‘fluent’ speakers of Western Desert Aboriginal language he recorded during his research. (The most fluent speaker was Paddy Walker. He considered both Mindi Chapman and FB to be fluent as well, but to demonstrate ‘more frequent code-switching’ language.) Dr Clendon is not, however, saying that there is a ‘Mantjintjarra language’ that can be aligned with the MN Claim group. In fact, his evidence is that the speech of the Wongatha, MN, Koara and Wutha cannot be subcharacterised by Claim; rather, he is of the view that there is a single speech community.
  5. Troy Chapman said that he speaks ‘a fair bit of Wangkayi’ and has a lot more to learn. He said that ‘Mantjiltjarra’ and ‘Ngaanyatjarra’ are very similar (he seems to have meant that they are not a different language from Wangkayi, to which they are very similar). He said that people speak ‘Mantjiltjarra’ around Mulga Queen, the main ones being his uncle, Mindi Chapman, his mother Coral Chapman, his Aunty Phyllis Thomas, and ‘the Bankses’. Again, however, he seemed reluctant to identify ‘Mantjiltjarra’ as distinct from Wangkayi. He said that he has heard through his mother and uncles that ‘they’re made up a very similar way of talking, and that’s just, well, different way of expression, of saying it’. He said that when they speak it, he gets a ‘fair idea’ of their meaning. Later, he said that he speaks more ‘like a Central Desert way ... Mantjintjarra and Ngaanyatjarra’, and the Banks family speaks Mantjintjarra and Ngaanyatjarra.
  6. Kalman Murphy said that his mother spoke ‘Mantjintjarra and ‘Ngaanyatjarra’, that his father (who came from around Tikatika on the other side of the Warburton Ranges) ‘spoke this side and Alice Springs side too’. His mother used to speak to him using English or Mantjintjarra and Ngaanyatjarra. He said that he can speak ‘Ngaanyatjarra and Mantjintjarra this side two ways’. He said that ‘Ngaanyatjarra is a bit different’, and he seemed to suggest that in regard to words and pronunciation, ‘it’s all the same’. Given the opportunity to say something in Ngaanyatjarra language, Mr Murphy declined, saying that he would become ‘tongue-tied’, although he attempted a sentence that was mostly in English with a few Aboriginal words.
  7. Phyllis Thomas said that the different languages have a different ‘swing’ to them, by which I think she meant a different rhythm and accent, since she illustrated by reference to the difference between American and Australian English. She said that she can understand speakers of a language with a different swing to it but could not speak because she gets ‘too tongue twister’. Mrs Thomas said that she speaks two mixed languages, namely ‘Mantjintjarra and Wongatha, Waljen’. She appeared to say that she has learned Waljen by being married to a Waljen man, Eric Thomas. She said that she first heard of the ‘Waljen’ language with the advent of Native Title, but that she had heard the word ‘Wongatha’ over a long period, ‘because we’re the Wongatha people’. She agreed that she speaks a ‘broken’ Aboriginal language, ‘like broken English’ or ‘pidgin English’.
  8. Nancy Gordon said she learned to speak in Wongatha from her mother, and from her mother’s mother. He mother was born in Warburton and was brought up in Oldea, Cundeelee way. She said that today, when speaking Wongatha, she speaks English and Wangkayi.
  9. MM said that he does ‘not really’ speak any Aboriginal language, but that he can understand it. When asked what language he was referring to, he said ‘Wangkayi language’. He can understand when his Uncle Mindi Chapman and the Westlake family speak. He says that he can use some Wangkayi words.
  10. Elton Polak said that he could speak Aboriginal language ‘only a little bit’, has a lot to learn, and could say only about 25-30 Aboriginal words, ‘maybe more’. He did not further identify the language.
  11. Adele Phillips said that she speaks the Wongatha language that she learned from her father and mother. She said that yapu is an Aboriginal word for ‘stone’, and that thaarkumpa is an Aboriginal word for ‘little black berries’. She gave the names of other bush foods and answered ‘yeway’ in response to many questions. She said that there was an Aboriginal word for hunting, which she could not remember.

Conclusion on ‘Acknowledgement and usage in varying degrees of Mantjintjarra or Wongatha language’

  1. These extracts do not show that among the MN claimants there is fluency in the use of a ‘Mantjintjarra’ language. As noted by Groups 5B/5F, there has been significant deterioration and loss of language competence among the MN claimants and such a view is consistent with the evidence of the expert linguists (see 3.5(c)(1) [447] ff above).
  2. Generally speaking, the MN claimants are not fluent in any Aboriginal language and do not use Aboriginal language as a daily means of communication. However, they do demonstrate varying degrees of knowledge of Aboriginal words, which they identify as ‘Mantjintjarra’ or ‘Wongatha’.
  3. There is no speech variety that distinguishes the MN (or any other) Claim group.

6.10 Acknowledgement and acquisition of a personal ‘Dreaming’ (totem)

  1. I refer to my discussion at 3.6(c)(2) [779] ff and 4.7(a)(b)(10) [1754] ff.
  2. The MN applicants rely on the testimony of Nancy Gordon. She said that her late father (Jack Gordon/Ngurrkapa) and his brother Mickey Wiainu (Warren), who, she thought, had different fathers, were both born at Rirrti (Empress Spring), as were their parents, and she said that they were probably also conceived there. She based this last statement on her assessment that it was likely that they were conceived where they were born, and on the fact that her father had told her his Tjukurr was the mallee hen and ‘the Mallee Hen is around that area’. She said she heard her father say that to people around the campfire. She said that ‘because ... they were born there’, both her father and his brother have ‘a strong sort of, you know, dreaming to the place’. She said that from the time of conception that they would have had a connection to the area, adding ‘That’s an Aboriginal way’.
  3. Ms Gordon’s testimony, unique in that of the witnesses, that a place could belong to a skin group and be known by a skin group name (she said that she had been told that Empress Spring was ‘all purungu country’.
  4. Nancy Gordon also indicated that her own totem was the rabbit. However, her evidence on the matter was unclear. She thought she was probably told but could not recall or did not take notice of information as to where she was conceived. She explained that according to her understanding of Aboriginal culture, if at the time of conception the woman has contact with something (it might be an animal), it gives the offspring his or her Aboriginal identity.
  5. Groups 5B/5F point out that Professor Elkin had identified, as characteristic of the whole Aluridja or Western Desert region, the holding of two types of totem, a birth or local totem associated with a Tjukurrpa or Dreaming, and a conception totem associated with a species (see 3.6(a)(b)(3) [600] and 3.6(c)(2) [779] ff). It is the Tjukurrpa or local totem that links a person to country; a conception totem in itself does not do so (I say ‘in itself’, to allow for the possibility that the two totems are one and the same).
  6. Groups 5B/5F point out that Nancy Gordon referred to her father having a totem associated with the Tjukurrpa, yet she said that this arose from conception, not birth. The statement suggests that she understood her father to have had a conception totem, not a local totem.

Conclusion on ‘Acknowledgement and acquisition of a personal ‘Dreaming totem’

  1. Nancy Gordon’s testimony, including in relation to country having a skin, is not entirely clear.
  2. It may be that her reasoning as to the place of her father’s conception is beside the point because his totem was a birth totem, not a conception totem.
  3. I do not, on the basis of Nancy Gordon’s testimony, conclude that personal dreaming totems are a feature of the MN Claim group.

6.11 Personal relationship laws and customs including:
(i) Avoidance of the names of deceased individuals

  1. I refer to my discussion at 4.7(a)(b)(11) [1766] ff.
  2. The MN applicants submit that the practice of avoiding the names of deceased individuals was observed throughout the evidence of the indigenous witnesses, including the MN claimants. However, they rely in particular on the testimony of Nancy Gordon and Phyllis Thomas.
  3. Nancy Gordon said that she did not feel comfortable naming the deceased person who had told her that Empress Spring had the purungu skin, and referred to him as ‘Myrtle Scott’s husband’. She also referred to another deceased person as ‘one of the Harris brothers’. She said that having discussed the matter with counsel she had decided to name deceased people, but to explain to the indigenous people and to the Court that she was doing so because she thought it important for the Court to hear that the deceased people had Wangkayi names.
  4. When Phyllis Thomas gave evidence on country at ‘Old Winter Camp’ (not far from Mulga Queen) in relation to old ngurras (camps), or the places where they had been (campsites), she also declined to name deceased persons. She said, in relation to a person who had camped in one of the ngurras: ‘I only can say Nowie Westlake. But I can’t say the other one, because she went away from us.’ Elsewhere, Phyllis Thomas said of a particular puri structure: ‘this [belong to] Nowie Westlake and a deceased woman. – I don’t want to say the name.’
  5. Phyllis Thomas also appeared to avoid saying the name of Nowie Westlake’s brother, who had died ‘only a couple of years ago’. She said that they would not ‘be camping’ in the area where he used to camp. The reason, she said, is that ‘Aboriginal people’ are ‘very sensitive in that way’. She refused to say the names of three people who had recently passed away.
  6. Groups 5B/5F submit that although there were many examples of people avoiding saying the name of a particular deceased person, there was no articulation of a general rule. In relation to Nancy Gordon’s testimony, Groups 5B/5F state: ‘Clearly she referred to her deceased sister, Carol ....’ In fact, she did not. Rather, counsel asked her ‘you had a sister Carol?’ to which she replied ‘That’s right’. She was then asked further questions, and answered them without herself ever saying her late sister’s name.
  7. Groups 5B/5F do not point to any other instance of an MN claimant uttering the name of a deceased person, although, in view of the fact that there appear to be exceptions to the rule, I would be surprised if there were none.

Conclusion on ‘Avoidance of the names of deceased individuals’

  1. While I agree with Groups 5B/5F that no MN witness articulated clearly a rule and the exceptions to it, Nancy Gordon and Phyllis Thomas definitely displayed a sensitivity towards the uttering of the names of deceased people. I would be disposed to find that the MN Claim group acknowledges and observes a rule, the precise limits of which I do not understand, against saying the name of a deceased person.

(ii) The practice of wartulku (passing on the name of a grandparent)

  1. I repeat my observations at 4.7(a)(b)(11) [1793] ff.
  2. The MN applicants refer again to Nancy Gordon, who in her testimony described the practice of waduna (wartulku). She described it as a practice of an adult lying down with a small child and simultaneously pressing or massaging the child and talking to the child, thereby passing on to him or her the adult’s good characteristics. She said that her father did this for her son, Terry, when he was about two years old. (Since, according to her, he was 38 years old, he would have been born in about 1964 and would have been about two years old in about 1966). She said that her father and his brother, Mickey Warren, gave her son, Terry, his Aboriginal name, Djidinna. She said that the name was derived from the djidins, the little birds of Empress Spring (where, it will be recalled, her father and his brother came from). She said that MB, who is like an aunt to her, had given her oldest daughter, Michelle, her Aboriginal name, Minna. She also said that she was told that her granny, Ngaratarikartaly, had done the same thing for her when she was a baby (she said that she was born ‘around 1946’).

Conclusion on ‘The practice of wartulku (passing on the name of a grandparent)’

  1. Nancy Gordon was the only MN witness who testified about this practice. The instances of it that she related occurred in about 1946 and 1966 – a considerable time ago. I do not accept that the evidence shows that the practice is followed nowadays by the MN claimants as a whole.

(iii) In-law avoidance

  1. I refer to my discussion at 4.7(a)(b)(11) [1802] ff.
  2. The MN applicants refer to MN claimant witnesses Phyllis Thomas and Kalman Muphy (the latter being also an NK 1 claimant).
  3. Phyllis Thomas said that the husbands of her four daughters speak to her with respect. Pressed as to whether they may speak to her in the same way as any other man might do, she said that a long time ago they were not at liberty to do so, ‘but there is some point there still; they have to talk to [their mother-in-law] in a proper manner ...’, and the mother-in-law must also treat them properly by not interfering. She said that in the old days, a son-in-law was supposed to turn his back and not look at his mother-in-law (yumari), and that nowadays some people still do that while some do not. Asked whether her own sons-in-law observed the old practice, Phyllis Thomas replied:
this world now, you know, world of high society and all that people are living in, they have respect for one another, but that’s your mother-in-law, son-in-law always have respect for their mother[-in-law].’

In cross-examination, Ms Thomas agreed that although there used to be a rule that a son-in-law must speak to his mother-in-law from behind her back or from the side, and not look at her eye to eye, she believed that nowadays people should look at each other eye to eye, and in fact her sons-in-law sit down at the table and have a cup of tea with her ‘because they never worked in a hard society’. By this last expression, I understand Ms Thomas to have been referring to a society in which the old rules were strictly followed. In sum, her evidence is that in her own family, the rule is no longer followed.

  1. Kalman Murphy initially said that when he wants to speak to his mother-in-law, he must ‘stay far apart’ and is ‘not allowed to go next to her’. He said that the same rule applies if he wishes to speak to his father-in-law. He said that the word for ‘mother-in-law’ in his language is wapatju. He is allowed to speak to his brothers-in-law, but not to their mother or father.
  2. In cross-examination, Kalman Murphy said that it was when he went through the law that he was instructed to stay apart from his in-laws. The instruction came from his in-laws. His in-laws are Coonana people (Coonana is on the Trans-Australian Railway, some 85 km south of the Wongatha Claim area and some 175 km east of Kalgoorlie). It was put to Kalman Murphy that the in-law avoidance rule to which he had referred was a practice of his in-laws of Coonana, not his own. He said he could not understand, then said ‘All I know is just that’s their thing, you know, relatives, and – you know, not allowed to go next to them, that’s all I know’. This appeared to be an agreement by Kalman Murphy that the prohibition was that of his Coonana in-laws.
  3. However, Kalman Murphy later said that now that his wife’s parents live in Kalgoorlie, and ‘the [Coonana] place is finished’, he visits them in Kalgoorlie and speaks to them. He said he does not observe the old rule about not speaking to in-laws.
  4. Later, Kalman Murphy’s testimony in relation to in-law avoidance took a further change of direction. He said that the in-laws whom he must not visit are in Tjuntjuntjarra (in the Great Victoria Desert, some 135 km east of the eastern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area) and are the parents of his give-away girl. When he went through men’s business, he was told that he would be passed a girl so that he could have a mother-in-law and father-in-law.
  5. He become upset over the questions about law business, threatening to go home, but after a short adjournment, Mr Murphy resumed his evidence and said:
just like when you pass through law and that, that in tribal way, the woman I’m living with now is Anita Hogan and the father of [Harry] or Anita, Harry’s sisters and brothers and that, that I’m not allowed to speak to. I can speak to mother, Anita’s mother, but not to Anita’s father and Harry’s sisters; that what I mean.’

The witness’s evidence is now that he can speak to his mother-in-law, the mother of Anita Hogan, but not to Anita Hogan’s father, apparently called ‘Harry’, or to Harry’s sisters. This is a further change in Kalman Murphy’s evidence on the subject, and presents the rule as being that one may speak to one’s mother-in-law, but not to one’s father-in-law or to the father-in-law’s sisters.

  1. Kalman Murphy’s evidence remains confusing. The MN applicants seek to explain it as follows:
is submitted that the evidence of Kalman Murphy makes clear that the former practice of a young man who is going through men’s Law, being given a wife, still continues in what is apparently a largely symbolic way. The rule that the young man must not speak directly to his “parents-in-law”, being the parents of the “give-away” still applies. However, an adaptation of this rule is that the young man need not truly marry the girl given to him during the course of men’s business; and if he marries another girl, then the rules of in-law avoidance do not apply in respect of that marriage.’

This submission is based on Kalman Murphy’s third version. It fails to take into account his fourth version that he must not speak to Anita Hogan’s father or the father’s sisters.

  1. Kalman Murphy went through the law at Bundinni (Pantini) Reserve, near Wiluna, and, as mentioned, the parents of his give-away live at Tjuntjuntjarra – both places in the desert well outside the Wongatha Claim area.
  2. Kalman Murphy’s testimony does not support a finding that a custom of in-law avoidance continues to be acknowledged and observed, either within the Wongatha Claim area or by the MN Claim group, on a fair overall view of that group.

Conclusion on ‘In-law avoidance'

  1. I do not accept that the ‘respect’ that a son-in-law should show to his mother-in-law to which Phyllis Thomas referred, is an adaptation of the in-law avoidance rule. The position described by Phyllis Thomas is in stark contrast to the finding made by Merkel J in Sebastian (on behalf of the Rubibi Community) v Western Australia [2004] FCA 1019; (2004) 138 FCR 536 at [123], in relation to what was termed ‘malinyanu’:
malinyanu concept means that mothers-in-law and sons-in-law may not look at each other or speak to each other. There was evidence of the continued practice of this custom during the trial; a screen was erected to prevent mother-in-laws and son-in-laws attending the hearing from seeing each other. A current Yawuru phrasebook contains phrases such as “Don’t come here; your son-in-law is here”.’

  1. I do not find the rule of in-law avoidance to be any longer acknowledged and observed by the MN Claim group on a fair overall view of that group.

(iv) Customary food preparation/sharing practices

  1. I refer to my discussion at 4.7(a)(b)(11) [1813] ff.
  2. The MN applicants rely on GLSC Appendix B5b (‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia – Preparation, Cooking and Distribution of Meat’). The extracts there set out include testimony of four MN claimants: Mindi Chapman, Troy Chapman, Elton Polak and Phyllis Thomas. The MN applicants do not formulate any law or custom under this heading.
  3. Groups 5B/5F state that there is no evidence of particular rules in relation to food preparation or distribution and discuss the testimony of the MN witnesses listed above.
  4. Mindi Chapman merely identified himself in a photograph, cutting up a goanna at Payari.
  5. Troy Chapman said that he had learned about cooking in the traditional way from the old people. He did not identify that way.
  6. On site at Old Winter Camp on the way from Mulga Queen to Lawut Claypan, Phyllis Thomas showed where she and others had cooked a turkey, an emu and a kangaroo, in holes in the ground. She identified whose puris were at various places. She also pointed to a place where they had dug a ‘rubbish bin’. She said that it is the Aboriginal way to share the meat from a hunt with those people that have been sitting in front of the spit.
  7. Elton Polak referred to ‘NAIDOC day’ (which he identified as ‘Aboriginal week’, in about 1998, in which there was a celebration of Aboriginal culture) included going hunting, and cooking a few kangaroos. He said that the elders showed the youngsters ‘how to cook a kangaroo and goanna and stuff’. He did not describe the manner of butchering, food preparation, cooking or distribution.
  8. An occasional day or week of celebration of Aboriginal culture does not support the continued acknowledgment and observance of a traditional law and custom by the MN Claim group.
  9. I will also refer to the testimony of Nancy Gordon. She described her mother hunting kangaroos with a dog, cooking the kangaroo back in town in hot ashes in a hole in the ground (not in the kitchen), and sharing the kangaroo ‘with the community’. She said that ‘they’ (apparently meaning her parents) had a way of dividing it up, ‘but [she] didn’t ... couldn’t explain it to the Court here’. (She did not mean ‘could not’ because of cultural considerations.) She also said that nowadays when she visits Richard and Sandra Evans and others in Leonora, they might go out bush and get a kangaroo, cook it out there, and have a feed before returning. She said, ‘I still share kangaroo now with certain members of the family’.
  10. MM said he learned about bush foods from his father and the old people; that he cooks a kangaroo in the way his father showed him; and that he taught his sons and expects that they will teach their children. He said that his grandchildren are too small to learn, but he will teach them later.
  11. Asked whether, when cooking a kangaroo in the ground, anything special must be done with the legs, he said ‘not really, my brothers [they are watis] do that. Sometimes my brother do the cooking. ... Glad to give away, I don’t do cooking. ... Won’t fall in the fire.’ He said that both legs must be broken around the knee, and that he has never heard anyone say that the break must be at the ankles, and has never seen anybody break a kangaroo’s legs at the ankles.

Conclusion on ‘Customary food preparation/sharing practices’

  1. The testimony referred to above shows an expectation of sharing, at least within the immediate family, when bush food is available. In addition, the evidence of MM suggests that at least within his family, a traditional practice is observed as to the way of butchering and cooking kangaroo.

(v) Burial/reburial and other practices associated with death

  1. I refer to my discussion at 3.6(c)(2) [821] ff, 4.7(a)(b)(11) [1853] ff.
  2. The MN applicants cite the testimony of Kalman Murphy in relation to burial and Kalman Murphy, Phyllis Thomas and MM in relation to moving away when someone dies.
  3. Kalman Murphy was asked what happens when a person among his people dies. He said that there are two ceremonies: the first at the cemetery, and the second back at a ‘laying ground’, where the mourners ‘would all lay down and all have a good cry’. He said that a person comes from the cemetery to those lying on the ground and make a noise on approach. That person touches or taps the people lying on the ground with a parka (bush or branch), a process called pampulka, thereby letting them know that it’s over, whereupon they all get up and say ‘it’s over’.
  4. Groups 5B/5F submit that the ceremony so described bears little resemblance to the burial practices as recorded by ‘early ethnographers’ such as early Murrin Murrin resident David Sanderson McDonald, the relevant extract from which I set out at 3.6(c)(2) [821] ff (I also there set out a relevant extract from Morgan, A Drop in a Bucket (p 126) to which the GLSC submissions refer). As well, they submit that it bears little resemblance to any ceremony described by other witnesses.
  5. Mr Murphy’s description was of a single event, not of burial and reburial procedures, separated by a year or more. Kalman Murphy was not cross-examined on his evidence concerning burial. At times he appeared to be describing a practice that took place in the past, and at other times one that takes place today.
  6. I agree that there are elements of the procedure described by David Sanderson McDonald that are absent from Kalman Murphy’s description. However, there are common elements too, notably, the mourners lying on the ground until the return of the burial party from the grave.
  7. In the absence of cross-examination of Kalman Murphy on the subject, I accept that he has attended at least one ceremony conforming to his description, and that it is akin to a form of burial ceremony that was followed at sovereignty. However, he is only one witness from a large Claim group, and we do not know where or how long ago the ceremony (or ceremonies) he described occurred – for all the evidence reveals, it may have occurred at Wiluna, Warburton, Cundeelee or Coonana – places outside the Wongatha Claim area, and it may have happened some decades ago.
  8. Kalman Murphy also said that there is a practice according to which, following a death, the relatives leave the place of death for about a year, and do not return until the place has been smoked out, painted, and made ‘new again’. While the family is away, someone else can attend to these matters for them.
  9. Mr Murphy was not cross-examined on this evidence either. I approach his evidence on this matter as I did (above) his evidence relating to the burial ceremony, and my remarks above apply mutatis mutandis.
  10. Mindy Chapman gave evidence that he lived at Mulga Queen for about three years after he retired, and then moved to Leonora, following his wife’s death (she passed away about a year before he testified). Asked why he moved to Leonora to live, he answered ‘Because I wanted to go and stay there’. This evidence is not probative of a law or custom requiring relocation.
  11. Phyllis Thomas said that around Mulga Queen, if someone passes away, the family will mourn. Some people go away and come back after six months or a year. Their houses will be repainted to make it look at bit different, ‘smoke them out’. Asked if she can mention anyone who has gone away like that in recent times, she said there had been and that one person had since moved back. With repect to another, she stopped mid-sentence saying it was a touchy subject because three people very important to her Claim group had recently died.
  12. She said that when she camped at Yilindu about five years earlier, someone had destroyed a puri so that the campsite would not be known because someone had died there. She said that as a consequence people camped on the other side of the bushes. She said that Aboriginal people are very sensitive about such things. She identified another campsite at the Old Winter Campsite which she said would had not been used for a few years and would not be used for maybe another two years, because Nowie Westlake’s brother died and he used to camp there a lot.
  13. Phyllis Thomas also gave evidence about a Dreaming story of a blind man and his wife in which she described the man burying his wife. She said that after burying his wife, the man carried nothing but his spears with him because in her culture, when someone dies, you don’t take anything that belongs to the deceased person.

Conclusion on ‘Burial/reburial and other practices associated with death’

  1. I accept that the practice of a temporary relocation following death is followed by some people in the Mulga Queen Community, as Phyllis Thomas has said.

(vi) Marrying far away

  1. I refer to my discussion at 4.7(a)(b)(11) [1869] ff.
  2. It is not obvious what ‘personal relationship law and custom’ is referred to by this heading. The MN applicants rely only on Kalman Murphy’s testimony relating to his marriage to Anita Hogan of Coonana. They submit that ‘the effect of this evidence is to suggest that ... the practice of marrying far away [while less significant and observed today] ... has evolved into a factor to be taken into account when endeavoring to marry “right way”.’
  3. Thus, Kalman Murphy appears to say that because he was not related to any of the Coonana mob, he was free to marry Anita Hogan from that mob, and that his marriage to her would therefore be ‘right way’ in terms of the skin system. (He said he did not know the name of his wife’s skin.) This would suggest a belief that the skin rules do not operate if one marries a person from far away.
  4. However, there is no suggestion that when he married Anita Hogan, Kalman Murphy directed his mind to the skin question, and decided that he would not contravene the skin system rules because she lived far away. In addition, it transpired that Kalman Murphy had been assisted in relation to the ‘skins’ part of his statement, by his elder brother, because, as he put it, he does not know about skins whereas his elder brother does.

Conclusion on ‘Marrying far away’

  1. It is not shown on the basis of Mr Murphy’s testimony that the MN Claim group, regarded as a whole, follows a practice of ‘marrying far away’ in order to avoid the risk of contravening the skin rules.

(vii) Greeting, assertion and acknowledgement

  1. The MN applicants refer to the Wongatha submissions (on the ‘Relationship with other Claim groups’) which discusses the practice of papaluka as one ‘relevant to accessing country, in that it is a means of people making themselves known by advising or presenting themselves to senior men or women who are usually living in the vicinity of the land in question’. I addressed the related concepts of access protocols, the ‘right to be asked’ and kunta wiya at 4.6(c) [1403] ff.
  2. The MN applicants also refer to the testimony of MN claimants Eric Thomas, Phyllis Thomas, and Kalman Murphy.
  3. Phyllis Thomas said that if an Aboriginal person from Victoria wanted to come, to Mulga Queen to look around for emu eggs or to camp for a while, if that person came ‘and talk’ [meaning, I think, to those at the Mulga Queen Aboriginal Community], we will show that person ‘how to find egg’. She said she thought that person had ‘rights’ by reason of being ‘Aboriginal too’.
  4. She was asked about the area around Mount Margaret she claims as her ngurra, and said that it went ‘as far as we – we want to go, but not to Kalgoorlie, not to Menzies, because that’s a different area’, then added ‘if I wanted to go to Menzies I’ll get in touch with Ian Tucker’. Then she added ‘But where – where you can go where there’s no one living ... No house, no nothing, it’s just a foundation on Linden and all that, you know’.
  5. I find the evidence touching Menzies confusing. A possible view is that Phyllis Thomas was saying that she could go to any place where people were not living, but must contact Ian Tucker before doing anything in an area where people are living.
  6. Eric Thomas said that Mulga Queen was his wife’s (Phyllis Thomas’s) land, therefore he thinks it is ‘okay’ for him to ‘catch bush tucker and all this and that’. He said that before they were married, he would go to Mulga Queen with her; that no one said he could not come because ‘her relations said okay, I can come up through here, country’. He does not now have to ask anyone to catch bush tucker because it is his wife’s country. He said that when he and his wife Phyllis established the Mulga Queen Aboriginal Community in the early 1980s, people from Warburton would come for a visit and would ask if they could go out and get meat. He said that he would give permission. He added: ‘We all – we all one – one people, Wangkayi people ... Aboriginal people can go anywhere’. He said that he did not go out hunting with them, and that they would camp on the outskirts of the Community and hunt within about 10 km to the north, east and south of the Community. He said they would bring kangaroo, emu or goanna back into the Community and share it around within the Community. Mr Thomas was asked, ‘When they’d come camping here and go hunting, did they always come and speak with you or with your wife, or just sometimes?’ He replied that they would speak to them both and ‘just sit down and talk about old times, about the old people who was here. And stories like that’, and that they would then camp, and go out hunting the next day. Thus, he described a procedure of introductory conversation followed by camping and then by hunting.
  7. Eric Thomas also described an incident in the late 1950s, early 1960s when he was camping at McKenzies’ Well while working in the area with Roy Sullivan and RM. They had given a lift to some people from Kalgoorlie and Cundeelee up to Mulga Queen. The visitors, after having been dropped off, lit a fire. Someone must have seen their fire because another ‘mob camped up there’ lit their fire. He said that the fire indicated that the mob was there and wanted to come and see them. Eventually, the two groups came and sat on either side of the fence line. People started crying, greeting one another, and after, started talking. He said the Aboriginal word for this practice is papaluku (talking to and understanding each other). He said that he used to see fires on ridges when he was young, but that was the only time he had seen that happen. He said his grandparents, RB and Shannon, told him it had been done for years.
  8. Kalman Murphy said that he has visited his uncle, Andrew Watson, at the Tjirrkarli Aboriginal Community three times, the last time in 2001. He said he first telephones him ‘[j]ust to let him know [he’s] coming on, down the track.’ He said that if his uncle was not there, he would speak to someone else, Warwick Nelson or the ‘white fella’ Adviser, and ask that person to let his uncle know that he’s coming out. Kalman Murphy also said that he ‘wouldn’t have a clue’ whose country it is within a 60 km radius of Leonora, which is where he goes hunting ‘probably every weekend’. He said he does not need anyone’s permission: everyone in the town of Leonora just goes out hunting in the area, and he does what everyone else does.
  9. Troy Chapman described his responsibilities on country including helping visitors who come to camp. He agreed that ringing someone in the community before coming is the right thing to do ‘Aboriginal way’ because arriving without ringing first is ‘just like gate-crashing’.

Conclusion on ‘Greeting, assertion and acknowledgement (Papaluka) and kunta wiya (‘no shame’

  1. As I understand it, the GLSC applicants submit that it is not permission to access an area that is required, but observance of a protocol that involves showing respect for traditional owners and for their ‘right to be asked’. This could be shown by a courtesy call on them before entry upon the area, or, at least, before any activity is undertaken upon it. It is kunta wiya (‘no shame’) not to observe the protocol (ie, only a person with no sense of shame would fail to observe it).
  2. I have discussed the present issue under ‘Ngurra’ earlier at 5.6(a)(b)(2) [2093] ff.
  3. I can imagine a papaluka or kunta wiya principle operating where one group is about to intrude on an area already occupied by way of camping or hunting, by another group. Indeed, there is some evidence supporting such a practice of letting others know of one’s approach in such circumstances: see Eric Thomas [2335], Dimple Sullivan [1418] above. In such circumstances, the approaching family or group makes clear, perhaps by a smoke signal, that it does not come secretly, and is well intentioned. It does not intend to encroach upon an existing group’s self-sustenance from the land.
  4. However, as I understand it, the GLSC applicants suggest something different. They suggest a protocol arising, not from occupational incumbency, but from ownership – from a recognition that an area belongs to someone else. In the present case, the only areas in contention is the ‘my country’ area of the individual. In my opinion, the evidence does not establish that the papaluka/kunta wiya principle, as described, relates to the ‘my country’ areas of individuals.
  5. Several situations must be distinguished. First, there is no suggestion that the protocol operates in relation to a town or its surrounding area, even though the town and surrounding area are within the ‘my country’ area of one or more individuals. See the testimony of Kalman Murphy referred to at [2336] above.
  6. Second, Phyllis Thomas said that she could go where no one is living (see [2332] above).
  7. Third, there is a situation of people who wish to establish a new community within an area. Dennis Forrest, for example, referred (see 4.6(c) [1414] above) to that hypothetical situation. Again, I have no difficulty in accepting that the newcomers would be expected, out of consideration of courtesy and practical exigency, to approach the local Aboriginal people first, and, in particular, the elders among them.
  8. Fourth, there is the position of the remote Aboriginal Communities such as at Mulga Queen, Cosmo, Kanpa and Tjirrkarli. It is significant that most of the indigenous evidence concerning the suggested protocol relating to access, focused on such communities. These communities do not fall into either the first or second category mentioned above. The evidence seems to be at one, that before evidence is made for a first time to such community, the visitor should establish contact with someone, such as the person in charge of the community. The position is otherwise if the visitor is already known to the community.
  9. Over and above the land tenure situation, practical exigencies would make it inevitable that a visiting Aboriginal person (as distinct from a person passing through) would establish contact with the Community before arriving. Aboriginal people going to camp at a Community would either be related to or know a person or persons within the Community. If the purpose of the trip was not actually to visit the relative or friend, at least the visitor would call upon them. I do not derive much assistance from the testimony relating to visits to remote Aboriginal communities.
  10. The position can be tested by considering the many claimants from all Claim groups who live elsewhere than in their ‘my country’ area. If the protocol was being observed, contact would have to be made with them before a person could enter upon their respective ‘my country’ areas. There is no suggestion that this happens.
  11. I do not think that it is established that access protocols are generally observed before people enter upon the claimed ‘my country’ areas of the claimants in any of the Claim groups. Access protocols are, however, observed in relation to visits to any of the remote Aboriginal communities or the areas immediately surrounding them.

(viii) Hold, receive and pass on knowledge; instruct and educate

  1. The MN applicants refer tothe GLSC submissions relating to the Wongatha Claim, in which certain testimony of Adele Phillips was summarised with respect to this practice. I dealt with this evidence at 4.7(a)(b)(11) [1873]. They also rely on the testimony set out in GLSC Appendix C4b of Mindi Chapman, Troy Chapman, Nancy Gordon, Clarrie Murphy, Kalman Murphy, MM, Adele Phillips, Elton Polak and Phyllis Thomas. I have read all of that testimony, but will not summarise it.
  2. Groups 5B/5F submit that since the older generation itself has only a fragmentary recollection of past acknowledgement and observance, at best all that is available to be passed on, if anything at all, is a recollection of that such practices used to be carried out.
  3. The transcript passages set out in Appendix C4b are diverse. There are communications by the older generation to the younger of information about the places where people came from, whose country is where, edible bush tucker, cooking of food in the bush, fragments of Dreamtime stories, pika ngurlu places, the basis of a witness’s claim to country, skin groups, good places for hunting, and so on.
  4. Often, but not always, the evidence relates to a passing on of information or skills to the witness when he or she was a child. For example, Adele Phillips was born in 1970, and her father told her the things she mentions when she was a child travelling around with her parents.
  5. When Troy Chapman was about 18 or 19 years old (about 1995 or 1996), his uncle Mindi Chapman told him about skin groups. A couple of years before the hearing, his aunty Phyllis Thomas told him the Seven Sisters story, and about three or four years before the hearing she told him the Goanna Dreaming story.
  6. The substance of the matters communicated, are dealt with elsewhere. What the MN applicants rely on here is the inter-generational passing on of knowledge.

Conclusion on ‘Hold, receive and pass on knowledge, instruct and educate’

  1. I accept that the older generation has passed on, and continues to pass on, a wide range of knowledge and skills to the younger generation.

(7) Inherit, dispose of land and acquire interests in land

  1. The MN applicants refer to the testimony extracted in GLSC Appendix B7b, and, in particular, the testimony of Mindi Chapman, Troy Chapman, Kalman Murphy, Elton Polak and Phyllis Thomas.
  2. Groups 5B/5F adopt the submissions made by other respondents in response to GLSC Appendix B7b, and also repeat their submissions in respect to the ‘my country’/ngurra issue which they state are relevant.
  3. Mindi Chapman said that walking around Lake Wells with his parents when he was a child made that country his country. His father told him this on a trip through that area to Tjirrkarli and Warburton, when he was a boy and his sister was a baby. They were living at Cosmo, at the time when Mr Donegan was the superintendent of the ration station there. He said that Lake Wells was his country because it was his father’s country. When referring to Lake Wells, he said that he was referring to Tjirrkarli as well (some 200 km north-east of Lake Wells and outside both the Wongatha and the MN Claim areas). Tjirrkarli is where Mindi Chapman’s father was born. Mindi Chapman said he did not know how far Tjirrkarli was from Lake Wells, and said he thought that they were the same, although another view of his evidence is simply that he thought that a reference to Tjirrkarli included a reference to Lake Wells, and another, that both are the ‘same’ in the sense that both were his father’s country.
  4. He said that he and his late sister inherited country from his father because his father said ‘that’s yours’. When asked if there was anything that he was supposed to do for that country or on it, he said (curiously) that there was, but he could not do it because he lived in Mulga Queen, but ‘once stayed there [on his country, apparently being Lake Wells or Tjirrkarli] for holiday’. He said that what he was required to do on his country was to go out there and shoot kangaroos and emus and get some goannas. He said, however, that he does not do those things, because he loves Mulga Queen. Asked to whom his country goes after he dies, he said that since he does not have any siblings left, it may be that younger people, such as his nephew, will take over. Asked how he knows that to be the case, he said ‘because I know the rules’
  5. There are some difficulties with Mindi Chapman’s testimony. There are two possibilities for the way Mindi Chapman claims country: that it was his country because he walked around on it when he was a child, and that it was his country because it was his father’s country. One thing is clear: he does not see his claim as depending on his place of birth, and therefore on his having been born and grown up on it. He was born at Cosmo in the late 1930s.
  6. It was ‘on walkabout’ that he went with his parents to some corroborees at or through Tjirrkarli, Wakamurru (where his mother came from) and then to Warburton, and on that trip, they also went to Lalalka (Lake Wells), Nyirruru, Marnakutja, Nurr, Mali Claypan and Tilyin.
  7. Troy Chapman said that Mulga Queen is his country because his mother told him it was, and because it was her and her father’s land. His mother was born and grew up at Mulga Queen. He said that he was ‘more likely on [his] mother’s side’, but added ‘I can easy go to my father’s side whenever I want’. His father came from the Central Desert, from the Warburton, Wannarn, Blackstone area. I understand him to mean that he has a choice, and could, in the future, abandon his claim to his mother’s country at Mulga Queen in favour of his father’s in the Central Desert. On the other hand, he may mean that he is entitled, at any time, to claim his father’s country in addition to his mother’s. He appears to claim only his mother’s country, where he lives.
  8. Kalman Murphy said that his mother told him that she had country at Mulga Queen, Tjirrkarli and Cosmo (Mulga Queen and Cosmo are about 100 km apart, and both are about 330 km from Tjirrkarli). He said that she passed country on to him and his brothers and sisters. He said that his mother’s country was hers because her own mother and father ‘came this way’. His mother was born at Cosmo and grew up at Cosmo and Mulga Queen. However, Kalman Murphy was speaking as if about one place: he spoke of Mulga Queen, where he was testifying, and then subsequently added Tjirrkarli. He said he ‘wouldn’t have a clue’ what word his mother used to refer to her country. Asked whether his mother told him why certain country was her country, Kalman Murphy replied:
of the old people believe in telling – passing it on to their daughters and sons and saying that’s their country, you know, and my mother passed it on to me and passed it on to everyone else, my brothers and sisters.’

It is difficult to know what to make of this answer. Did Kalman Murphy mean that he was only saying that his mother passed country on to him and his siblings because, in other families, it has been said that parents passed on country to their children? Does he mean that his mother gave no more reason for her claim to country than other parents gave? I do not know.

  1. Elton Polak said that Mulga Queen was his country because he had camped there, helped put up wiltjas there, and helped the old people get wood and meat there. He added that his ancestors had roamed that country. He said that Leonora was not part of his country, but was just a place where he stayed when he was being ‘reared up’, whereas Mulga Queen was his ngurra because his granny told him that it was, and because the old people had made a ngurra (camp) there. His evidence was brief, and his evidence of connection with the MN Claim area was slender, and seems to be that his granny M roamed somewhere within it. He said he did not know much about Mulga Queen.
  2. Phyllis Thomas said that her ngurra comprised Mulga Queen and Mount Margaret (about 142 km apart). Mount Margaret is outside the MN Claim area – it is within the Wongatha Claim area, but Phyllis Thomas is not a Wongatha claimant. She said that Mulga Queen was her mother’s country because she had seen ‘the flames of her camp, wiltjas, puris here, where they’d been cooking and all that’. She said that it was Wangkayi law that her mother’s country became her country. She said that her mother had been there a long time and had never claimed any other land. When asked how large her mother’s ngurra was, she said that it was as shown on the ‘Mantjintjarra map’. In saying this, Phyllis Thomas was apparently referring to the MN Claim area.
  3. According to Phyllis Thomas, then, her claim to country depends on the connection of the land (Mulga Queen) where her mother camped for a long time.
  4. Later, Phyllis Thomas said that, having reflected on the matter, she had decided that Mount Margaret was not her ngurra, but was her ‘heritage’. Phyllis Thomas lived at the Mission from the age of eight and a half to about 17-18 years, that is to say, ‘grew up’, having been born in Laverton. In respect of Mulga Queen, she does not satisfy the ‘place of birth and growing up’ criterion of the MN POC, and, therefore, she must rely upon the alternative criterion of ‘ancestor’s connection’. If Laverton and Mount Margaret were to be treated as one ‘place’, she would satisfy the ‘place of birth and growing up’ criterion of the MN POC.
  5. It is in the nature of ‘multiple pathways of connection’ that one cannot list possible pathways: one cannot expect a clear picture.

(8) Speak for country, ie manage, control, make decisions about, protect and care for sites

  1. The MN applicants refer to the extract from Phyllis Thomas’s testimony contained in GLSC Appendix C1b concerning the right to make decisions relating to land, and, in particular, to her testimony about a Western Mining mining and clearance survey in the Lake Wells area, and about the identity of the ‘proper people’ for the country. They also rely on the testimony of Troy Chapman in relation to dealing with visitors to Mulga Queen and with mining companies. Finally, they rely on the testimony of Kalman Murphy in relation to looking after country and ensuring that it is not destroyed by mining companies.
  2. Groups 5B/5F rely on their earlier submissions and the submissions made by other respondents in relation to GLSC Appendices C1b and C2b. As well, they rely on their submissions in relation to the different views held by Mr Vachon and Mr de Gand in relation to the MN Claim group and the notion of ‘exclusivity’. (Mr Vachon disagreed with a proposition accepted by Mr de Gand that certain behaviours demonstrated intra-group exclusivity.)
  3. The MN applicants refer in Appendix C2b to the testimony of Phyllis Thomas relating to Aboriginal visitors to Mulga Queen. I have discussed previously what I perceive to be the special position of the remote Aboriginal community.
  4. I accept Groups 5B/5F’s submission that the overwhelming thrust of the evidence is that there are no protocols of exclusivity. Phyllis Thomas accepted that Aboriginal people wishing to come and use the resources of the area do not need to seek permission first, although she stands ready to advise them where the best areas are. Her testimony in this respect is consistent with that of Patrick Edwards, who said that there is ‘no one boss of the kangaroos’. He said that from Perth to Alice Springs Aboriginal people can shoot kangaroos if they wish. Aubrey Lynch said that if Aboriginal people from outside the Wongatha Claim area want to hunt and camp within it, they can do so. I do not accept the MN applicants’ submission that there is an exclusive right over resources, which is not enforced at present only because of abundance.

(9) Occupy, use, travel, live on land and use resources

  1. The MN applicants do not propound a particular law or custom under this heading, which seems to refer to practices without normative content. The activity described relates to a ‘range’ rather than an ‘estate’.
  2. The MN applicants rely on the transcript extracts at GLSC Appendix C3b, and, in particular, on the testimony of Mindi Chapman of the practice, in the old days, of selling kangaroo skins and gold for flour, tea, sugar and tobacco The exchanges took place with Horace Hill at Salt Soak (near the Bandya homestead) and on Nambi Station. I do not regard those transactions as adaptations of pre-sovereignty exploitation of resources.
  3. As well, the MN applicants repeat their earlier submissions concerning occupying, living on, using and travelling across the land, which I have previously addressed.
  4. Groups 5B/5F repeat their submissions in relation to the same subject, and I refer to my discussion there.

Conclusion to 5.6 (‘Relevant tradititional laws and customs’)

  1. There is some acknowledgment and observance of some traditional laws and customs by some MN claimants. Does the evidence support a conclusion that there is acknowledgment and observance by the MN Claim group of the body of pre-sovereignty Western Desert laws and customs?
  2. As noted at 3.6(c)(5) [976], I am refraining from answering this question.

5.7 RELEVANT CONNECTION TO CLAIM AREA – s 223(1)(b) of NTA

(a)(b) Connection of members of the Claim group to the Claim areas; Continuity of connection back to sovereignty

  1. The MN applicants make two submissions in relation to the meaning of ‘connection’ in s 223(1)(b) of the NTA, but in my view, for the reasons the evidence does not satisfy s 223(1)(a) of the NTA, it does not show that the MN Claim group, by WDCB laws and customs has a connection with the Wongatha/MN overlap for the purposes of s 223(1)(b) of the NTA. First, they correctly point out that in Ward HCA, the joint judgment does not exclude the possibility that a ‘spiritual connection’ may suffice ([64]). No submissions were made to the High Court on that issue, and their Honours did not need to express a view on it. In Daniel, after noting this, RD Nicholson J, said ([422]):
there is evidence of continuing use and, in the case of the Ngarluma, of physical presence accompanied in each case by an enduring sense of connection which I take to fall within the description of spiritual connection. I take spiritual connection into account along with the evidence of continuing use and physical presence.’

It seems to me that para (b) of s 223(1) of the NTA is emphasising the need for a special connection between the claimants and the particular land or waters that are the subject of their claim, different from the connection which all Aboriginal peoples or Torres Strait Islanders may have in relation to land or waters. This does not exclude the possibility of a ‘spiritual’ connection, but the spiritual connection must be between the claimants and the particular land or waters which they claim, or particular sites, tracks or places there.

  1. Second, the MN applicants submit:
for the purposes of NTA s 223(1)(b), can be made out by having regard to, amongst other evidence, evidence of activities on, or knowledge about, areas outside the boundaries of the claim areas. This aspect is particularly pertinent in this case, where all four of the GLSC claim groups rely upon a common background of descent from, and membership in, the WDCB which operated in times past, and operates today, in large areas adjacent to, and including, the claim areas before the Court.

for example, law business in Warburton or Wiluna involving members of one or more of the GLSC claim groups may, as a matter of law, be very relevant and probative evidence of observance and acknowledgement of relevant laws and customs by, and of connection thereby to the claimed areas on the part of, such members and (accordingly) such claim groups.’

If an MN claimant is initiated at Warburton that may show that he is acknowledging and observing a traditional Western Desert law or custom requiring that all males be initiated. The evidence would play its part in establishing (a) that the WDCB society continues, and (b) that the MN Claim group continues to acknowledge and observe WDCB laws and customs. There would be a question of why the person was not initiated within the MN Claim area, but that is another matter.

  1. I agree with the MN applicants that it is not fatal that some claimants live outside the MN Claim area (see Neowarra at [351]) just as residence within that area is not, necessarily and without more, itself probative of acknowledgment and observance of laws and customs or of a connection with the Claim area under Western Desert laws and customs.
  2. The MN applicants cite the testimony of Wongatha claimant, Anthony Harris. He said that since he has gone through the law, some men at Wiluna have told him that he must look after the law ground at Leonora, because his grandfather (Jumbo Harris) used to look after it. The men were old men who used to know his grandfather, who had been dead for some 30-32 years. He said that when he goes to the Warburton Ranges or Wiluna or Jigalong, the watis are happy to see him. I accept that what the watis at Jigalong said to Anthony Harris shows that they considered that he had some kind of connection with the law ground at Leonora. However, Leonora is south of the MN Claim area. I do not see how Anthony Harris’s evidence is probative of the group claim made by the MN claim group to the MN Claim area.
  3. The MN applicants attempt to show a connection, through ancestors of the MN claimants, back to sovereignty. It is true that para (b) of s 223(1) requires the connection between the claimants and the land or waters to be a connection given by pre-sovereignty laws and customs. However, the connection required is a present-day one. Moreover, consistently with the MN POC, the factual basis of connection is not necessarily genealogical. For example, consistently with that document, the MN Claim group might, from time to time, consist only of people who were born and grew up in the MN Claim area. The question would be whether pre-sovereignty laws and customs provided for this kind of connection to yield rights and interests.
  4. No doubt proof of continuity of connection which the claimants’ ancestors had to the same land and waters may be a step on the way to establishing that the claimants today have the required connection, and that that connection arises under traditional laws and customs. However, there is missing in the MN applicants’ submissions, and in the evidence, an emphasis upon, and evidence of, a connection between the MN Claim group and the MN Claim area, which both exists today and arises under traditional (pre-sovereignty) laws and customs.
  5. For example, the MN claimants submit:
establishing, for example, a religious relationship which manifests at the intellectual level alone (such as knowing the songs or Dreamings or required rituals of the country [relevantly, the Wongatha/MN overlap], or regarding country as formed by, and as manifesting, the dreamtime figures), and not accompanied by physical activities (such as singing the country, or actively teaching young people about the Tjukurr) is evidence which may establish, alone or in association with physical activities, the required connection.’

However, the evidence does not establish that the MN claimants in general know songs, Dreamings or required rituals of the Wongatha/MN overlap, or regards that overlap as formed by, and manifest in, the Dreamtime figures.

  1. The State submits, and I accept, that mere knowledge by the MN claimants of certain matters associated with the MN Claim area does not establish the connection of which s 223(1)(b) speaks. The State draws attention to what it suggests is a blurring between ‘knowledge’ and ‘spiritual adherence’ in the MN applicants’ submissions. A pastoralist, geographer, surveyor or anthropologist may possess much knowledge relating to the Wongatha/MN overlap, but this does not establish the connection to which s 223(1)(b) refers. That provision requires, if not, that the claimants be ‘the’ people for a claim area, at least that they be ‘people’ for that area.
  2. In so far as the MN applicants rely upon the Tjukurrpa to establish the required connection, it must be remembered that the Dreaming tracks stretched:
all directions ... hundreds of such tracks or roads criss-crossed one another right through the Continent, representing, at least potentially, a network of intercommunication ...

a rule no local descent group, clan or dialect unit owns a complete myth. Even though at first it may appear to do so, what it has is usually only a section, dealing with some of the actions of a certain being. The men over in the next stretch of country may own another section and can perform the rites associated with that – and so on, all over the country. Members of several local groups come together from time to time to perform their separate, but linked, sections.’ (Berndts, World pp 243-4)

I would expect the MN claimants to demonstrate at least familiarity with, belief in, and adherence to those parts of the Tjukurrpa represented in the Wongatha/MN overlap. Mr Vachon said that it is the constant repetitive involvement in ceremony and song which is central to the acknowledgement and observance of the Tjukurr. He said that this repetitive involvement in song, dance and ceremonies, and responsibility to learn and to teach the Tjukurr, are ‘at the very core of the body of traditional laws and customs of the Western Desert people’. The evidence does not establish the continuance of any of those activities within the MN Claim group (or any of the other Claim groups). Nor does it, generally speaking, establish the continuance of the ‘responsibility to learn and to teach the Tjukurr’ on the part of the MN claim group.

  1. Residence within the Wongatha/MN Claim area alone does not satisfy s 223(1)(b) because the connection to which that paragraph refers must be one given by (traditional) laws and customs. Residence by MN claimants within the Wongatha/MN overlap may be dictated by many considerations, none of which necessarily has a foundation in traditional laws and customs. In the same way, the residence of MN claimants outside that area may say nothing to the question of whether they have a connection to the Wongatha/MN overlap by traditional laws and customs.
  2. In contrast to the absence of claimed area-related spiritual activities in the present case, in Neowarra, Sundberg J found ([352]) that the claim group continued to practise various site-related cultural practices, such as rituals, including initiation, within the claim area. Moreover, the central figures of the Wanjina were physically present on the land throughout the claim area, and Wunggurr places were identifiable locations. Sundberg J also found that the languages of the area were related to the land, in that there were ‘language countries’ and ‘not merely languages spoken by people who live on the country’ (ibid). There is a noticeable gap between that description and even a description most favourable to the present Claims.
  3. As noted at 5.6(a)(b)(3) [2141] above, according to the places of residence shown on the MN LIP, all but eight of the 279 members of the MN Claim group shown on the MN LIP, liv