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Harrington-Smith on behalf of the Wongatha People v Western Australia (No 9) [2007] FCA 31 (5 February 2007)
Last Updated: 5 February 2007
FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
Harrington-Smith on behalf of the Wongatha People v State
of
Western Australia (No 9) [2007] FCA 31
SUMMARY
General
The judgment which this summary accompanies relates to a case of some public
interest. I am providing this brief outline of the reasons
for judgment in
accordance with a common practice of the Federal Court in such cases. It must
be emphasised, however, that this
summary does not form part of my reasons,
which are to be found only in the certified copy of the reasons for judgment
published
today.
There are before the Court eight overlapping claimant applications for
determinations of native title. The lead application is the
Wongatha
application. It relates to some 160,000 sq kms of land generally in
the Goldfields region of Western Australia,
the southern boundary being some
85 kms north of Kalgoorlie.
A substantial part of the Wongatha Claim area, I estimate one half to
two-thirds, is spinifex country, or desert. Much of the remainder,
I estimate
the western third or half, is characterised by mulga, rockholes and breakaways,
and is used for pastoral activities (sheep
and cattle) and mining (gold and
nickel).
The other seven applications overlap the Wongatha Claim area to varying
extents. One of them, the Cosmo Newberry application, is
in respect of land and
waters wholly within the Wongatha Claim area. In respect of that Claim, there
are no other overlapping claims.
It follows that I have heard the Cosmo Claim,
as well as the Wongatha Claim, in its entirety.
The other six overlapping Claims are the Mantjintjarra Ngalia, Koara, Wutha,
Maduwongga, Ngalia Kutjungkatja 1 and Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2
Claims. I
have heard those six Claims only in so far as they cover land and waters within
the area of the Wongatha Claim. I have
not heard and determined them in so far
as they relate to areas outside the Wongatha Claim area.
The complexity presented by the eight overlapping Claims presented an issue
of case management for the Court. It would have been
simpler to have heard, at
this stage, for example, only the Wongatha and Cosmo Newberry Claims. However,
the Wongatha Claim would
then have had to be re-run on the hearing of each other
overlapping Claim. The Judges (including myself) in whose dockets the various
individual proceedings were listed decided that it was best to make the lead
claim the one that drew in most overlapping claims.
That was the Wongatha
Claim.
While the Wongatha and Cosmo Newberry Claims have been disposed of finally,
the other six Claims have been only partly disposed of.
My reasons in relation
to their overlapping parts may be of assistance to the parties in relation to
their non-overlap parts. The
hearing and determination of the non-overlap parts
of those other six Claims will be a matter for the respective Docket Judges.
The case was lengthy. I have set out some of the statistics in the reasons.
One of these is that the evidence is recorded in approximately
17,000 pages of
transcript. This is a better indication of the length of the hearing than the
number of hearing days (100), because
of the number of days on which the Court
sat for extended hours. Some other statistics are that there were
34 volumes of experts’
reports comprising 2,817 pages, and
97 volumes of submissions comprising 8,087 pages (including appendices
and annexures).
Native Title proceedings
The experience of hearing the case and resolving it has exposed me to what I
consider to be an unsatisfactory state of affairs in
the native title area.
Perhaps the heart of the problem is that the legal issue that the Court is
called upon to resolve is really
only part of a more fundamental political
question.
I would draw attention to certain matters.
One matter is that expectations are created. The indigenous people in this
case are the descendants of those who lived in Australia
for tens of thousands
of years. One witness said words to the effect, ‘if I cannot claim native
title in this area, where
can I claim it?’. The implication is that a
Judge will surely have no difficulty in seeing that the witness must have native
title somewhere. The fact is, however, that since the establishment of British
sovereignty, in the case of Western Australia in
1829, there has been a new
sovereign legal system, the laws of which are determinative of legal
questions.
Another matter is that each native title case depends on its own facts and
the history of its claimants and their ancestors. This
leads to what may appear
to be unequal treatment as between different groups of Aboriginal people. I
will give three examples.
First, in the present case, the claimants must prove what indigenous
laws and customs were being acknowledged and observed in the Goldfields
at the
date of sovereignty – 1829. But the first explorer did not reach any part
of the Wongatha claim area until 1869, and,
in substance, European settlement
did not occur there until the gold rush in the 1890s. In other words, the first
substantial written
records we have of Aboriginal people anywhere in the
Wongatha Claim area relate to the last decade of the nineteenth century, yet
the
claimants bear the onus of proving what the position was there in 1829. By
contrast, in a case relating to an area where settlement
of a colony first
occurred, there will be written records relating to Aboriginal laws and customs
as they existed at sovereignty.
I hasten to say that any suggested unfairness is not as great as it may first
appear for two reasons. First, it cannot be assumed
that if there had been
contemporary records of the Aboriginal presence and practices in the Goldfields
in 1829, that evidence would
necessarily have assisted the claimants; it may
have worked against them. Second, I have been prepared to infer that behaviour
recorded at and following first contact would have been there to be observed at
1829. The fact remains, however, that any lack of
proof or inference as to what
the position was in the Goldfields in 1829 tells against the claimants, who bear
the onus of proving
all the elements of their claims.
A second example is the fact that some native title cases are strongly
contested, while others are not. In pre-contact times, the indigenous
people in
two areas would have used the surface for camping, hunting, foraging and so on.
Yet, in one case there is a consent determination
and in the other there is a
contest to the bitter end. Why? The reason relates to the value placed on the
land by others. This
is readily understandable, but has nothing to do with the
respective merits of the two cases.
Third, a distinguishing feature of the present case, but not of all
native title cases, is that of migration or population shift. There
was
progressive population shift from the desert to the fringes of European
settlement in the Goldfields because of various attractions
there, principally,
a reliable supply of food and water, in contrast to the drought stricken desert.
As a result, the claimants cannot
prove that their ancestors lived within the
Wongatha Claim area at sovereignty. If those ancestors and their descendants
had remained
in the desert, the claimants might have been the beneficiaries of a
consent determination today in respect of a desert area. By
succumbing to the
allurements of the European presence, the claimants’ ancestors changed the
legal landscape for today’s
native title purposes.
Mediation
Several times during the hearing I encouraged the parties to attempt to find
a solution by mediation. I was given to understand that
mediation had
previously taken place but without success. Apparently mediation continued,
even following the hearing. In fact,
I arranged for another Judge of the Court
to be available to the parties to assist, if they thought this possible, in
connection
with the progress of their mediation, and he did make himself
available to them. Finally, however, mediation came to nothing and
the parties
informed me that a decision would be required.
I do not know or wish to know why mediation failed. I will only say that it
is to my mind sad that the matter has had to be resolved
by an imposed
solution.
The present decision
I am required to decide the case on the basis of the law as I understand it
to be. That law is found in the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) (‘the
Act’) as authoritatively interpreted. The High Court’s decision of
principal relevance in this case
is the Yorta Yorta decision
(Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria [2002] HCA 58;
(2002) 214 CLR 422). In my opinion, indigenous people placed as the present
claimants are, cannot succeed under the Act.
I turn now to the reasons for this conclusion.
Authorisation
The non-indigenous respondents put the claimants to proof of every element of
their claims. They put in issue whether the making
of the applications was
authorised by all the holders of the particular native title claimed, as
required by s 61(1) of the Act. It may seem unfortunate that, in
circumstances where there is no internal challenge to authorisation, it should
be able
to be challenged by third parties, at least in the circumstances of this
case. However, the requirement of s 61(1) is strict, and I was obliged to
deal with the question. I have concluded that none of the claims to which
s 61(1) applied were duly authorised (the provision did not apply to the
Mantjintjarra Ngalia Claim because it was not amended following
the introduction
of the authorisation requirement by the Native Title (Amendment) Act 1998
(Cth)).
Notwithstanding my conclusion on authorisation, I have considered all the
Claims on their merits.
The Western Desert cultural bloc – the notion of a
‘society’ – the geographical limits of the bloc
Yorta Yorta establishes that the traditional laws and customs
said to have given rise to native title rights and interests must be those of a
‘society’. The particular society on which the claimants relied is
the Western Desert cultural bloc (‘WDCB’).
While I have some doubts
as to whether a cultural bloc amounts to a ‘society’ for present
purposes, I have proceeded
on the basis that it does, that the WDCB society
existed at sovereignty, and that it has continued to exist down to the present
time.
The non-indigenous respondents contended, however, that the geographical area
of the WDCB did not and does not embrace the whole of
the Wongatha Claim
area.
This issue of the geographical extent of the area of the WDCB on its western
side raised questions of enormous difficulty. On any
reckoning, the
geographical boundaries of the area of a cultural bloc must be, to put it
mildly, blurred. It would be difficult
enough to determine precisely where the
Western Desert begins and ends. It is more difficult to determine the present
day boundary
of the WDCB. It is yet more difficult to determine where that
boundary was in 1829, before the effect of population shift. Yet,
I was
required to draw a line.
I have decided that the area of the WDCB extended as far west as a
‘Menzies-Lake Darlot line’ which is referred to in
the judgment. In
so deciding, I rejected the non-indigenous respondents’ submission that it
ended further east, at a line
which, for the purpose of this summary only, can
be described as running north-south between Laverton and Cosmo Newberry. The
significance
of the present issue is that the claimants cannot succeed in
respect of any area lying west of the area of the society on which they
rely.
Accordingly, none of the Claims can succeed to the extent to which they relate
to land west of the Menzies-Lake Darlot line.
Group claims in respect of group rights and interests in group
areas
A major issue in the case has related to the nature of the Claims as group
claims. The issue raises the anthropological question
of the nature and basis
of rights and interests in land and waters under traditional (pre-sovereignty)
laws and customs of the Western
Desert. At that time, the Aboriginal people
were semi-nomadic. The evidence shows that the subject matter of ownership was
areas
defined by Dreaming (Tjukurrpa) sites and tracks, and that
it was the connection of the individual to an area so defined that made the
individual an ‘owner’
of that area.
The nature of that connection may have been originally only place of birth.
However, it was common ground that more recent anthropological
orthodoxy accepts
a concept of ‘multiple pathways of connection’. According to this
analysis, the potential connections
between the individual and a constellation
of Dreaming sites or tracks include, for example, place of growing up, place of
a parent’s
birth, place of parent’s ‘country’. However,
the way in which the case was put was that there is really no limit
to the
number or kind of connections available.
Moreover, the individual might activate and de-activate connections at
different stages of his or her life. Thus, an individual might
have rights and
interests in one area at one stage of life, and in a different area at a later
stage of life, according to the connections
activated or de-activated from time
to time, and the person’s activated connection being recognised by others.
Moreover, it
cannot be assumed that one individual’s bundle of rights and
interests is the same as that of another person.
I confess to having some difficulty in understanding how such idiosyncratic
and unstable rights and interests can be accommodated
to the provisions of the
Act, but it has not been necessary for me to dwell on the question.
The individual’s claimed ‘country’, established by
reference to the notion of multiple pathways of connection, was
referred to in
evidence as his or her ‘my country’ area.
It is not in dispute that the present Claim groups are not recognised as land
owning groups by Western Desert laws and customs. It
is not in dispute that
landholding was not at the level of groups of the present kind, but was at the
level of the individual, or,
perhaps, small groups of individuals, each member
of which was linked to the same Tjukurr-defined area as each other
member.
The present Claim groups are associations of people who recognise each
other’s claim to a ‘my country’ area, and
the present Claim
areas represent aggregations or poolings of their ‘my country’
areas.
This raises the question whether it is permissible for groups to be formed
and to bring group claims in respect of a group area in
this way. In my view it
is not, because the group, the group rights and interests, and the group area,
are not rooted in traditional
(pre-sovereignty) laws and customs. The Claim
areas are not recognised as areas in which there are group rights and
interests.
In addition, it is not shown that all of the constituent ‘my
country’ areas are themselves defined by reference to Dreaming
sites or
tracks. In substance and generally speaking, what appears to have occurred in
this respect is that in the Claims as brought,
the multiple pathways of
connection concept has come to displace the requirements as to the definition of
the subject matter of ownership.
It is conceivable that an individual or a small group of individuals may have
native title in a smaller area representing a constellation
of Dreaming sites or
tracks, but there are not group rights and interests in the Claim areas as
such.
Acknowledgment and observance
I spent considerable time in the reasons discussing the question whether the
Claim groups continue to acknowledge and observe traditional
Western Desert laws
and customs. Finally, however, I decided not to resolve that question, which
would have had to be decided Claim
group by Claim group. In the event that
there should be a successful appeal, my findings in relation to the individual
laws and
customs relied upon will be of assistance to a Full Court, if it should
think it appropriate itself to decide the issue of continuing
acknowledgment and
observance.
Two remaining matters
It remains to say two things. First, I have declined an invitation of the
non-indigenous respondents to make a determination that
there is no native title
in the Wongatha Claim area. Where, as here, applicants fail to prove their
case, the usual order is simply
one of dismissal. It is conceivable that an
individual may wish to make an application for a determination of native title,
or that
a small group of individuals, each of whom has rights and interests in a
constellation of Tjukurr sites or a Tjukurr track, may wish to do
so. I say nothing, one way or the other, as to the prospects of success of any
such application, but I decline,
in these present proceedings, to preclude the
bringing of it.
Lastly, I wish to say something of particular relevance to the indigenous
witnesses. They have had to give evidence of their life
experiences from their
earliest years. It was plain to me that many, perhaps all, of them, would have
preferred to be elsewhere
than to be the centre of attention as a witness. I
have greatly appreciated hearing their evidence, and think it most important
that they have told their stories.
I began summarising their individual testimony for my own judgment writing
purposes, and decided to put the summary into the form
of a first person
paraphrase of the transcript. This took on a life of its own and has become
Annexure F to the reasons for
judgment.
While the indigenous witnesses will be disappointed in the result in this
case, I hope they will see Annexure F as a valuable
record of their life
stories as they have told them in this proceeding.
Conclusion
All that remains now is for me to make the formal orders of the Court.
In each of the Wongatha proceeding (WAG 6005 of 1998) and the Cosmo
Newberry proceeding (WAD 144 of 1998), the Court orders that
the application be
dismissed.
In each of the Mantjintjarra Ngalia proceeding (WAD 6069 of 1998), the Koara
proceeding (WAD 6008 of 1998), the Wutha proceeding (WAD
6064 of 1998), the
Maduwongga proceeding (WAD 76 of 1997), the Ngalia Kutjungkatja No 1
proceeding (WAD 6011 of 2000), and the
Ngalia Kutjungkatja No 2 proceeding
(WAD 6001 of 2002), the Court orders that the application be dismissed to the
extent that
it relates to any land or waters that are also the subject of
proceeding WAD 6005 of 1998 (Harrington-Smith and Ors v State of Western
Australia and Ors).
I publish my reasons.
RON HARRINGTON-SMITH & ORS ON BEHALF OF THE
WONGATHA PEOPLE
v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD
6005 OF 1998, WAD 6018/98, WAD 6021/98, WAD 6029/98,
WAD 6034/98,
WAD 6036/98, WAD 6039/98, WAD 6049/98, WAD 6062/98, WAD 6063/98, WAD
6066/98, WAD 6067/98, WAD 6086/98, WAD 6104/98,
WAD 6108/98, WAD 6144/98,
WAD 6147/98, WAD 6166/98, WAD 6187/98, WAD 6197/98
HARVEY MURRAY (COSMO NEWBERRY CLAIM) v
STATE OF WESTERN
AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 144 OF 1998
PHYLLlS THOMAS & ORS (MANTJINTJARRA NGALIA CLAIM)
v STATE OF
WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6069 OF 1998
RICHARD GUY EVANS & ORS (KOARA CLAIM)
v STATE OF WESTERN
AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6008 OF 1998
JUNE ASHWIN & ORS (WUTHA CLAIM)
v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
& ORS
WAD 6064 OF 1998
MARJORIE MAY STRICKLAND AND ANNE JOYCE NUDDING
(MADUWONGGA
CLAIM) v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 76 OF 1997
DOLLY WALKER AND KADO MUIR (NGALIA KUTJUNGKATJA NO 1
CLAIM)
v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6011 OF 2000
DOLLY WALKER (NGALIA KUTJUNGKATJA NO 2 CLAIM)
v STATE OF WESTERN
AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6001 OF 2002
LINDGREN J
5 FEBRUARY 2007
KALGOORLIE
FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA
Harrington-Smith on behalf of the Wongatha People v State
of
Western Australia (No 9) [2007] FCA 31
NATIVE TITLE – eight
overlapping applications for determinations of native title – whether each
application authorised by all the
persons who hold ‘the particular native
title claimed’ – whether the authorisation requirement of
s 61(1)
applies to an application made prior to Native Title Amendment
Act 1998 (Cth) and amended after that date – claimants acknowledging
that some overlapping claim groups or some members of them have
native title
rights and interests in the particular claim area – whether, in the light
of this acknowledgment, making of application
must be authorised, not only by
claim group, but also by those others who, it acknowledges, hold rights and
interests in the claim
area.
NATIVE TITLE – eight overlapping claims by groups to hold group
rights and interests – distinction between individual rights and interests
and communal or group rights and interests – whether claimant group and
the holding of group rights and interests by it must
be recognised under
traditional laws and customs, or whether group can be composed for purposes of
application, of individuals holding
individual rights and interests in smaller
areas – whether claim area can be created by aggregating or
‘pooling’
the areas the subject of individual rights and interests
in smaller areas – whether claim area can be created by aggregating
the
areas the subject of individual rights and interests claimed. Held: the
group, the group rights and interests, and the group claim area must reflect
recognition in traditional laws and customs.
NATIVE TITLE – ‘native title claim group’ –
‘the particular native title claimed’ – meaning of expressions
in s 61(1) of Native Title Act 1973 (Cth).
NATIVE TITLE – whether eight overlapping claim groups had
discharged the onus of proving that they continue to acknowledge and observe
traditional
laws and customs – discussion of issues relating to
acknowledgment and observance by a ‘group’.
WORDS AND PHRASES – ‘native title claim group’
– ‘the particular native title claimed’.
Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) ss 13, 61, 62, 67, 68, 80A, 223, 225,
251B
Native Title Amendment Act 1998 (Cth)
Allstate Life Insurance Co v ANZ (No 6) (1996) 64 FCR 79
cited
Bennell v Western Australia [2006] FCA 1243; (2006) 153 FCR 120 cited
|
WARNING: This document contains the names of some Aboriginal people who
are deceased. Reading these names may cause offence to some
people, and the
Federal Court apologises for any distress inadvertently caused.
|
Branfield v Wharton [2004] FCAFC 138 followed
Briggs v Minister
for Lands (NSW) [2004] FCA 1056; (2004) 141 FCR 17 followed
Browne v Dunn
(1893) 6 R 67 cited
Commonwealth v
Yarmirr [2001] HCA 56; (2001) 208 CLR 1 cited
Daniel v Western Australia
(2002) 194 ALR 278 followed
Daniel v Western Australia [2003] FCA 666 discussed
De Rose v South Australia [2002] FCA 1342
discussed
De Rose v South Australia [2003] FCAFC 286; (2003) 133 FCR
325 discussed
De Rose v South Australia (No 2) [2005] FCAFC 110; (2005) 145
FCR 290 discussed
Dieri People v South Australia [2003] FCA 187; (2003) 127 FCR 364
followed
Drury v Western Australia [2000] FCA 132; (2000) 97 FCR 169
followed
Edward Landers v South Australia [2003] FCA 264; (2003) 128 FCR 495
followed
Fejo v Northern Territory [1998] HCA 58; (1998) 195 CLR 96
cited
Gumana v Northern Territory [2005] FCA 50; (2005) 141 FCR 457
cited
Harrington-Smith on behalf of the Wongatha People v State of Western
Australia (No 5) (2003) 197 ALR 138 cited
Harrington-Smith on
behalf of the Wongatha People v Western Australia (No 7) [2003] FCA 893;
(2003) 130 FCR 424 cited
Jango v Northern Territory (No 4) (2004)
214 ALR 608 cited
Jones v Dunkel [1959] HCA 8; (1959) 101 CLR 298 cited
Lawson
on behalf of the ‘Pooncarie’ Barkandji (Paakantyi) v Minster for
Land and Water Conservation for the State of New
South Wales [2002] FCA 1517
cited
Mabo v Queensland (No 2) [1992] HCA 23; (1992) 175 CLR 1
discussed
McKenzie v South Australia (2005) 214 ALR 214
followed
Makita (Australia) Pty Ltd v Sprowles [2001] NSWCA 305; (2001) 52 NSWLR 705
cited
Mason v Tritton (1994) 34 NSWLR 572
discussed
Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v
Victoria [1998] FCA 1606 cited
Members of the Yorta Yorta
Aboriginal Community v Victoria [2001] FCA 45; (2001) 110 FCR 244 cited
Members of
the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria [2002] HCA 58; (2002) 214 CLR 422
applied
Moran v Minister for Land and Water Conservation for the State of
New South Wales [1999] FCA 1637 followed
Neowarra v Western Australia
[2003] FCA 1402 cited
North Ganalanja Aboriginal Corporation v
Queensland [1996] HCA 2; (1996) 185 CLR 595 cited
Northern Territory v Alyawarr,
Kaytetye, Warumungu, Wakaya Native Title Claim Group [2005] FCAFC 135; (2005) 145 FCR 442
cited
Potts v Miller [1940] HCA 43; (1940) 64 CLR 282 cited
Quall v Risk
[2001] FCA 378 cited
Risk v National Native Title Tribunal [2000] FCA 1589 cited
Sebastian (on behalf of the Rubibi Community) v Western
Australia [2004] FCA 1019; (2004) 138 FCR 536 cited
Spassked Pty Ltd v Federal
Commissioner of Taxation (No 2) (2002) 49 ATR 642 cited
Strickland v
Native Title Registrar (1999) 168 ALR 242 followed
Tilmouth v Northern
Territory [2001] FCA 820; (2001) 109 FCR 240 cited
Ward v Western Australia (1998)
159 ALR 483 cited
Western Australia v Commonwealth [1995] HCA 47; (1995) 183
CLR 373 cited
Western Australia v Native Title Registrar [1999] FCA 1593 cited
Western Australia v Ward [2000] FCA 191; (2000) 99 FCR 316
cited
Western Australia v Ward [2002] HCA 28; (2002) 213 CLR 1
discussed
Western Australia v Strickland [2000] FCA 652; (2000) 99 FCR 33
cited
Wharton on behalf of the Kooma People v Queensland [2003] FCA 1398 followed
Wik Peoples v Queensland [1996] HCA 40; (1996) 187 CLR 1 cited
RON HARRINGTON-SMITH & ORS ON BEHALF OF THE WONGATHA
PEOPLE
v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6005 OF
1998, WAD 6018/98, WAD 6021/98, WAD 6029/98, WAD 6034/98,
WAD
6036/98, WAD 6039/98, WAD 6049/98, WAD 6062/98, WAD 6063/98,
WAD
6066/98, WAD 6067/98, WAD 6086/98, WAD 6104/98, WAD 6108/98,
WAD
6144/98, WAD 6147/98, WAD 6166/98, WAD 6187/98, WAD 6197/98
HARVEY MURRAY (COSMO NEWBERRY CLAIM) v
STATE OF WESTERN
AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 144 OF 1998
PHYLLlS THOMAS & ORS (MANTJINTJARRA NGALIA CLAIM)
v STATE OF
WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6069 OF 1998
RICHARD GUY EVANS & ORS (KOARA CLAIM)
v STATE OF WESTERN
AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6008 OF 1998
JUNE ASHWIN & ORS (WUTHA CLAIM)
v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
& ORS
WAD 6064 OF 1998
MARJORIE MAY STRICKLAND AND ANNE JOYCE NUDDING
(MADUWONGGA
CLAIM) v STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 76 OF 1997
DOLLY WALKER AND KADO MUIR (NGALIA KUTJUNGKATJA NO 1 CLAIM)
v
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6011 OF 2000
DOLLY WALKER (NGALIA KUTJUNGKATJA NO 2 CLAIM)
v STATE OF WESTERN
AUSTRALIA & ORS
WAD 6001 OF 2002
LINDGREN J
5 FEBRUARY 2007
KALGOORLIE
IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF
AUSTRALIAWESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT REGISTRY
|
WAD 6005 OF 1998WAD 6018/98, WAD
6021/98, WAD 6029/98, WAD 6034/98, WAD 6036/98, WAD 6039/98, WAD 6049/98,
WAD 6062/98, WAD 6063/98, WAD 6066/98,
WAD 6067/98, WAD 6086/98, WAD 6104/98,
WAD 6108/98, WAD 6144/98, WAD 6147/98, WAD 6166/98, WAD 6187/98, WAD
6197/98
|
|
|
RON HARRINGTON-SMITH & ORS (WONGATHA
CLAIM) APPLICANTS
|
|
AND:
|
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS RESPONDENTS
|
|
|
|
|
DATE OF ORDER:
|
|
|
WHERE MADE:
|
|
THE COURT ORDERS THAT:
- The
application be dismissed.
Note: Settlement and entry of orders is dealt with in Order 36 of
the Federal Court Rules.
|
IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT
REGISTRY
|
WAD 144 OF 1998
|
|
BETWEEN:
|
HARVEY MURRAY (COSMO NEWBERRY
CLAIM) APPLICANT
|
|
AND:
|
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS RESPONDENTS
|
|
JUDGE:
|
LINDGREN J
|
|
DATE OF ORDER:
|
5 FEBRUARY 2007
|
|
WHERE MADE:
|
KALGOORLIE
|
THE COURT ORDERS THAT:
- The
application be dismissed.
Note: Settlement and entry of orders is dealt with in Order 36 of
the Federal Court Rules.
|
IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT
REGISTRY
|
WAD 6069 OF 1998
|
|
BETWEEN:
|
PHYLLlS THOMAS & ORS (MANTJINTJARRA NGALIA
CLAIM) APPLICANTS
|
|
AND:
|
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS RESPONDENTS
|
|
JUDGE:
|
LINDGREN J
|
|
DATE OF ORDER:
|
5 FEBRUARY 2007
|
|
WHERE MADE:
|
KALGOORLIE
|
THE COURT ORDERS THAT:
- The
application be dismissed to the extent that it relates to any land or waters
that are also the subject of proceeding WAD 6005
of 1998 (Harrington Smith
& Ors v State of Western Australia & Ors).
Note: Settlement and entry of orders is dealt with in Order 36 of
the Federal Court Rules.
|
IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT
REGISTRY
|
WAD 6008 OF 1998
|
|
BETWEEN:
|
RICHARD GUY EVANS & ORS (KOARA
CLAIM) APPLICANTS
|
|
AND:
|
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS RESPONDENTS
|
|
JUDGE:
|
LINDGREN J
|
|
DATE OF ORDER:
|
5 FEBRUARY 2007
|
|
WHERE MADE:
|
KALGOORLIE
|
THE COURT ORDERS THAT:
- The
application be dismissed to the extent that it relates to any land or waters
that are also the subject of proceeding WAD 6005
of 1998 (Harrington Smith
& Ors v State of Western Australia & Ors).
Note: Settlement and entry of orders is dealt with in Order 36 of
the Federal Court Rules.
|
IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT
REGISTRY
|
WAD 6064 OF 1998
|
|
BETWEEN:
|
JUNE ASHWIN & ORS (WUTHA
CLAIM) APPLICANTS
|
|
AND:
|
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS RESPONDENTS
|
|
JUDGE:
|
LINDGREN J
|
|
DATE OF ORDER:
|
5 FEBRUARY 2007
|
|
WHERE MADE:
|
KALGOORLIE
|
THE COURT ORDERS THAT:
- The
application be dismissed to the extent that it relates to any land or waters
that are also the subject of proceeding WAD 6005
of 1998 (Harrington Smith
& Ors v State of Western Australia & Ors).
Note: Settlement and entry of orders is dealt with in Order 36 of
the Federal Court Rules.
|
IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT
REGISTRY
|
WAD 76 OF 1997
|
|
BETWEEN:
|
MARJORIE MAY STRICKLAND AND ANNE JOYCE
NUDDING (MADUWONGGA CLAIM) APPLICANTS
|
|
AND:
|
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS RESPONDENTS
|
|
JUDGE:
|
LINDGREN J
|
|
DATE OF ORDER:
|
5 FEBRUARY 2007
|
|
WHERE MADE:
|
KALGOORLIE
|
THE COURT ORDERS THAT:
- The
application be dismissed to the extent that it relates to any land or waters
that are also the subject of proceeding WAD 6005
of 1998 (Harrington Smith
& Ors v State of Western Australia & Ors).
Note: Settlement and entry of orders is dealt with in Order 36 of
the Federal Court Rules.
|
IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT
REGISTRY
|
WAD 6011 OF 2000
|
|
BETWEEN:
|
DOLLY WALKER AND KADO MUIR (NGALIA KUTJUNGKATJA NO 1
CLAIM) APPLICANTS
|
|
AND:
|
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS RESPONDENTS
|
|
JUDGE:
|
LINDGREN J
|
|
DATE OF ORDER:
|
5 FEBRUARY 2007
|
|
WHERE MADE:
|
KALGOORLIE
|
THE COURT ORDERS THAT:
- The
application be dismissed to the extent that it relates to any land or waters
that are also the subject of proceeding WAD 6005
of 1998 (Harrington Smith
& Ors v State of Western Australia & Ors).
Note: Settlement and entry of orders is dealt with in Order 36 of
the Federal Court Rules.
|
IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT
REGISTRY
|
WAD 6001 OF 2002
|
|
BETWEEN:
|
DOLLY WALKER (NGALIA KUTJUNGKATJA NO 2
CLAIM) APPLICANT
|
|
AND:
|
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS RESPONDENTS
|
|
JUDGE:
|
LINDGREN J
|
|
DATE OF ORDER:
|
5 FEBRUARY 2007
|
|
WHERE MADE:
|
KALGOORLIE
|
THE COURT ORDERS THAT:
- The
application be dismissed to the extent that it relates to any land or waters
that are also the subject of proceeding WAD 6005
of 1998 (Harrington Smith
& Ors v State of Western Australia & Ors).
Note: Settlement and entry of orders is dealt with in Order 36 of
the Federal Court Rules.
TABLE OF CONTENTS [1]
CHAPTER 1 – INTRODUCTION
|
|
|
|
1.1
|
Overview
|
[1]
|
|
1.2
|
Genesis of the present eight applications –
antecedent applications to the National Native Title
Tribunal
(a) Wongatha (b) Mantjintjarra
Ngalia (c) Koara (d) Wutha (e) Cosmo
Newberry (f) Maduwongga (g) Ngalia Kutjungkatja 1 (h) Ngalia
Kutjungkatja 2
|
[16]
[18] [40] [42] [45] [47] [49] [54] [57]
|
|
1.3
|
Forms of application and points of claim
|
[60]
|
|
1.4
|
Respondents to the Wongatha Claim and their legal
representatives
|
[62]
|
|
1.5
|
Principal provisions of the NTA and some general principles of
law
|
[65]
|
|
1.6
|
Sovereignty
|
[112]
|
|
1.7
|
Structure and other aspects of these reasons
|
[113]
|
CHAPTER 2 – THE CLAIMS: OVERVIEW
|
|
Para
|
|
2.1
|
The Wongatha Claim (WAG 6005/98)
(a) The Wongatha Claim area (b) The Wongatha Claim group (c) The
native title rights and interests claimed (d) The factual basis of the
Wongatha Claim
(e) Wongatha claimants’ connection with the Wongatha Claim
area (f) Sections 47, 47A, 47B and 61A of the
NTA (g) Authorisation
|
[120]
[121] [126] [136] [138] [140] [141] [142]
|
|
2.2
|
The Mantjintjarra Ngalia Claim (WAG 6069/98)
(a) The MN Claim area (b) The MN Claim group (c) The native title
rights and interests claimed
|
[143]
[143] [150] [156]
|
|
2.3
|
The Koara Claim (WAG 6008/98)
(a) The Koara Claim area (b) The Koara Claim group (c) The native
title rights and interests claimed (d) The factual basis of the Koara
Claim
|
[159]
[160] [165] [170] [172]
|
|
2.4
|
The Wutha Claim (WAG 6064/98)
(a) The Wutha Claim group (b) The Wutha Claim area (c) The native
title rights and interests claimed (d) The factual basis of the Wutha
Claim
|
[176]
[180] [185] [189] [191]
|
|
2.5
|
The Cosmo Newberry Claim (WAG 144/98)
(a) The Cosmo Claim group (b) The Cosmo Claim area (c) The native
title rights and interests claimed (d) The Cosmo claimants’ connection
to the Cosmo Claim area
|
[195]
[210] [216] [224] [226]
|
|
2.6
|
The Maduwongga Claim (WAG 76/97)
(a) The Maduwongga Claim group (b) The Maduwongga Claim area (c) The
native title rights and interests claimed (d) The factual basis of the
Maduwongga Claim and the
Maduwongga claimants’ connection to the Maduwongga Claim area
|
[228]
[243] [251] [252] [253]
|
|
2.7
|
The NK 1 Claim (WAG 6001/00) and The NK 2
Claim (WAG 6001/02)
(a) The NK 1 and NK 2 Claim areas (b) The NK 1 and
NK 2 Claim groups (c) The native title rights and interests
claimed (d) Authorisation
|
[254]
[256] [258] [271] [273]
|
|
2.8
|
Amendment made to the registration test by the Amending
NTA
|
[278]
|
|
2.9
|
A comparison of the criteria for membership of the eight Claim
groups
|
[283]
|
CHAPTER 3 – GENERAL ISSUES PERTAINING TO ALL
CLAIMS
|
|
Para
|
|
3.0
|
Introduction and overview
(a) Lateness of the written record
(b) The difficulty of proving claims to land by various groupings of
semi-nomadic people
(c) The various Claim areas are large
(d) Post-sovereignty migration
(e) Basing a claim on a normative Western Desert Cultural Bloc
(‘WDCB’) ‘society’
(f) Dispute as to the western extent of the WDCB
(g) Claim groups claiming group rights and interests
(h) Overlapping and competing claims
(i) Continued acknowledgment and observance by a group
(j) Authorisation a problem for some groups
|
[293]
[294] [297]
[300] [301] [304]
[308] [310] [321] [323] [334]
|
|
3.1
|
Onus of proof in respect of various issues
|
[335]
|
|
3.2
|
The extent to which the respective Claim groups are confined to their
case as put in the Form 1, in counsel’s opening and
as presented at
the hearing
|
[354]
|
|
3.3
|
Relevance and importance of lay evidence
(a) The lay evidence generally
(b) Men’s Restricted Evidence
(c) Women’s Restricted Evidence
(d) Issues with respect to lay evidence
|
[364] [375] [384] [386]
|
|
3.4
|
The proper role of expert evidence
|
[395]
|
|
3.5
|
Expert testimony in general
(a) Weight of expert anthropological evidence (b) Weight of expert
historical evidence (c) Weight of other expert evidence
(1) Linguists
(2) Ethnobotanist
(3) Archaeologist
|
[404]
[409] [433]
[447] [457] [469]
|
|
3.6
|
The Western Desert Cultural Bloc (WDCB)
(aa) General
(1) Origin of the expression and concept
(2) De Rose
(a)(b) Geographical extent and migration; Geographical co-incidence: Claim
areas and WDCB
(1) Introduction
(2) The impact of migration on the western boundary of the WDCB
(3) Geographical extent/migration – anthropological
writings
- (i) David
Sanderson McDonald
- (ii) Daisy
Bates
- (iii) Professor
AP Elkin
- (iv) Professor
Tindale
- (v) Professor
Berndt
- (vi) Professor
Robert Tonkinson
- (vii) Dr John
Stanton
- (viii) Dr W
Christensen
- (ix) David
Horton
- (x) Phillip
Toyne and Daniel Vachon
- (xi) Dr Lee
Sackett
(4) Geographical extent/migration – the anthropological
testimony
(5) Conclusions on geographical extent/migration
(c) Characteristics of the WDCB
(1) Is the WDCB a society with regional variations or does it consist of
regional societies with cultural similarities?
(2) Laws, customs, beliefs and practices of the WDCB
- (i) Professor AP
Elkin
- (ii) Professor
and Dr Berndt
- (iii) Toyne and
Vachon
- (iv) The
participating anthropologists’ joint report
- (v) Other
matters
(3) Traditional groupings within the WDCB
(4) The aggregation or pooling of ‘my country’ areas in the
present case
(5) General issues relating to acknowledgment and observance
- (i) Acknowledgment
and observance as distinct from knowledge
- (ii) A practice
or activity dictated otherwise than by an intention to acknowledge or observe
(the question of the inference of attribution)
- (iii) How is
acknowledgment and observance by a ‘group’ to be proved?
- (iv) How many
traditional laws and customs must be shown to be still acknowledged and
observed?
- (v) What is the
appropriate measure of acknowledgment and observance?
- (vi) What was
the level of acknowledgment and observance in 1829, and what is the level of
acknowledgment and observance that should
be looked for today?
- (vii) Acknowledgment
and observance by the Claim groups not to be decided
(d) Whether the WDCB is a basis of a normative system,
and if so, to whom and to what area does that system apply
(e) The Western Desert and the Claim groups
(f) Languages – whether important and if so what the significance of
language is
|
[495] [500]
[540]
[550]
[554] [562] [575] [602] [622] [652] [658] [663] [664] [665] [667]
[670]
[699]
[706]
[710]
[739] [741] [794] [797] [799] [813]
[828]
[880]
[933]
[935]
[948]
[955]
[962]
[970]
[972]
[976]
[979]
[1004]
[1024]
|
|
3.7
|
The Wongatha Claim area: Relevant European history
(a) Explorers
(b) Mining discoveries and associated developments
(c) Government administrators – ration depots, police, the
Protector of Aborigines
(d) Pastoral industry
(e) Missionary activities/the Mount Margaret Mission
|
[1043]
[1046]
[1063]
[1078]
[1103]
[1114]
|
|
3.8
|
Meaning of ‘communal’, ‘group’ and
‘individual’ in s 223(1) of the NTA, and the relationship between
those terms
|
[1129]
|
CHAPTER 4 – THE WONGATHA CLAIM
4.0
|
Introduction and Overview
|
Para
[1166]
|
4.1
|
Evidence of compliance with s 61 of the NTA
|
[1068]
|
|
4.2
|
Relevant society at the time of sovereignty
(‘the ancestral society’)
|
[1271]
|
|
4.3
|
Relevant laws and customs at the time of sovereignty
|
[1293]
|
|
4.4
|
Meaning of ‘communal’, ‘group’ and
‘individual’ in s 223(1) of the NTA, and the relationship between
those terms
|
[1303]
|
|
4.5
|
Rights and interests held at the time of sovereignty
|
[1304]
|
|
4.6
|
The applicant group and the relevant society
(a) Membership criteria (b) Relationship with the ancestral
society (c) Relationship with other Claim groups
(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising the native
title
|
[1319] [1392] [1403] [1433]
|
|
4.7
|
Relevant traditional laws and customs
(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still
acknowledged and observed; Acknowledgment and observance of laws and
customs by
the members of the applicant group and their ancestors since sovereignty
(1) Acknowledgment/observance of men’s law
(2) Acknowledgment/observance of women’s law
(3) Acknowledgment/observance of Tjukurr/Tjukurrpa (‘The
Dreaming’)
(4) Acknowledgment/observance of the concept of ngurra/ngurrara
(country)
(5) Acknowledgment/observance of the concept of pika ngurlu
(6) Acknowledgment/observance of gender restricted knowledge and
protocols
(7) Observance/understanding of the section system or similar principles
(‘skins’)
(8) Common kinship system
(9) Acknowledgment and usage in varying degrees of Wongatha language
(10) Acknowledgment and acquisition of a personal ‘Dreaming’
(totem)
|
[1440]
[1452] [1509] [1513]
[1569]
[1609]
[1665]
[1684]
[1722] [1742]
[1754]
|
|
(11) Personal relationship laws and customs
(i) Avoidance of the use of the names of deceased individuals
(ii) The practice of wartulku (passing on the name of
grandparent)
(iii) In-law avoidance
(iv) Customary food preparation/sharing
(v) Burial/reburial and other practices associated with death
(vi) Marry far away
(vii) Greeting, assertion and acknowledgment
(viii) Hold, receive and pass on knowledge; instruct and educate
|
[1766] [1768]
[1793]
[1802] [1813] [1853]
[1869] [1872] [1873]
|
|
4.8
|
Relevant Connection to the Claim area – s 223(1)(b) of the
NTA
- (a) Section
223(1)(b) of the NTA and the meaning of ‘connection’
- (b) Connection
of members of Claim group to claimed areas
- (c) Continuity
of connection back to sovereignty
|
[1876] [1888] [1903]
|
|
4.9
|
Rights and interests asserted to be held under traditional laws and
customs
|
[1908]
|
|
4.10
|
Whether such rights are ‘in relation to lands and
waters’
|
[1908]
|
|
4.11
|
Whether such rights are ‘possessed under traditional laws
acknowledged and customs observed’
|
[1908]
|
|
4.12
|
|
[1909]
|
|
4.13
|
Conclusions: Common law holders, rights and interests and determination
area
|
[1909]
|
CHAPTER 5 – THE MANTJINTJARRA NGALIA CLAIM
|
|
Para
|
|
5.0
|
Introduction and overview
|
[1912]
|
|
5.1
|
Evidence of compliance with s 61 of the NTA
|
[1924]
|
|
5.2
|
Relevant society at the time of sovereignty (‘the
ancestral society’)
|
[1925]
|
|
5.3
|
Relevant laws and customs at the time of sovereignty
|
[2004]
|
|
5.4
|
Rights and interests held at the time of sovereignty
|
[2009]
|
|
5.5
|
The applicant group and the relevant society
(a) Membership criteria (b) Relationship with the ancestral
society (c) Relationship with other Claim groups
(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising the native
title
|
[2012]
[2013] [2031] [2033] [2046]
|
|
5.6
|
Relevant traditional laws and customs
(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still
acknowledged and observed; Acknowledgment and observance of laws and
customs by
the members of the applicant group and their ancestors since sovereignty
(1) Tjukurr
(2) Ngurra
(3) Residence
(4) Travelling over the area and camping at particular sites
(5) Knowing and using waterholes
(6) Further activities showing custom and traditions
6.1 Acknowledgment/observance of men’s law
6.2 Acknowledgment/observance of women’s law
6.3 Acknowledgment/observance of Tjukurr/Tjukurrpa (‘the
Dreaming’)
6.4 Acknowledgment/observance of the concept of ngurra/ngurrara
(country)
6.5 Acknowledgment/observance of the concept of pika ngurlu
6.6 Acknowledgment/observance of gender restricted knowledge and
protocols
6.7 Observance/understanding of the section system or similar principles
(‘skins’)
6.8 Common kinship system
6.9 Acknowledgment and usage in varying degrees of Mantjintjarra or
Wongatha language
6.10 Acknowledgment and acquisition of a personal ‘Dreaming’
(totem)
|
[2051]
[2057] [2093] [2135] [2142]
[2166] [2171] [2173]
[2206]
[2210]
[2211]
[2212]
[2232]
[2237]
[2243] [2251]
[2265]
|
|
6.11 Personal relationship laws and customs including:
(i) Avoidance of the names of deceased individuals
(ii) The practice of wartulku (passing on the name of a
grandparent)
(iii) In-law avoidance
(iv) Customary food preparation/sharing practices
(v) Burial/reburial and other practices associated with death
(vi) Marry far away
(vii) Greeting, assertion and acknowledgment
(viii) Hold, receive and pass on knowledge; instruct and educate
(7) Inherit, dispose of land and acquire interests in land
(8) Speak for country, ie manage, control, make decisions about, protect
and care for sites
(9) Occupy, use, travel, live on land and use resources
|
[2274]
[2282]
[2285] [2298]
[2310]
[2324] [2329]
[2349]
[2356]
[2369]
[2373]
|
|
5.7
|
Relevant Connection to the Claim area – s 223(1)(b) of the
NTA
(a)(b) Connection of members of the Claim group to the Claim areas;
Continuity of connection back to sovereignty
|
[2379]
|
|
5.8
|
Rights and interests asserted to be held under traditional laws and
customs
|
[2391]
|
|
5.9
|
Whether such rights are ‘in relation to lands and
waters’
|
[2391]
|
|
5.10
|
Whether such rights are ‘possessed under traditional laws
acknowledged and customs observed’
|
[2391]
|
|
5.11
|
|
[2392]
|
|
5.12
|
Conclusions: Common law holders, rights and interests and determination
area
|
[2393]
|
CHAPTER 6 – THE KOARA CLAIM
|
|
Para
|
|
6.0
|
Introduction and Overview
|
[2395]
|
|
6.1
|
Evidence of compliance with s 61 of the NTA
|
[2410]
|
|
6.2
|
Relevant society at the time of sovereignty (‘the
ancestral society’)
|
[2435]
|
|
6.3
|
Relevant laws and customs at the time of sovereignty
|
[2461]
|
|
6.4
|
Rights and interests held at the time of sovereignty
|
[2464]
|
|
6.5
|
The applicant group and the relevant society
(a) Membership criteria (b) Relationship with the ancestral
society (c) Relationship with other Claim groups
(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising the native
title
|
[2470] [2497] [2501] [2522]
|
|
6.6
|
Relevant traditional laws and customs
(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still
acknowledged and observed; Acknowledgment and observance of laws and
customs by
the members of the applicant group and their ancestors since sovereignty
- Tjukurr
and ngurra
- Residence
- Travelling
and camping
- Knowing
and using waterholes
- Hunting,
collecting bush foods and preparing medicines from plants and other
materials
- Making
implements and artefacts and erecting shelters
- Conducting
and participating in ceremonies and law business
- Exchanging
and dealing in materials
- Instructing
children in the law and culture, rules about connection to country
- Traditional
burial and reburial practices
- Inheriting
from ancestors and transmitting to younger generations, native title rights and
interests
|
[2533]
[2535] [2552] [2560] [2571] [2582]
[2593]
[2603]
[2640] [2644]
[2664] [2673]
|
|
6.7
|
Relevant Connection to the Claim area – s 223(1)(b) of the
NTA
(a)(b) Connection of members of the Claim group to claimed areas;
Continuity of connection back to sovereignty
|
[2687]
|
|
6.8
|
Rights and interests asserted to be held under
traditional laws and custom
|
[2711]
|
|
6.9
|
Whether such rights are ‘in relation to lands and
waters’
|
[2711]
|
|
6.10
|
Whether Such Rights are ‘Possessed Under Traditional Laws
Acknowledged and Customs Observed’
|
[2711]
|
|
6.11
|
|
[2712]
|
|
6.12
|
Conclusions: Common law holders, rights and interests and determination
area
|
[2713]
|
CHAPTER 7 – THE WUTHA CLAIM
|
|
Para
|
|
7.0
|
Introduction and Overview
|
[2715]
|
|
7.1
|
Evidence of compliance with s 61 of the NTA
|
[2727]
|
|
7.2
|
Relevant society at the time of sovereignty (‘the
ancestral society’)
|
[2739]
|
|
7.3
|
Relevant laws and customs at the time of sovereignty
|
[2741]
|
|
7.4
|
Rights and interests held at the time of sovereignty
|
[2743]
|
|
7.5
|
The applicant group and the relevant society
(a) Membership criteria (b) Relationship with the ancestral
society (c) Relationship with other Claim groups
(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising the native
title
|
[2745] [2771] [2774] [2778]
|
|
7.6
|
Relevant traditional laws and customs
(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still
acknowledged and observed; Acknowledgment and observance of laws and
customs by
the members of the applicant group and their ancestors since sovereignty
(1) Tjukurr
(2) Ngurra
(3) Residence
(4) Travelling and camping
(5) Knowing and using waterholes
(6) Hunting, collecting bush foods and preparing medicines from plants and
other materials
(7) Making implements and artefacts and erecting shelters
(8) Conducting and participating in ceremonies and law business
(9) Caring for and maintaining country, caring for sites of ceremonial or
spiritual significance and knowing important Wutha places
and their names
(10) Exchanging and dealing in materials
(11) Instructing children in the Law and culture, rules about connection to
country
(12) Speaking and/or understanding the Wutha dialect and Wutha words and
associated Western Desert dialects and words
(13) Traditional burial and re-burial practices
(14) Inheriting from ancestors, transmitting to younger generations, native
title rights and interests
|
[2779]
[2780] [2798] [2803] [2805] [2807] [2810]
[2823]
[2825]
[2832]
[2839] [2840]
[2845]
[2850] [2855]
|
|
7.7
|
Relevant Connection to the Claim area – s 223(1)(b) of the
NTA
(a)(b) Connection of members of the applicant group to claimed areas;
Continuity of connection back to sovereignty
|
[2862]
|
|
7.8
|
Rights and interests asserted to be held under traditional laws and
customs
|
[2863]
|
|
7.9
|
Whether such rights are ‘in relation to lands and
waters’
|
[2863]
|
|
7.10
|
Whether such rights are ‘possessed under traditional laws
acknowledged and customs observed’
|
[2863]
|
|
7.11
|
|
[2864]
|
|
7.12
|
Conclusions: Common law holders, rights and interests and determination
area
|
[2864]
|
CHAPTER 8 – THE COSMO NEWBERRY CLAIM
|
|
Para nos
|
|
8.0
|
Introduction and overview
|
[2867]
|
|
8.1
|
Evidence of compliance with s 61 of the NTA
|
[2894]
|
|
8.2
|
Relevant society at the time of sovereignty (‘the
ancestral society’)
|
[3017]
|
|
8.3
|
Relevant laws and customs at the time of sovereignty
|
[3029]
|
|
8.4
|
Rights and interests held at the time of sovereignty
|
[3030]
|
|
8.5
|
The applicant group and the relevant society
(a) Membership criteria (b) Relationship with the ancestral
society (c) Relationship with other Claim groups
(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising the native
title
|
[3031] [3048] [3057] [3075]
|
|
8.6
|
Relevant traditional laws and customs
(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still
acknowledged and observed; Acknowledgment and observance of laws and
customs by
the members of the applicant group and their ancestors since sovereignty
- (1) Tjukurrpa/Dreaming
and Dreaming Law
- (2) Personal
Dreamings
- (3) Ritual
- (4) Dealing with
death
- (5) Names and
naming
- (6) Infanticide
- (7) Adoption
- (8) Kinship
terms
- (9) Sections and
section system/marriage
- (10) Claims to
country
- (11) Knowledge
of country
|
[3089]
[3095] [3113] [3131] [3158] [3179] [3189] [3195] [3208] [3220] [3241] [3291]
|
|
- (12) Looking
after country
- (13) Gaining and
extending access to country
- (14) Preparing,
cooking, butchering and sharing kangaroo
- (15) Language
- (16) Female
initiatory rites
- (17) Sanctions/transgressions
- (18) Alternate
generational levels
|
[3297] [3306] [3317]
[3329] [3337] [3338] [3350]
|
|
8.7
|
Relevant Connection to the Claim area – s 223(1)(b) of the
NTA
(a)(b) Connection of members of the applicant group to claimed areas;
Continuity of connection back to sovereignty
|
[3354]
|
|
8.8
|
Rights and interests asserted to be held under traditional laws and
customs
|
[3355]
|
|
8.9
|
Whether such rights are ‘in relation to lands and
waters’
|
[3355]
|
|
8.10
|
Whether such rights are ‘possessed under traditional laws
acknowledged and customs observed’
|
[3355]
|
|
8.11
|
|
[3356]
|
|
8.12
|
Conclusions: Common law holders, rights and interests and determination
area
|
[3357]
|
CHAPTER 9 – THE MADUWONGGA CLAIM
|
|
Para
|
|
9.0
|
Introduction and overview
|
[3359]
|
|
9.1
|
Evidence of compliance with s 61 of the NTA
|
[3373]
|
|
9.2
|
Relevant society at the time of sovereignty
(‘the ancestral society’)
|
[3433]
|
|
9.3
|
Relevant laws and customs at the time of sovereignty
|
[3483]
|
|
9.4
|
Rights and interests held at the time of sovereignty
|
[3495]
|
|
9.5
|
The applicant group and the relevant society
(a) Membership criteria (b) Relationship with the ancestral
society (c) Relationship with other Claim groups
(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising the native
title
|
[3500] [3507] [3533] [3558]
|
|
9.6
|
Relevant traditional laws and customs
(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still
acknowledged and observed; Acknowledgment and observance of laws and
customs by
the members of the applicant group and their ancestors since sovereignty
- (1) Tjukurrpa
- (2) Grandparents
teaching grandchildren
- (3) Elders
responsible for decisions about country
- (4) Mortuary
rites
- (5) (6) Customs
of food preparation and sharing; Customs of hunting and gathering foods
traditionally hunted and gathered
- (7) Frequenting
a ‘run’ ... and visiting family and friends
- (8) Connection
of individuals to their places of birth and conception and to places to which
their ancestors were connected
- (9) Totems
- (10) Initiation
- (11) Corroborees
- (12) Skin names
– marriage rules
- (13) Aboriginal
name
- (14) Language
- (15) Places to
avoid (pika ngurlu)
- (16) Ritual for
approaching sites
|
[3561]
[3565] [3572] [3581] [3586] [3599]
[3606]
[3616]
[3631] [3634] [3641] [3644] [3652] [3653] [3662] [3666]
|
9.7
|
Relevant Connection to the Claim area – s 223(1)(b) of the
NTA
(a)(b) Connection of members of the applicant group to claimed areas;
Continuity of connection back to sovereignty
|
[3674]
|
|
9.8
|
Rights and interests asserted to be held under traditional laws and
customs
|
[3675]
|
|
9.9
|
Whether such rights are ‘in relation to lands and
waters’
|
[3675]
|
|
9.10
|
Whether such rights are ‘possessed under traditional laws
acknowledged and customs observed’
|
[3675]
|
|
9.11
|
|
[3676]
|
|
9.12
|
Conclusions: Common law holders, rights and interests and determination
area
|
[3676]
|
CHAPTER 10 – THE NGALIA KUTJKUNGKATJA
CLAIMS
(Ngalia Kutjungkatja No 1 and Ngalia Kutjungkatja
No 2)
|
|
Para
|
|
10.0
|
Introduction and Overview
|
[3678]
|
|
10.1
|
Evidence of compliance with s 61 of the NTA
|
[3697]
|
|
10.2
|
Relevant society at the time of sovereignty (‘the
ancestral society’)
|
[3751]
|
|
10.3
|
Relevant laws and customs at the time of sovereignty
|
[3788]
|
|
10.4
|
Rights and interests held at the time of sovereignty
|
[3788]
|
|
10.5
|
The applicant group and the relevant society
(a) Membership criteria (b) Relationship with the ancestral
society (c) Relationship with other Claim groups
(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising the native
title
|
[3789] [3795] [3796] [3827]
|
|
10.6
|
Relevant traditional laws and customs
(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still
acknowledged and observed; Acknowledgment and observance of laws and
customs by
the members of the applicant group and their ancestors since sovereignty
- (1) Terms for
country
- (2) Descent from
ancestors connected to the area
- (3) Adoption
- (4) Birth or
conception in the area
- (5) Traditional
religious and spiritual knowledge of the area and knowledge of traditional
rituals and ceremonies of the area
- (i) Knowledge of
Tjukurrpa sites and stories, and the nature of connection created by such
knowledge
- (ii) Initiated
men
- (iii) Knowledge
and interest of other members of the claim groups
- (iv) Ceremonies
- (v) Relevant
connections to overlap area
- (6) Men’s
law
- (7) Women’s
law and restriction of some knowledge due to gender
- (8) Ceremony
- (9) Traditional
knowledge of the geography of the area
- (10) The
occupation and use of the area according to tradition and custom by:
- (i) Maintaining
a primary association and a spiritual connection, occupancy and use of the
area;
- (ii) Continuous
access and use of the area in order to access its traditional resources such as
water, stones, ochre, timber, bush
tucker, bush medicines, flora and fauna;
- (iii) Continuous
practice of environmental values within the area,
- (11) Other laws
and customs referred to in evidence
- (i) Pika
Ngurlu
- (ii) Skin and
kinship system and marriage rules
- (iii) Language
- (iv) Avoidance
of names of deceased people
- (v) Naming of
children
- (vi) Food
preparation and sharing
- (vii) Punishment
for breaking the law
|
[3838]
[3831] [3842] [3852] [3855] [3866]
[3868]
[3883] [3887]
[3896] [3903] [3908] [3921]
[3927] [3936]
[3941]
[3951]
[3956]
[3957] [3958] [3964]
[3972] [3977] [3978] [3980] [3981]
|
|
10.7
|
Relevant Connection to the Claim area – s 223(1)(b) of the
NTA
(a)(b) Connection of members of the applicant group to claimed areas;
Continuity of connection back to sovereignty
|
[3989]
|
|
10.8
|
Rights and interests asserted to be held under traditional laws and
customs
|
[3990]
|
|
10.9
|
Whether such rights are ‘in relation to lands and
waters’
|
[3990]
|
10.10
|
Whether such rights are ‘possessed under traditional laws
acknowledged and customs observed’
|
[3990]
|
|
10.11
|
|
[3992]
|
10.12
|
Conclusions: Common law holders, rights and interests and determination
area
|
[3993]
|
CHAPTER 11 – CONCLUSIONS [3996]
ANNEXURES
|
|
A
|
Map of Wongatha Claim area and areas that are the subject of the seven
overlapping claims
|
B
|
List of the 35 applications for determination of native title
|
C
|
Schedule of the 93 claimants who testified, by applicant group (based on
the LIPs)
|
D
|
Copy of the map of the Cosmo Claim area annexed to the Cosmo Form 1,
showing the locations of the four Aboriginal Reserves
|
E
|
Map of five possible determination areas
|
F
|
Summary paraphrases of the indigenous witnesses’ first person
testimony, in alphabetical sequence by the witness names
|
|
IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT
REGISTRY
|
WAG 6005 OF 1998 WAG 6018/98, WAG 6021/98, WAG
6029/98, WAG 6034/98, WAG 6036/98, WAG 6039/98, WAG
6049/98, WAG 6062/98, WAG 6063/98, WAG 6066/98, WAG
6067/98, WAG 6086/98, WAG 6104/98, WAG 6108/98, WAG
6144/98, WAG 6147/98, WAG 6166/98, WAG 6187/98, WAG
6197/98
|
|
|
RON HARRINGTON-SMITH, LEO THOMAS,
CYRIL BARNES & OTHERS ON BEHALF OFTHE WONGATHA
PEOPLEAPPLICANTS
|
|
AND:
|
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA &
OTHERSRESPONDENTS
|
|
IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT
REGISTRY
|
WAD 144 OF 1998
|
|
BETWEEN:
|
HARVEY MURRAY (COSMO NEWBERRY
CLAIM) APPLICANT
|
|
AND:
|
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS RESPONDENTS
|
|
IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT
REGISTRY
|
WAD 6069 OF 1998
|
|
BETWEEN:
|
PHYLLlS THOMAS & ORS (MANTJINTJARRA NGALIA
CLAIM) APPLICANTS
|
|
AND:
|
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS RESPONDENTS
|
|
IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT
REGISTRY
|
WAD 6008 OF 1998
|
|
BETWEEN:
|
RICHARD GUY EVANS & ORS (KOARA CLAIM) APPLICANTS
|
|
AND:
|
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS RESPONDENTS
|
|
IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT
REGISTRY
|
WAD 6064 OF 1998
|
|
BETWEEN:
|
JUNE ASHWIN & ORS (WUTHA CLAIM) APPLICANTS
|
|
AND:
|
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS RESPONDENTS
|
|
IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT
REGISTRY
|
WAD 76 OF 1997
|
|
BETWEEN:
|
MARJORIE MAY STRICKLAND AND ANNE JOYCE NUDDING (MADUWONGGA
CLAIM) APPLICANTS
|
|
AND:
|
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS RESPONDENTS
|
|
IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT
REGISTRY
|
WAD 6011 OF 2000
|
|
BETWEEN:
|
DOLLY WALKER AND KADO MUIR (NGALIA KUTJUNGKATJA NO 1
CLAIM) APPLICANTS
|
|
AND:
|
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS RESPONDENTS
|
|
IN THE FEDERAL COURT OF AUSTRALIA WESTERN AUSTRALIA DISTRICT
REGISTRY
|
WAD 6001 OF 2002
|
|
BETWEEN:
|
DOLLY WALKER (NGALIA KUTJUNGKATJA NO 2
CLAIM) APPLICANT
|
|
AND:
|
STATE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA & OTHERS RESPONDENTS
|
REASONS FOR JUDGMENT (No 9)
CHAPTER 1 – INTRODUCTION
1.1 OVERVIEW
- There
are before the Court eight overlapping applications for determination of native
title.
- The
applicants (‘the Wongatha applicants’) apply under s 61 of the
Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) (‘the NTA’) for a determination
of native title in relation to an area of some 159,048.165 km2
(‘the Wongatha Claim area’). The location can be referred to as the
Western Australian Goldfields. The Wongatha applicants
apply on behalf of
persons whom they call ‘the Wongatha People’.
- The
case also concerns overlapping claims by seven other groups. The applicants in
these claims are respondents in the Wongatha proceeding.
Nonetheless, I will
refer to them as ‘Koara applicants’, ‘Wutha applicants’,
and so on. The expression
‘claimants’ refers to all those
individuals, including the applicants, who are members of a claim group, that is
to say,
a group on whose behalf a claim is made. I will use such expressions as
‘Wongatha Claim group’. Accordingly, the Maduwongga
Claim group, for
example, consists of the Maduwongga claimants, including the Maduwongga
applicants. The expression ‘native
title claim group’ is defined in
the NTA (see ss 61(1) and 253, and [72] below) to mean the actual holders
of a particular native title claimed, but I will use the terms ‘claim
group’
and ‘Claim group’ to refer to the group of claimants on
whose behalf an application is made.
- Originally
the Wongatha Claim area was larger than it is now, comprising some
183,779.163 km2 (according to The Times Comprehensive
Atlas of the World (11th ed, Time Books, London, 2003),
Victoria has an area of approximately 227,416 km2 and
Tasmania an area of 68,401 km2). The easternmost boundary of
the original area of the Wongatha Claim was as far east as 127o
longitude, relatively close to, but to the west of, the South Australian
border, which is at 129o longitude By an amendment made pursuant to
s 64(1A) of the NTA on 22 October 2002, areas totalling
24,731.021 km2, which were then the subject of four overlapping
applications for determination of native title, were excised (s 64(1A)
permits amendment of an application to reduce the area of land or waters covered
by it). Nearly all of the area excised was the
easternmost (approximately
rectangular) part of the original Wongatha Claim area and comprised some
24,398.631 km2. That area was the subject of an overlapping
application which had been filed on 12 August 2002, during the course of
the hearing,
on behalf of ‘the Pilki People’ (WAD 6002/02).
The other three areas excised were small and were the subject of
the following
overlapping claims: the Sir Samuel No 2 Claim (WAD 6059/98), the
Gubrun Claim (WAD 2/98) and the Kalamaia
Kabu(d)n Claim (WAD 6216/98).
After the reduction in the Wongatha Claim area, the four Claims mentioned no
longer overlapped
the Wongatha Claim, but the seven to which I referred earlier
still did so. Since the excision of the Pilki area, the easternmost
boundary of
the Wongatha Claim area is at 125.69o longitude.
- The
southern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area is some 85 km as the crow
flies north of Kalgoorlie-Boulder, the point on that
boundary nearest to
Kalgoorlie being almost due north of it. The Goldfields Highway runs from that
city in a generally northerly
direction through Menzies and Leonora (both within
the Wongatha Claim area) and on to Leinster and Wiluna (both beyond and to the
northwest of it). Another important road within the Wongatha Claim area runs
from Leonora in an east-north-easterly direction to
Laverton, and then, as the
‘Great Central Road’, from Laverton through Cosmo Newberry and out
of the Wongatha Claim area
to Warburton.
- A
substantial part, I estimate the eastern one half to two thirds. of the Wongatha
Claim area is desert (or ‘Spinifex’)
country and is not used for
commercial purposes. Much of the remainder (the western one third to one half)
is characterised by mulga,
rockholes and breakaways, and is used for pastoral
activity (sheep and cattle) and mining (gold and nickel). Most, but not all,
of
the places which indigenous witnesses identified as places where roaming,
camping, hunting and gathering have taken place or still
take place are in that
western one third to one half.
- The
Court heard lay evidence on claimants’ ‘connection’ to the
Claim areas at Kalgoorlie, Leonora and Laverton,
at Aboriginal communities at
Mount Margaret, Mulga Queen and Cosmo Newberry, and at particular sites
‘on country’. Some
indigenous connection evidence was heard in
‘closed’ session, because of cultural considerations pertaining to
gender.
The Court heard expert testimony on ‘connection’, all
extinguishment evidence, and submissions in Perth.
- The
hearing has been long and complex. This is indicated by the following
statistics (The figures do not include submissions on extinguishment,
which I do
not need to
consider):
|
Number of pages of transcript:
|
16,926 or 16,928*
|
|
Number of days on which the Court sat (often for extended hours):
|
99 or 100*
|
|
Average daily number of pages of transcript:
|
169.28 or 170.97*
|
|
Number of witnesses who testified orally:
|
149
|
|
Number of affidavits read without the deponent being called:
|
43
|
|
Number of exhibits:
|
265
|
|
Number of volumes of experts’ reports (see [12]):
|
34
|
|
Number of pages in experts’ reports:
|
2,817
|
|
Number of lists of objections to experts’ reports:
|
77
|
|
Number of objections to experts’ reports:
|
1,426
|
|
Number of documentary submissions or volumes of submissions:
|
97
|
|
Number of pages of written submissions (including appendices and
annexures):
|
8,087
|
|
Number of pages of appendices and annexures included in the written
submissions:
|
3,708
|
|
Number of pages of written submissions excluding appendices and
annexures:
|
4,379
|
* Day 100 lasted one minute and consisted of a notation, within half
a page of transcript, that the listing of the matter on that day had
been
rendered otiose.
- Several
factors contributed to the length of the hearing and of the time taken to
produce these reasons. The most significant of
these was the number of
overlapping applications, themselves over large areas. I have heard, not only
the Wongatha Claim, but also
the seven overlapping Claims to the extent of
their overlaps with the Wongatha Claim. The Claims were in the dockets of
various Judges, including myself, and we decided that it was desirable to hear,
as the ‘lead
Claim’, the one with the maximum number of overlaps.
To have done otherwise would have required the Wongatha claimants, for
example,
to run their case several times. However, the burden of having to hear and
determine eight separate native title applications
has been great. The Wongatha
Claim area and the areas that are the subject of the seven overlapping claims
are shown on the map
which is Annexure A to these reasons. As Annexure A
shows, the overlapping Claims are:
Mantjintjarra Ngalia
(‘MN’)
Koara
Wutha
Cosmo Newberry (‘Cosmo’)
Maduwongga
Ngalia Kutjungkatja 1 (‘NK 1’)
Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2 (‘NK 2’) (Annexure A shows only an NK
Claim area, not distinguishing between NK 1 and
NK 2. As will appear
in due course, the NK 2 application was filed during the course of the
hearing, whereupon the NK Claim
became designated as NK 1. The NK 2
Claim area is one and the same as the MN Claim area.)
(I will use the above abbreviations, whether the reference is to a place, an
area, a group, a Claim or a proceeding. For example,
‘Cosmo’ is
always to be read as if ‘Cosmo Newberry’ appeared,
irrespective of context.)
- The
parties estimated that four weeks would be required for the hearing. The dates
19 and 22 February 2002 were allocated
for opening addresses and a
four week period from 4 March 2002 to 28 March 2002 was set aside for the
hearing otherwise. Prior
to the first day, the parties appreciated that this
period was inadequate. A second tranche of seven weeks from 17 June to
2 August 2002 was fixed. The hearing was still not completed, and the
parties thought that a further four weeks would be required.
Accordingly, the
period from 11 November 2002 to 4 December 2002 was assigned, but
still the hearing remained unfinished.
The parties agreed that it would be
completed in a further six weeks. The Wongatha applicants requested that the
hearing not resume
until the next financial year; ie after 30 June 2003,
due to the fact that their budget allocation for 2002-2003 had been used
up.
Even apart from this consideration, the earliest period of six weeks suitable to
the numerous counsel involved was the period
from 4 August 2003 to
12 September 2003. Still, three further days, 8-10 December 2003,
were required to complete
the evidence. That left submissions. A tight
timetable for written outlines was set, to be followed by oral submissions in
March 2004.
Most parties found it difficult, if not impossible, to comply
with the timetable. In the result, a régime was laid down
of full
written submissions, to be followed by brief oral elaboration on them on 8 -
11 June 2004. Since judgment was reserved
(on 11 June 2004) there
have been certain further procedural hearings which need not be discussed.
- While
I have had the considerable benefit of counsel and solicitors who are expert in
native title law and practice, there is an associated
disadvantage: the same
counsel are retained in numerous other native title proceedings. As a result,
when a period fixed proves
inadequate and further time is required, it is
difficult to find early dates convenient to all counsel. That difficulty,
exacerbated
in this case by the number of parties and counsel involved, explains
the sizeable gaps between the tranches of hearing dates.
- Voluminous
reports in fields such as anthropology, history, linguistics, and archaeology
were
filed:
Anthropology
Dr Sandra Pannell
Mr Daniel Vachon
Dr Lee Sackett
Mr Daniel M de Gand
Dr Edward McDonald
Mr Kim Barber
Professor Kenneth Maddock
Dr Ron Brunton
Ms Petronella Vaarzon-Morell
History
Mr Craig Muller
Mr Chris Stronach
Linguistics
Mr Mark Clendon
Dr Bruce Sommer
Archaeology
Professor Peter Veth
Ethno-botany
Mr Apad C Kalotas
‘The Impact of Government Legislation, Practices & Policies
on Aboriginal People’s Connection to ... Country’
Dr Anna Haebich
- I
indicated a disposition to allow an objection to the whole of
Dr Haebich’s report, the tender of which was ultimately
not pressed.
The report of the anthropologist, Ms Petronella Vaarzon-Morell, who was
retained by the Cosmo applicants, was
not relied on, except as expressing a
submission which was adopted by counsel. Professor Maddock, who was retained by
the first
respondent, the State of Western Australia (‘the State’),
died prior to the tranche in which the expert witnesses were
cross-examined on
their reports. However, his report was admitted into evidence. The remaining
13 expert witnesses mentioned were
cross-examined, most of them at length.
- The
reports and supplementary reports numbered 30 (some were by joint authors) and
were contained in 34 volumes, some of them quite
thick. The 1426 evidential
objections to the reports were the subject of my judgment in Harrington-Smith
on behalf of the Wongatha People v Western Australia
(No 7) [2003] FCA 893; (2003) 130 FCR 424 (‘Harrington-Smith v Western
Australia (No 7)’).
- Pursuant
to directions made under Order 34A of the Federal Court Rules
(‘FCRs’), after the filing and service of experts’
reports, but prior to the hearing of the expert evidence, some
(unfortunately
not all) expert witnesses within the same discipline conferred and produced a
joint report identifying areas of agreement
and disagreement. On the hearing,
expert witnesses within the same discipline were sworn in immediate succession
to one another,
and had the opportunity in the witness box to question each
other and to make summary statements of their opinions on the areas of
disagreement. After that process was complete, each expert was cross-examined
and re-examined in the conventional manner.
1.2 GENESIS OF THE PRESENT EIGHT APPLICATIONS – ANTECEDENT APPLICATIONS TO
THE NATIONAL NATIVE TITLE TRIBUNAL
- I
was informed from the bar table that hundreds of applications in respect of
areas in the Goldfields region were filed with the National
Native Title
Tribunal (‘NNTT’) under the NTA as in force before 30 September
1998, the date of commencement of the
Native Title Amendment Act 1998
(Cth) (‘the Amending NTA’). (Where it is necessary to
distinguish between them, I will refer to the NTA as in force before
30 September 1998 as ‘the Old NTA’, and to that as in force on
and after that date as ‘the New NTA’.)
The Amending NTA had the
effect that applications made to the NNTT under the Old NTA which were pending
at 30 September 1998
were taken to have been made to this Court under the
relevant provisions of the New NTA: see the Amending NTA, Schedule 5,
Pt 3 Item 6 and Pt 9 Item 36.
- The
35 applications for determination of native title listed in Annexure B to
these reasons for judgment are the applications
which are, or have generated,
the eight applications that I have heard to the extent that they touch the
Wongatha Claim area. The
first 33 were lodged under the Old NTA. They, or some
of them, were themselves combinations of earlier applications. With the
exception
of Claims 1, 2 and 3 in Annexure B, those first 33 were all
the applications listed that were pending at the commencement
of the Amending
NTA, and which, therefore, were taken to have been made in this Court. Claims
1, 2 and 3 had already been referred
to this Court prior to the commencement of
the amending NTA (as to Claims 1 and 2 see [49] below, and, as to Claim 3 see
[47] below).
(a) Wongatha
- I
turn now to those applications listed in Annexure B which gave rise to the
Wongatha Claim itself. The fourth application listed
in Annexure B
(WC 94/8) was lodged with the NNTT on 11 August 1994 by Leo Winston
Thomas on behalf of Waljen People.
The area the subject of that Waljen Claim is
within what is now the Wongatha Claim area. On 30 September 1998, as a
result
of the operation of the Amending NTA, the Waljen Claim became proceeding
WAG 6005/98 in this Court – the present Wongatha
proceeding.
- On
6 January 1999, following the passing of resolutions at a meeting at the
Maku Stadium, Kalgoorlie, on 18 December 1998
attended by certain members
of certain antecedent claim groups, a notice of motion was filed in the Waljen
proceeding. It sought
an order that the application be amended in the form of
an amended native title determination application said to have been filed
with
the notice of motion; that that document stand as the amended application in the
Waljen proceeding; and that service of the
notice of motion be dispensed with.
It appears that in fact no form of amended application was separately filed, but
there was filed
on 6 January 1999, in support of the motion, an affidavit
of Mark Mony de Kerloy, solicitor, sworn 24 December 1998,
to which
was annexed a form of ‘amended native title determination claimant
application’. There were also filed on 6 January
1999 twelve
supporting affidavits, one by each of the then proposed Wongatha applicants, all
in the same form, purporting to satisfy
the requirements of s 62 of the New
NTA.
- It
will be necessary below to consider in greater detail the events surrounding the
combining of the 20 antecedent applications, including
the Waljen application,
to convert the latter into the present Wongatha application; the authorisation
of the making of the Wongatha
application and subsequent events; and subsequent
amendments of the Wongatha application.
- On
22 January 1999 a Deputy District Registrar ordered that:
- proceeding
WAG 6005/98 (the Waljen proceeding) and 19 other proceedings in the Court
‘be combined’, and that the
20 applications be thenceforth
‘consolidated into one combined application numbered [there followed the
numbers of the 20 proceedings
in this Court, commencing with
‘WAG 6005/98’]’;
- the application
in each of the 20 proceedings be amended in the form of the proposed
amended native title determination application
filed in WAG 6005/98 which
should ‘stand as the amended application in each application, as
combined’;
- the applicants
in the 20 proceedings be amended to become Ron Harrington-Smith, Leo Thomas,
Cyril Barnes, Les Tucker, Dimple Sullivan,
Aubrey Lynch, Elvis Stokes, Pearlie
Wells, Murray Stubbs, Thomashisha Passmore, Thelma O’Loughlin and Sadie
Canning on behalf
of the Wongatha people (the present applicants);
- the
‘combined applications be thereafter referred to as “The Wongatha
Claim”’; and
- ‘for the
purpose of the proceedings in the combined Wongatha Claim, the applicant may be
described as the Wongatha people’.
- Since
the making of those orders, the other 19 antecedent proceedings in the Court
have remained in abeyance, in the sense that documents
have not been filed in
the Court files relating to them, in favour of the progression of the
‘combined proceeding’, WAG 6005/98,
that is to say, the
Wongatha Claim.
- Pursuant
to s 64(4) of the NTA, the Registrar of the Court gave a copy of the
combined application to the Native Title Registrar
(‘NT Registrar’),
who numbered it WC 99/01.
- On
22 February 1999, the Deputy District Registrar ordered that the 20 native
title determination applications mentioned be amended
in terms of the form of a
further amended native title determination application which was annexure
‘MMdK1’ to an affidavit
of Mark Mony de Kerloy sworn 3 February
1999. That document bore the number of this proceeding and the numbers of the
other
nineteen proceedings that had been combined with it.
- On
26 February 1999 the Wongatha Claim was accepted for registration under the
New NTA and entered in the Register of Native
Title Claims. On 16 November
1999, however, Carr J ordered that the NT Registrar’s decision made
on 26 February
1999 be set aside (see Western Australia v Native Title
Registrar [1999] FCA 1593). On 10 February 2000, the Wongatha Claim
was again accepted for registration (at that time the then current Wongatha
Form 1
was dated 1 November 1999).
- On
12 November 1999, Lee J ordered that native title determination
application WG 6005 of 1998 be amended in the form
of amended native title
determination (claimant) application which had, without leave, been filed on
1 November 1999. The document
bore only the number WAG 6005 of
1998.
- The
form of the Wongatha application (Form 1) has been amended several times
since. The latest and current Form 1 is a
form of further amended
application dated 11 April 2003 and filed on 14 April 2003, which is
discussed at 2.1 [124] below.
- The
Wongatha applicants are represented by a representative Aboriginal/Torres Strait
Islander body (‘native title representative
body’ or
‘NTRB’), namely, the Goldfields Land and Sea Council Aboriginal
Corporation (‘GLSC’, at an
earlier time called the ‘Goldfields
Land Council Aboriginal Corporation’, referred to in some documents as
‘GLC’).
- It
was not in dispute that the external boundaries of the Wongatha Claim area were
simply the direct result of the combining of the
areas the subject of the 20
antecedent claims. For example, the easternmost boundary of the Wongatha Claim
area was previously the
easternmost boundary of the easternmost of the 20
antecedent claim areas (that was the area the subject of the Thithee Birni Bunna
Wiya Claim – the eighteenth claim listed in Annexure B). What was
the genesis of the boundaries of those antecedent claim
areas? Apart from two
idiosyncratic inclusions (see 2.1 [121] below), the evidence
touching this question is remarkably unenlightening. The boundaries were not
dictated by features of the
terrain, such as ridges, hills, valleys or streams.
Pastoral lease boundaries explain the choice of what became a small irregular
part of the northern boundary: I infer from the coincidence of the boundaries
of Melrose Station, and part of the northern boundary
of the Wongatha Claim
area, that a decision was taken by someone to exclude that Station.
- The
non-native title claim group respondents submit that the Wongatha Claim area is
an artificial construct, created for the purposes
of the NTA, of
20 heterogeneous areas the subject of 20 heterogeneous claims. In my
opinion, it is not required that a
claim cover the whole of a traditional area
in which native title is held. More important to the ‘artificial
construct’
submission is the fact that the antecedent claim areas were
themselves based on an aggregation of the ‘my country’ areas
of
individuals. This issue lies at the heart of the present case, and much more
will be said about it, in particular, at 3.6(c)(4). For present
purposes, all that needs to be said is that the precise procedure by which the
‘my country’ areas of
individuals were aggregated to give the twenty
separate antecedent claim areas is not revealed by the evidence.
- The
number of and, often, the overlaps between the antecedent claims were found to
give rise to practical difficulties. In particular,
it was difficult for the
State and mining companies to be sure that they were dealing with the
appropriate registered claimants under
the Old NTA. A further difficulty arose
upon the commencement of the Amending NTA on 30 September 1998. The
Amending NTA introduced
a new registration test, applicable to already
registered claims as well as to those yet to be lodged. Under the new test the
inclusion
of a claimant in the native title claim group for more than one claim
meant that once one of the claims was registered, the other
or others would not
satisfy the new registration test (see 2.8 below). A combination of
claims seemed to offer a solution.
- There
was a degree of cooperation relating to native title in the Goldfields that
preceded the combination of the twenty antecedent
claims in January/February
1999, although the evidence relating to it is not precise. In 1996 some of
those who were claiming native
title in the North Eastern Goldfields area
established a ‘North East Goldfields Wongatha Working Group’ to
advance their
interests. The Working Group decided to establish a charitable
trust to be the repository of monies payable by mining companies
as a result of
negotiations in connection with future act applications under the NTA. In about
January 1997, a ‘North East
Independent Body’ (‘NEIB’)
was formed to replace the Working Group. In late 1998, the committee of the
NEIB resolved
that the NEIB be incorporated as a ‘prescribed body
corporate’ under the name ‘NEIB Aboriginal Corporation’
(see
NTA ss 56-57 and 253 (‘prescribed’ and ‘registered native
title body corporate’)), and that a ‘Wongatha
Aboriginal Charitable
Trust’ be established. That Trust was in fact established with Wongatha
Corporation Pty Ltd as trustee,
and the Trust ‘operated’. The NEIB
Aboriginal Corporation was incorporated later, on 30 January 1999. I will
refer
to it also as ‘NEIB’.
- The
meeting at the Maku Stadium, Kalgoorlie on 18 December 1998 to which I
referred at [19], said to have been a meeting of the
unincorporated NEIB, was
convened by the GLSC. The meeting was said to have been attended by
‘representatives’ of existing
native title claim groups. A decision
was taken at that meeting to combine claims.
- According
to the minutes of the meeting, headed ‘Minutes of NEIB Meeting’,
forty individuals were ‘present’
together with a consultant and
certain ‘observers’. The resolutions passed were:
- that the NEIB be
incorporated under the Aboriginal Councils and Associations Act 1976
(Cth);
- that the NEIB
claims (recorded in the minutes as being the Waljen, Ngurludharra/Waljen,
Thithee, Tucker, Tjinintjarra, Brownley, Bibila
Lungutjarra, Cosmo Newberry,
Mundanjarra, Milangka/Purungu, Yulbarri, Mugung, Nardoo, and Youndou claims)
‘unite to form one
combined claim called the Wongatha Claim’;
- that the meeting
was the right occasion on which to decide on the names of the applicants for the
Wongatha Claim; and
- that the names
of those applicants be the following twelve individuals: Ron Harrington-Smith,
Thomasisha Passmore-Skelly, Les Tucker,
Elvis Stokes, Aubrey Lynch, Thelma
O’Loughlin, Leo Thomas, Cyril Barnes, Dimple Sullivan, Pearlie Wells,
Murray Stubbs and
Sadie Canning.
The effect of the meeting
is discussed in some detail at 4.1, where the issue of the authorisation
of the Wongatha applicants to make the present application is dealt with.
- On
6 January 1999, a document headed ‘Amended Native Title Determination
Claimant Application’ dated 24 December
1998 (six days after the
meeting) was filed in the Court in proceeding WAG 6005/98 (which had been
the Waljen Claim proceeding)
with the twelve persons named above shown as
applicants, purporting to be a combination of the 20 claims mentioned, and
purporting
to be made ‘on behalf of the Wongatha people’. The
immediately subsequent history was outlined briefly at [19]–[27] above.
- Against
the above background, it was perhaps to be expected that many, perhaps all, of
the claimants in the new combined Wongatha
Claim, would not be in a position to
profess a connection to every part of the vast Wongatha Claim area. This is in
fact the position.
- I
will refer to the Wongatha Claim in further detail at 2.1 and in
Ch 4.
- What
of the remaining 15 of the 35 applications (referred to in [17] and in
Annexure B)? I will address, first, the other three
claims (MN, Koara,
Wutha) in which the GLSC represents the Claim groups.
- Since
the MN, Koara and Wutha Claim groups, like those in the Wongatha Claim group,
are represented by the GLSC, I will refer to those
four Claim groups as
‘GLSC Claim groups’; to the persons in (members of) them as
‘GLSC claimants’; and
to the named applicants in respect of them as
‘GLSC applicants’.
(b) Mantjintjarra Ngalia
- On
30 September 1998, by the operation of the amending NTA, the twenty-third
proceeding listed in Annexure B (WC 96/20)
became a proceeding in this
Court (WAG 6069/98) (the ‘MN Claim’). The MN Claim, alone of
the Claims before the
Court, has not been amended since the commencement of the
Amending NTA. Part of the north-eastern boundary of the MN Claim area coincides
with the boundaries of certain pastoral stations, such as Carnegie, Prenti
Downs, Windidda, Yelma and Wonganoo.
- I
will refer to the MN Claim in further detail at 2.2 and in
Ch 5.
(c) Koara
- As
appears in Annexure B, the six proceedings which are the fifth, sixth,
ninth, tenth, fourteenth and fifteenth claims there
listed are distinguished by
the name ‘Koara’.
- On
30 September 1998, by the operation of the amending NTA, the fifth
proceeding listed (WC 95/1) became a proceeding in
this Court
(WAG 6008/98), and the sixth, ninth, tenth, fourteenth and fifteenth became
proceedings in this Court under the respective
Court proceeding numbers
indicated in Annexure B. On the motion of the applicants in proceeding WAG
6008/98, on 11 January
1999 a Deputy Registrar ordered that the other five Koara
applications be combined with the application in that proceeding. On
4 March
1999, the combined application was further amended. I will call
the resulting combined proceeding (WAG 6008/98) ‘the
Koara
Claim’.
- I
will refer to the Koara Claim in further detail at 2.3 and in
Ch 6.
(d) Wutha
- The
twentieth and twenty-fourth proceedings listed in Annexure B are
distinguished by the name ‘Wutha’. On 30 September
1998, by
the operation of the Amending NTA, the twentieth proceeding (WC 96/8) also
became a proceeding in this Court (WAG 6064/98),
and the twenty-fourth
proceeding (WC 96/22) became a proceeding in this Court (WAG 6071/98).
On the motion of the applicants
in proceeding WAG 6064/98, a Deputy
District Registrar ordered on 22 January 1999 that proceeding
WAG 6071/98 be combined
with that proceeding. I will call the resulting
combined proceeding (WAG 6064/98) ‘the Wutha Claim’. Part of
the
boundary of the Wutha Claim area also coincides with the boundaries of
certain pastoral stations, such as Windidda, Yelma and Wonganoo.
- I
will refer to the Wutha Claim in further detail at 2.4 and in
Ch 7.
(e) Cosmo Newberry
- The
third claim listed in Annexure B (WC 96/17) was an application lodged
with the NNTT on 21 February 1996 by Frances
Murray and others on behalf of
the Cosmo People. The application was accepted by the NNTT Registrar on 10 May
1996. The Registrar
of the NNTT referred the Cosmo application to this Court on
18 September 1998, and it was filed with the Court on 23 September
1998, where it became proceeding WAG 144/98 (the ‘Cosmo
Claim’). The Cosmo Claim area is wholly within the Wongatha
Claim area
and in the northern part of it. Its external boundaries are those of four
Aboriginal Reserves and it includes an area
the subject of the Yamarna pastoral
lease. The Cosmo claimants are represented, not by the GLSC, but by a different
NTRB, the Ngaanyatjarra
Council (Aboriginal Corporation). Because the Cosmo
Claim area is wholly within the Wongatha Claim area, I have heard the Cosmo
application, like the Wongatha application, as to the whole of its Claim
area.
- I
will refer to the Cosmo Claim in further detail at 2.5 and in
Ch 8.
(f) Maduwongga
- The
first, second and thirty-third claims listed in Annexure B are
distinguished by the name ‘Maduwongga’. Of these,
indeed of all the
applications listed in Annexure B, the second one listed (WC 94/3) was
lodged first. It was lodged with
the NNTT on 19 April 1994, not long after
the commencement of the NTA (generally speaking, the NTA commenced on 1 January
1994).
It was accepted under s 63 of the Old NTA on 12 October 1995.
After unsuccessful attempts at mediation, it was referred to this Court by the
NT Registrar
under s 74 of the Old NTA on 27 May 1998, and became
Court proceeding WAG 63/98. The claim listed as No 1 in
Annexure B
(WC 95/11) was lodged with the NNTT, arguably on
6 April 1995 (see [223]) and was accepted under s 63 of the Old NTA on
18 September 1995. It included the areas the subject of certain pastoral
leases which had been expressly
excluded from the first claim. After
unsuccessful attempts at mediation, it was also referred to this Court under
s 74 of the Old NTA, on 30 June 1997 (earlier than the date on which
the second one listed was referred to the Court), and became
Court proceeding
WAG 76/97. The thirty-third claim listed in Annexure B
(WC 98/20) was lodged with the NNTT on 8 April
1998. It extended
further to the south-east the south-eastern boundary of the existing area
claimed, so as to include such places
as Pinjin, Kirgella Rocks, Yindi and
Kurnalpi. It was pending before the NNTT on 30 September 1998, and,
therefore, by the
operation of the Amending NTA, became a proceeding in this
Court on that date (WAG 6237/98).
- On
3 July 1998 Carr J made orders as a result of which proceeding
WAG 63/98 was consolidated with WAG 76/97.
The consolidated
proceeding was to be called ‘WG 76 of 1997 and 63 of 1998’. On
17 February 1999, on the motion
of the applicants in the consolidated
proceeding, RD Nicholson J revoked Carr J’s consolidation
order and ordered
that both WAG 63/98 and WAG 6237/98 be combined with
WAG 76/97 and continue in and under WAG 76 of 1997. The
form of
application in WAG 76/97 was amended accordingly. For convenience, I am
calling the combined proceeding (WAG 76/97)
‘the Maduwongga
Claim’, except where it is necessary to distinguish between the various
claims bearing the name ‘Maduwongga’.
It is important to note,
however, that whereas the first, second and thirty-third claims listed in
Annexure B were expressed
to be made on behalf of ‘all those persons
who are Maduwongga peoples’, the Maduwongga application is now made on
behalf
of only ‘Marjorie May Strickland and Anne Joyce Nudding and their
biological descendants’ (‘the Strickland/Nudding
group’).
- On
8 June 1999, a delegate of the NT Registrar decided pursuant to
s 190A of the NTA, that the Maduwongga Claim should
not be accepted for
alleged failure to comply with s 190C(3) of the NTA. That decision led to
litigation (Strickland v Native Title Registrar (1999) 168 ALR 242 (FCA))
(‘Strickland’) in which French J set aside the decision
and directed the NT Registrar to accept the Maduwongga Claim and to include
details of it in the Register of Native Title Claims. An appeal by the State
was dismissed: Western Australia v Strickland [2000] FCA 652; (2000) 99 FCR 33
(‘WA v Strickland’).
- The
applicants in the Maduwongga Claim are two sisters, Marjorie May Strickland and
Anne Joyce Nudding. They are represented, not
by any NTRB, but by a private
firm of solicitors. As can be seen from Annexure A, the Maduwongga Claim
area includes Kalgoorlie-Boulder
and Coolgardie, and overlaps the Wongatha Claim
area on the south.
- I
will refer to the Maduwongga Claim in further detail at 2.6 and in
Ch 9.
(g) Ngalia Kutjungkatja 1
- As
appears from Annexure B, the last two proceedings there listed were
commenced after 30 September 1998, and therefore
by the filing of
applications in this Court – the thrity-fouth and thirty-fifth listed in
Annexure B. The thirty-fourth
is an application by Dolly Walker and her
son Kado Muir and is distinguished by the name ‘NK’. That
application was
filed in this Court on 12 December 2000 (WAG 6011/00).
I am calling that claim ‘the NK 1 Claim’ to distinguish
it from
the NK 2 Claim next to be mentioned. Of course, in various documents the
NK 1 Claim is referred to simply as the
NK Claim – it was only after
the filing of the NK 2 application that the necessity arose of calling the
NK Claim the NK 1
Claim.
- Originally,
Ms Walker and her son, Mr Muir, as NK 1 applicants, were
represented by the GLSC, but during the hearing
the GLSC ceased to represent
them. (Note that Taylor, Linfoot & Holmes are now the solicitors on the
record for NK 1 and NK
2).
- I
will refer to the NK 1 Claim in further detail at 2.7 and in
Ch 10.
(h) Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2
- The
thirty-fifth and last proceeding listed in Annexure B (WAG 6001/02) is
one which was commenced in this Court by Dolly
Walker alone. She commenced this
proceeding on 13 June 2002, during the hearing, and I have designated it
‘NK 2’
(the ‘NK 2 Claim’). The NK 2
Claim is in respect of exactly the same land as the MN Claim.
- Ms Walker,
as sole applicant in the NK 2 Claim, has never been legally represented.
Since judgment was reserved, Dolly
Walker filed a notice of motion seeking leave
to discontinue the NK 2 application but, by consent, the motion was
dismissed.
- I
will also refer to the NK 2 Claim in further detail at 2.7 and in
Ch 10.
1.3 FORMS OF APPLICATION AND POINTS OF CLAIM
- Some
of the forms of applications have been amended with leave; some more than once.
A statement of facts and contentions (‘SOFAC’)
or points of claim
(‘POC’) have been filed by all applicants except the MN applicants.
Points of response to the Wongatha
applicants’ POC have been filed in the
Wongatha proceeding. The two expressions, SOFAC and POC, have been used
interchangeably.
For convenience, I will use POC, even though a document may
have been intituled as a SOFAC.
- The
table below identifies the proceedings which I have heard, the current
applicants, the current form of application (Form 1),
and the current form
of POC.
Name and Federal Court Proceeding No.
|
Current Applicants
|
Current form of Application (Form 1)
|
Current form of POC or points of response
|
WONGATHA
WAG 6005/98
|
Ron Harrington-Smith, Leo Thomas, Cyril Barnes, Les Tucker, Dimple
Sullivan, Aubrey Lynch, Elvis Stokes, Pearlie Wells, Murray Stubbs, Thomashisha
Passmore,
Thelma O’Loughlin and Sadie Canning
|
Further amended application dated 11 April 2003 and filed in the Court
on 14 April 2003
|
Further amended POC dated 11 April 2003 and filed on 11 April
2003 and again on 14 April 2003
|
M N
WAG 6069/98
|
Phyllis Thomas, MM, Dolly Walker, Nancy Gordon, Kado Muir, Jane
Beasley, Vanessa Thomas, Mindi Chapman
|
Amended version of a Form 1 application dated 7 March 1996 and
filed with NNTT on 11 March 1996 deemed to have been
filed in the Court on
30 September 1998, not subsequently amended.
|
In their points of response dated and filed 16 May 2003, MN applicants
adopted, with necessary modification, the contentions
made in Wongatha further
amended POC filed on 11 April 2003. (MN applicants have not filed POC in
WAG 6069/98.)
|
KOARA
WAG 6008/98
|
Richard Guy Evans, Dawn Evans, Brett Andrew Lewis, Geraldine Hogarth
and Joan Tucker
|
Further amended application dated 3 October 2002 and filed in the
Court on 7 October 2002
|
In their points of response dated and filed 16 May 2003, Koara
applicants adopted, with necessary modification, the contentions
made in
Wongatha further amended POC filed on 11 April 2003. (Koara applicants also
filed POC in WAG 6008/98 on 30 May
2003.)
|
WUTHA
WAG 6064/98
|
June Ashwin, Geoffrey Alfred Ashwin, Ralph Edward Ashwin and Raymond
William Ashwin
|
Amended application dated and filed in the Court on 4 March 1999
together with a substituted amended Schedule A filed on
4 May
1999
|
In their points of response dated and filed 16 May 2003, Wutha
applicants adopted with necessary modification, the contentions
made in Wongatha
further amended POC filed on 11 April 2003. (Wutha applicants also filed
POC in WAG 6064/98 on 30 April
2004.)
|
COSMO
WAG 144/98
|
Harvey Murray
|
Fourth amended application dated and filed in the Court on 14 August
2003.
|
Further amended POC filed in WAG 144/98 on 2 September 2003.
|
MADUWONGGA
WAG 76/97
|
Marjorie May Strickland and Anne Joyce Nudding
|
Further amended application dated 11 June 2003 and filed on 13 June
2003
|
Further amended POC filed on 15 December 2003 (WAG 6005/98).
(Maduwongga applicants have not filed POC in WAG 76/97.)
|
NK 1
WAG 6011/00
|
Dolly Walker and Kado Muir
|
Application dated 7 December 2000 and filed in the Court on
12 December 2000
|
NK 1 applicants’ POC filed on 22 November 2002 in WAG6005/98.
(NK 1 applicants have not filed POC in WAG 6011/00.)
|
NK 2
WAG 6001/02
|
Dolly Walker
|
Application dated and filed in the Court on 13 June 2002
|
NK 2 applicant’s POC filed on 25 November 2002 in WAG6005/98.
(NK 2 applicant has not filed POC in WAG 6001/02.)
|
1.4 RESPONDENTS TO THE WONGATHA CLAIM AND THEIR LEGAL REPRESENTATIVES
- In
the Wongatha Claim there are 116 respondents.
- At
the time of the Deputy District Registrar’s ‘combination
orders’ of 22 January 1999 (see [21]), there were
574 respondents.
Pursuant to an order made on 1 February 2002 many of them ceased to be
parties. The now remaining 116 respondents,
including the applicants in the
overlapping Claims, have been grouped for convenience, as follows (note that the
table reflects minor
changes that have occurred since the
hearing):
|
Group No.
|
Group Identity
|
Represented by
|
1
|
State of Western Australia interests The State of Western
Australia Electricity Corporation Gold Corporation Water
Corporation
|
State Solicitor’s Office (Western Australia)
|
2
|
Commonwealth of Australia interests The Commonwealth of
Australia
|
Australian Government Solicitor
|
3
|
Local Government interests The City of Kalgoorlie-Boulder and
the Shires of Laverton, Leonora, Menzies, Sandstone and Wiluna
|
Minter Ellison
|
4A
|
Indigenous interests NK 1 People (WAD 6011/00)
NK 2 People (WAD 6001/02)
Maduwongga People (WAD 76/98)
|
Unrepresented (originally represented by GLSC) (Note that Taylor Linfoot
& Holmes are now on the record as solicitors for the
Ngalia Kutjungkatja 1
respondents)
Unrepresented (Note that Taylor Linfoot & Holmes are now on the record
as solicitors for the Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2 respondents)
Corser & Corser Lawyers
|
4B
|
Indigenous interests Cosmo People (WAD 144/98)
Cosmo (Aboriginal Corporation)
Ngaanyatjarra Council (Aboriginal Corporation)
|
The Ngaanyatjarra Council (Aboriginal Corporation)
The Ngaanyatjarra Council (Aboriginal Corporation)
The Ngaanatjarra Council (Aboriginal Corporation)
|
4E
|
Indigenous interests Koara People (WAD 6008/98) MN People
(WAD 6069/98) Wutha People (WAD 6064/98)
|
GLSC GLSC GLSC
|
5
|
Mining interests 25 diverse respondents
AngloGold Australia Ltd Croesus Mining NL
Anaconda Nickel Ltd Murrin Murrin East Pty Ltd Anaconda Pastoral
Holdings Pty Ltd
Australian Nickel Mines NL Mount Martin Gold Mines NL
Cranston Edwards and Donna Edwards as the lead party representing the
interests of 52 respondents who are all members of Amalgamated
Prospectors and
Leaseholders Association of WA Inc
|
Unrepresented
Blake Dawson Waldron
DLA Phillips Fox, formerly Gadens Lawyers
Blakiston & Crabb
Mallesons Stephen Jaques
|
5A
|
Mining interests WMC Resources Limited (‘WMC’)
and companies in the WMC group
|
WMC Resources Ltd, then Blake Dawson Waldron
|
5B
|
Mining interests Barrick Gold of Australia
Limited (‘Barrick’) formerly called ‘Homestake Gold of
Australia Limited’ and companies in the Barrick Gold group
|
Hunt & Humphry
|
5C
|
Mining interests Newmont Australia Ltd (formerly called Normandy
Mining Limited) and the Newmont group of companies
|
DLA Phillips Fox, formerly Gadens Lawyers
|
5D
|
Mining interests Wesfarmers CSBP Limited Placer Dome Asia
Pacific Limited Placer (Granny Smith) Pty Ltd Granny Smith Mines
Limited Sunrise Mines Limited Kanowna Mines Limited Mount Weld
Pastoral Company Pty Limited Maiden Gold NL
|
Freehills (except Maiden Gold NL, which is unrepresented)
|
5E
|
Mining interests LionOre Australia (Wildara) NL
(‘LionOre’) and various parties in joint venture
with LionOre
|
Hunt & Humphry
|
5F
|
Mining interests Six companies which have appointed the
Association of Mining and Exploration Companies Association
(‘AMEC’), pursuant
to s 84B of the NTA, to act as agent on
their behalf
|
Hunt & Humphry
|
6A
|
Pastoral interests Twenty one respondents, all of whom
have appointed the Pastoralists’ and Graziers’ Association,
pursuant to s 84B of the NTA, to act as agent on their behalf
Yundamindra Pastoral Holdings P/L of Yundamindra Station and Anaconda
Pastoral Holdings Pty Ltd
All other respondents in Group 6A
|
Originally Blake Dawson Waldron but now DLA Phillips Fox, formerly Gadens
Lawyers
Blake Dawson Waldron
|
7
|
Special lease interests Anaconda Pastoral Holdings Pty Ltd
|
DLA Phillips Fox, formerly Gadens Lawyers
|
10
|
Petroleum interests City Resources (WA) Pty Ltd
|
Blake Dawson Waldron
|
16
|
Telecommunications interests Telstra Corporation Ltd
|
Blake Dawson Waldron
|
18
|
Other Government interests Air Services Australia
|
Blake Dawson Waldron
|
(Former Group 4, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 17 and 19 respondents have ceased
to be parties. So has former Group 4C, subject to
the qualification that
‘Cosmo Newberry (Aboriginal Corporation)’ and ‘Ngaanyatjarra
Council (Aboriginal Corporation)’,
which were both formerly included in
Group 4C, remain parties in Group 4B. The group names
‘Group 4D’
and ‘Group 15’ were never allocated
to groups of parties.)
- The
extent of participation in the hearing has varied as between the various groups
of respondents. In due course, when referring
to the parties’
submissions, I will use ‘Groups 5B/5F’ to refer to the Group 5B
respondents and Group 5F respondents
(whose submissions were identical),
and ‘Group 6A’ to refer to the Group 6A
respondents.
1.5 PRINCIPAL PROVISIONS OF THE NTA AND SOME GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF LAW
- One
of the main objects of the NTA is to ‘to provide for the recognition and
protection of native title’: NTA s 3. Section 4(1) of the NTA
provides that the NTA recognises and protects native title, and provides that
native title cannot be extinguished contrary
to the NTA. Similarly, s 10
provides that native title is recognised and protected in accordance with the
NTA, and s 11(1) provides that native title is not able to be extinguished
contrary to the NTA. ‘Recognition’ and ‘protection’
are
distinct from ‘creation’. Neither the NTA nor a determination of
native title made under it ‘creates’
native title (see [90]
below).
- Section
13(1) of the NTA provides that an application may be made to this Court under
Pt 3 (ss 60A–79) of the NTA ‘for a determination of native
title in relation to an area for which there is no approved determination of
native
title’ or ‘to revoke or vary an approved determination of
native title on the grounds set out in subsection (5)’.
There is no
approved determination of native title in relation to any part of the Wongatha
Claim area. Section 81 gives this Court jurisdiction to hear and determine
applications filed in the Court that relate to native title, such as the various
applications currently before the Court.
- Provisions
of pivotal importance to all applications for a determination of native title
are found in ss 223(1) and (2) and 225,
which occur in Part 15
(ss 222–253) of the NTA, headed ‘Definitions’. They
provide as follows:
The expression
native title or native title rights and interests
means the communal, group or individual rights and interests of Aboriginal
peoples or Torres Strait Islanders in relation to land
or waters,
where:
the rights and interests are possessed
under the traditional laws acknowledged, and the traditional customs observed,
by the Aboriginal
peoples or Torres Strait Islanders;
andthe Aboriginal peoples or Torres Strait
Islanders, by those laws and customs, have a connection with the land or waters;
andthe rights and interests are recognised by
the common law of Australia.’Without
limiting subsection (1), rights and interests in that subsection
includes hunting, gathering, or fishing, rights and
interests.’
A determination of native title is a
determination whether or not native title exists in relation to a particular
area (the determination area) of land or waters and, if it does
exist, a determination of:
who the persons, or
each group of persons, holding the common or group rights comprising the native
title are; andthe nature and extent of the
native title rights and interests in relation to the determination area;
andthe nature and extent of any other interests
in relation to the determination area; andthe
relationship between the rights and interests in paragraphs (b) and (c)
(taking into account the effect of this Act);
andto the extent that the land or waters in the
determination area are not covered by a non-exclusive agricultural lease or a
non-exclusive
pastoral lease—whether the native title rights and interests
confer possession, occupation, use and enjoyment of that land
or waters on the
native title holders to the exclusion of all
others.’emphasis)
- Section
94A provides that an order in which this Court makes a determination of native
title must set out details of the matters mentioned
in s 225.
- As
will appear below, the Claim groups before the Court all assert the existence of
group rights and interests.
- The
word ‘right’ in relation to land or waters is not defined (but see
the inclusory definition of ‘rights and interests’
in s 223(2)
set out at [67]). The word ‘interest’ in relation to land or waters
is defined in s 253 as follows:
in
relation to land or waters, means:
a legal or equitable estate or interest in the land
or waters; or
any other right (including a right under an option
and a right of redemption), charge, power or privilege over, or in connection
with:
the land or waters;
oran estate or interest in the land or waters;
or
a restriction on the use of the land or waters,
whether or not annexed to other land or waters.’ (original
emphasis)
- The
notion of ‘native title holders’ is to be distinguished from that of
‘common law holders’, an expression
which s 253 states has the
meaning given by s 56. Common law holders are the persons whom this Court
proposes to include
in a determination of native title. Section 56
provides for a representative of the common law holders to indicate that they
intend to have the native title held in trust for them by a prescribed body
corporate. If the representative nominates a prescribed
body corporate for that
purpose in accordance with s 56, and that prescribed body corporate becomes
registered on the National
Native Title Register as the holder of the native
title, it is the native title holder. If not, the common law holders are the
native
title holders: ss 56, 224, 253 (‘common law
holders’).
- An
application for a determination of native title of the kind provided for in
s 13(1) is one of the classes of application that
may be made to the Court
under Div 1 (ss 61–68) of Pt 3: s 61(1). The persons
who may apply are identified
in s 61(1), relevantly, as
follows:
person or persons authorised by all
the persons (the native title claim group) who, according to their
traditional laws and customs, hold the common or group rights and interests
comprising the particular native
title claimed, provided the person or persons
are also included in the native title claim group;
...
1: The person or persons will be the
applicant: see subsection (2) of this
section.2: Section 251B states what it
means for a person or persons to be authorised by all the persons
in the native title claim
group.’emphasis)
The expression ‘native title claim group’ is defined in
s 253 to mean, relevantly, the native title claim group mentioned
in this
passage. The expression is commonly and understandably used to refer to the
group on whose behalf a native title determination
application – claimant
application is made. Indeed, Form 1, prescribed by para 5(1)(a) of
the Native Title (Federal Court) Regulations 1998 (Cth), uses the
expression in that sense, treating ‘claimants’ and members of the
‘native title claim group’
as synonymous. But there is no escaping
the fact that the ‘native title claim group’, all of whose members
are required
by s 61(1) to authorise the applicant to apply, is a group
constituted by all the actual holders, according to their traditional
laws and customs, of the common or group rights or interests comprising the
particular native
title claimed.
- Under
the Old NTA, s 61 allowed ‘[a] person or persons claiming to hold
the native title either alone or with others’ (my emphasis) to apply,
and required them to ‘describe or otherwise identify
those others’.
That is to say, under the Old NTA, authorisation of applicants was not required:
it was sufficient that the
applicants claimed to hold native title either alone
or with others.
- Section
61(2) of the New NTA provides, relevantly, as follows:
In the case
of:
- (a) a native
title determination application made by a person or persons authorised to make
the application by a native title claim
group; or
- (b) ...’
following
apply:
- (c) the
person is, or the persons are jointly, the applicant; and
- (d) none of
the other members of the native title claim group or compensation claim group is
the applicant.’
emphasis)
It follows that the applicants must be members of the native title claim
group (the actual holders of the particular native title
claimed) and be
authorised by all the members of that group to make the application on behalf of
that group.
- Part 15
of the NTA is headed ‘Definitions’. Several provisions in that Part
have already been referred to. Within that Part,
s 251B (referred to in
Note 2 to s 61(1) set out at [72] above)
provides:
the purposes of this Act, all the
persons in a native title claim group ... authorise a person or
persons to make a native title determination application ... and to deal with
matters arising in relation to it, if:
where there is a process of decision-making that,
under the traditional laws and customs of the persons in the native title claim
group ... must be complied with in relation to authorising things of that kind
– the persons in the native title claim group
... authorise the person or
persons to make the application and to deal with the matters in accordance with
that process; or
where there is no such process – the persons in
the native title claim group ... authorise the other person or persons to make
the application and to deal with the matters in accordance with a process of
decision-making agreed to and adopted, by the persons
in the native title claim
group ... in relation to authorising the making of the application and dealing
with the matters, or in
relation to doing things of that
kind.’
emphasis)
- An
application (whether original or amended) that a native title claim group has
authorised to be made must be accompanied by an affidavit
by the applicant as to
certain matters, including authorisation of the applicant by all the persons in
the native title claim group
to make the application and to deal with matters
arising in relation to it: ss 62(1), 253.
- Subsection 13(1)
(noted at [66] above) and ss 67 and 68 of the NTA reflect a policy that
there be only one determination
of native title in relation to an area.
Sections 67 and 68 are as
follows:
Overlapping native title
determination applications
If 2 or more
proceedings before the Federal Court relate to native title determination
applications that cover (in whole or in part)
the same area, the Court must make
such order as it considers appropriate to ensure that, to the extent that the
applications cover
the same area, they are dealt with in the same
proceeding.Without limiting subsection (1), the
order of the Court may provide that different parts of the area covered by an
application are
to be dealt with in separate
proceedings.’
Only one determination of native title per
area
there is an approved determination of
native title (the first determination) in relation to a particular
area, the Federal Court must not:
conduct any proceeding relating to an application for
another determination of native title; or
make
any other determination of native title;
relation to that area or to an area wholly within
that area, except in the case of:
an application as mentioned in subsection 13(1)
to revoke or vary the first determination; or
a
review or appeal of the first
determination.’emphasis)
Consistently with the policy mentioned and with these provisions,
s 84(3) makes a party to a proceeding in relation to an application
to
which s 61 applies, any person who claims to hold native title in relation
to land or waters in the area covered by the application,
and any person whose
‘interests may be affected by a determination in [a proceeding in relation
to the application]’,
who notifies the Court in writing that the person
wants to be a party to the proceeding. The claims which overlap the Wongatha
Claim
are the seven Claims previously mentioned.
- In
summary, the text of the statutory provisions referred to above makes several
matters clear.
- First,
the rights and interests must be ‘in relation to lands or waters’ if
they are to constitute ‘native title
rights and interests’ within
s 223 (1) (opening words).
- Second,
the rights and interests must be ‘[presently] possessed under the
traditional laws [presently] acknowledged, and the traditional customs
[presently] observed, by the Aboriginal peoples or Torres Strait
Islanders’ (s 223 (1)(a)) (my emphasis).
- Third,
by those traditional laws and traditional customs the claimants must (presently)
have a ‘connection’ with the land
or waters (s 223
(1)(b)).
- Fourth,
the rights and interests must (presently) be ‘recognised’ by the
common law of Australia (s 223 (1)(c)).
- Fifth,
the NTA’s concept of native title is one, the content of which in a
particular case, must be sufficiently certain to
enable a determination of:
- the persons or
groups of persons holding common or group rights comprising the native title,
and whether any particular individual
is or is not such a person or a member of
such a group; and
- the nature and
extent of the native title rights and interests (s 225 (a) and
(b)).
- I
am required to determine the existence or connection (as distinct from
extinguishment) aspect of the Claims before the Court in
the light of the
matters (often interrelated and overlapping) set out in the following numbered
paragraphs:
- (1)
At the time of the acquisition of sovereignty by the Crown, the accompanying
common law recognised certain rights and interests
held by indigenous people in
relation to land and waters under their existing traditional laws and customs:
Mabo v Queensland (No 2) [1992] HCA 23; (1992) 175 CLR 1 (‘Mabo
(No 2)’). According to the preamble to the NTA, the High Court,
in Mabo (No 2), rejected the doctrine of
terra nullius and held that ‘the common law of Australia
recognises a form of native title that reflects the entitlement of the original
inhabitants of Australia, in accordance with their laws and customs, to their
traditional lands’.
- (2)
The native title that is recognised and protected by the NTA is the native title
as defined in the s 223 (1) of the
NTA, and the NTA, and, in
particular, that definition, must be the starting point for any consideration of
an application for a determination
of native title brought under the NTA:
Commonwealth v Yarmirr [2001] HCA 56; (2001) 208 CLR 1
(‘Yarmirr HCA’) at [7] (Gleeson CJ, Gaudron, Gummow and
Hayne JJ) (‘joint judgment’); Western Australia v Ward [2002] HCA 28;
(2002) 213 CLR 1 (‘Ward HCA’) at [16] (Gleeson CJ,
Gaudron, Gummow and Hayne JJ) (‘joint judgment’); Members
of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria [2002] HCA 58; (2002) 214 CLR 422
(‘Yorta Yorta HCA’) at [32] (Gleeson CJ, Gummow and
Hayne JJ) (‘joint judgment’).
- (3)
‘The common law concept of “native title” [recognised in
Mabo (No 2)] is incorporated into the definition contained in
s 223(1) of the [NTA]’: Western Australia v Commonwealth [1995] HCA 47;
(1995) 183 CLR 373 (‘Native Title Act Case’) at 452
(Mason CJ, Brennan, Deane, Toohey, Gaudron and McHugh JJ) (‘joint
judgment’).
- (4)
The rights and interests to which s 223 (1) refers ‘may not, and
often will not, correspond with rights and interests in land familiar to the
Anglo-Australian property
lawyer ... [and] will often reflect a different
conception of “property” or “belonging” ... [but] none
of
those considerations denies the normative quality of the laws and customs of
indigenous societies’: Yorta Yorta (HCA) at [40] (joint
judgment).
- (5)
The rights and interests that are presently possessed under the
traditional laws acknowledged, and the traditional customs
observed, by the Aboriginal peoples, to which s 223(1) of the NTA refers,
are not newly created by the NTA, but are rights and interests which were
possessed under the laws acknowledged
and the customs observed by the Aboriginal
peoples at the time of sovereignty (for convenience, I will use the expressions
‘pre-sovereignty’),
and which, as the High Court decided in Mabo
(No 2), survived sovereignty: Yorta Yorta HCA at
[75]-[76], [86]-[87] (joint judgment); [180] (Callinan J).
- (6)
Native title is not an institution or creature of the common law; rather, it is
sui generis, being rooted and delineated in, and ascertained by reference
to, indigenous traditional (pre-sovereignty) laws and customs, and
is
‘recognised’ by the common law: Mabo (No 2) at 58-61
(Brennan J), 100-101 (Deane and Gaudron JJ),
178 (Toohey J); Native Title Act Case at 452 (joint judgment),
492 (Dawson J); Fejo v Northern Territory [1998] HCA 58; (1998) 195 CLR 96
(‘Fejo’) at [46] (Gleeson CJ, Gaudron, McHugh, Gummow,
Hayne and Callinan JJ) (‘joint judgment’), [101]
(Kirby J);
Ward HCA at [20] (joint judgment); Yarmirr
HCA at [10] (joint judgment); Yorta Yorta HCA at [31]–[33]
(joint judgment).
- (7)
The NTA ‘governs the recognition, protection, extinguishment and
impairment of native title’ (my emphasis): Native Title Act Case
at 453 (joint judgment).
- (8)
‘Because native title has its origin in traditional laws and customs, and
is neither an institution of the common law nor
a form of common law tenure, it
is necessary to curb the tendency (perhaps inevitable and natural) to conduct an
inquiry about the
existence of native title rights and interests in the language
of the common law property lawyer’: Yarmirr HCA at [11] (joint
judgment). This is so, notwithstanding the requirement that the rights and
interests be ‘in relation to land
or waters’ and the use of the word
‘title’: Yarmirr HCA at [12] (joint judgment). In Ward
HCA at [52] and [95] (joint judgment) their Honours found the concept of a
‘bundle of rights’ a useful metaphor for native
title.
- (9)
‘Nor is it necessary to identify a claimed right or interest as one which
carries with it, or is supported by, some enforceable
means of excluding from
its enjoyment those who are not its holders. The reference to rights and
interests enjoyed under traditional
laws and customs invites attention to how
(presumably as a matter of traditional law) breach of the right and
interest might be dealt with, but it also invites attention to how (as a matter
of custom) the right and interest is observed. The latter element of the
inquiry seems directed more to identifying practices that are regarded
as
socially acceptable, rather than looking to whether the practices were supported
or enforced through a system for the organised
imposition of sanctions by the
relevant community. Again, therefore, no a priori assumption can or should be
made that the only
kinds of rights and interests referred to in para (a) of
s 223(1) are rights and interests that were supported by some communally
organised and enforced system of sanctions’: Yarmirr HCA at [16]
(joint judgment) (original emphasis).
- (10)
‘The underlying existence of the traditional laws and customs is a
necessary pre-requisite for native title, but their existence is not a
sufficient basis for recognising native title [because of the possibility
of extinguishment]’ (my emphasis): Fejo at [46] (joint
judgment).
- (11)
Post-sovereignty adaptations or variations in pre-sovereignty traditional laws
and customs are not necessarily a disqualification,
but they must themselves be
rooted in (allowed by) ‘the social structures of the relevant indigenous
society as those structures
existed at sovereignty’; what is inconsistent
with the NTA’s concept of native title is that new rights and interests
attributable to indigenous laws and customs should come into being after
sovereignty, because their doing so could be due only to
a right and interest
creating system of norms parallel to, and in competition with, the legal system
which owes its existence to
sovereignty: Yorta Yorta HCA at
[43]-[44], [54]-[55] (joint judgment), [178] (Callinan J).
- (12)
Even if rights and interests can be shown to have been possessed under
traditional (pre-sovereignty) laws and customs, if there
is now no longer an
indigenous society which acknowledges those laws and observes those customs,
the rights and interests no longer exist; it is not enough that particular
individuals acknowledge the traditional laws and observe the traditional
customs or hope for their restoration: Yorta Yorta HCA at [50]-[56]
(joint judgment), [86]-[87] (Callinan J). ‘Laws and customs’
and ‘society’ in the present
context, are interrelated:
‘“society” is to be understood as a body of persons united in
and by its acknowledgment
and observance of a body of law and customs’:
Yorta Yorta HCA at [49] (joint judgment). Laws and customs are
sustained only by a society which continues to acknowledge and observe
them.
- (13)
The NTA’s use of the expression ‘traditional laws acknowledged
and traditional custom observed’ (my emphasis) obviates any need to
distinguish between traditional law on the one hand, and traditional
custom on the other, but
the subject
of consideration is rights or interests, the rules which together constitute the
traditional laws acknowledged and traditional
customs observed, and under which
the rights or interests are said to be possessed, must be rules having
normative content. Without that quality, there may be observable patterns
of behaviour but not rights or interests in relation to land or waters.’
(Yorta Yorta HCA at [42] (joint judgment) (my
emphasis))
- (14)
The word ‘traditional’ in the present context signifies, not
only that the law or custom ‘has been passed from generation to generation
of a society, usually by word of
mouth and common practice’, but also:
- that ‘the
origins of the content of the law or custom concerned are to be found in the
normative rules of the Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander societies that
existed before the assertion of sovereignty by the British Crown’;
and
- that
‘the reference to rights or interest in land or
waters being possessed under traditional laws acknowledged and
traditional customs observed by the peoples concerned, requires that the
normative system under which the rights and interests are possessed (the
traditional laws and customs) is a system that has had
a continuous
existence and vitality since sovereignty. If that normative system has not
existed throughout that period, the rights and interests which owe their
existence to that system
will have ceased to exist. And any later attempt to
revive adherence to the tenets of that former system cannot and will not
reconstitute
the traditional laws and customs out of which rights and interests
must spring if they are to fall within the definition of native
title.’
(my emphasis)
(Yorta Yorta HCA at [46]-[47] (joint judgment))
- (15)
There is a distinction between a claim formulated by reference to the
traditional laws and customs of the claimants as constituting
‘a discrete
cohesive society or community’, as in Yorta Yorta, for example, and
a claim formulated by reference to the traditional laws and customs of a larger
‘overarching’ society
such as ‘the Western Desert bloc
society’ or ‘Western Desert society’ as in De Rose v
South Australia [2002] FCA 1342 (‘De Rose
FCA/O’Loughlin J’), and, according to the various
Claim groups’ submissions, as in the present case. The possibility cannot
be excluded
a priori that rights and interests in relation to land or
waters are possessed by claimants who do not constitute a discrete cohesive
society
or community, under the traditional laws and customs of the larger
overarching society, which are acknowledged and observed by such
claimants. The
question would arise, however, whether the traditional laws and customs of that
larger society provide for claimants
of that description to possess such rights
and interests: De Rose v South Australia [2003] FCAFC 286; (2003) 133
FCR 325 (‘De Rose FCAFC’) at
[273]–[278]. The claimants would still have to prove that they
continued to acknowledge and observe the laws and customs of the larger
overarching
society, and that they possessed rights and interests under those
laws and customs: De Rose FCAFC at [281].
- (16)
In the case of a claim of communal or group rights or interests,
s 223(1)(a) requires the claimant community or group to establish that they
have those rights and interests under traditional laws acknowledged
and
traditional customs observed by that community or group, and it is not
sufficient that other Aboriginal peoples acknowledge and observe the traditional
laws and customs. This does not
mean, however, that such a claim can succeed
only if every member of the community or group is shown to acknowledge and
observe the
relevant traditional laws and customs. The question is one of fact
and degree to be determined on the circumstances of each case:
De Rose
v South Australia (No 2) [2005] FCAFC 110; (2005) 145 FCR 290 (‘De Rose
(No 2) FCAFC’) at [57]-[58]. Accordingly, not only, as noted
earlier, must the sustaining ‘society’ continue to acknowledge
and
observe the laws and customs: if the native title claim group is not that
society but only part of it, that group must also acknowledge
and observe them.
Whether it does so again raises questions of fact and degree.
- (17)
The requirement that the rights and interests be ‘in relation to land or
waters’ (s 223 (1)) is not satisfied by a right formulated as
‘a right to maintain, protect and prevent the misuse of cultural
knowledge’:
Ward HCA at [57]–[61] (joint judgment).
- (18)
It is not a necessary element of the ‘connection’ to which
s 223(1)(b) refers that the claimants presently physically occupy, visit or
use the claim area, or have done so in the recent past: Ward HCA at
[62]–[64] (joint judgment). Their Honours stated
([64]):
doubt there may be cases where the
way in which land or waters are used will reveal something about the kind of
connection that exists
under traditional law or custom between Aboriginal
peoples and the land or waters concerned. But the absence of evidence of
some recent use of the land or waters does not, of itself, require the
conclusion that there can be
no relevant connection. Whether there is a
relevant connection depends, in the first instance, upon the content of
traditional law and custom and, in the
second, upon what is meant by
“connection” by those laws and customs. This latter question was
not the subject of submissions
in the present matters, the relevant contention
being advanced in the absolute terms we have identified and without examination
of
the particular aspects of the relationship found below to have been
sufficient. We, therefore, need express no view, in these matters,
on what is
the nature of the “connection” that must be shown to exist. In
particular, we need express no view on when
a “spiritual connection”
with the land (an expression often used in the Western Australian submissions
and apparently
intended as meaning any form of asserted connection without
evidence of continuing use or physical presence) will suffice.’
(my
emphasis)
- It
is possible for Aboriginal peoples to observe traditional laws and customs
during periods when they have not, for one reason or
another, maintained a
physical connection with the claim area, but the length of the time of non-use
or non-occupation may, depending
on the circumstances, have an important bearing
on whether traditional laws and customs continue to be acknowledged and
observed:
De Rose (No 2) FCAFC at [62].
- (19)
The expression ‘recognised by the common law of Australia’ in
s 223(1)(c) of the NTA does not mean ‘created by or arising from the
common law of Australia’, but rather, ‘acceptable to and
not
inconsistent with the common law of Australia’. On this point, see
Brennan J in Mabo (No 2) at 43 (recognition or the rights and
intents by the common law must not ‘fracture a skeletal principle of our
legal system’)
and at 61 (or be ‘so repugnant to natural justice,
equity and good conscience that judicial sanctions under the new régime
must be withheld’). See also Wik Peoples v Queensland [1996] HCA 40; (1996) 187
CLR 1 (‘Wik’) at 84 (Brennan CJ) and Yarmirr HCA
at [42] (joint judgment). In Ward HCA at [21] (joint judgment) it
was suggested that there would be a failure to satisfy para (c) if the laws
and customs which met
the requirements of paras (a) and (b) clashed with
‘the general objectives of the common law of the preservation and
protection
of society as a whole.’ Further illustration is that the
traditional rights and interests might be of such a nature as not
to be amenable
to enforcement as common law rights, because, for example, of insufficient
precision: Yorta Yorta HCA at [176], [186]
(Callinan J).
- (20)
‘[W]hen the tide of history has washed away any real acknowledgment of
traditional law and any real observance of traditional
customs, the foundation
of native title has disappeared’, and ‘[a] native title which has
ceased with the abandoning
of laws and customs based on tradition cannot be
revived for contemporary recognition’: Mabo (No 2) at 59-60
(Brennan J).
- (21)
The existence and content of native title must be ascertained as a matter of
fact and on a case by case basis by reference to
the traditional laws
acknowledged and the traditional customs observed by the indigenous people who
posses the title: Mabo (No 2) at 58 (Brennan J); Wik at
169 (Gummow J); Commonwealth v Yarmirr [1999] FCA 1668; (1999) 101 FCR 171 at [16]
(Beaumont and von Doussa JJ); Western Australia v Ward [2000] FCA 191; (2000)
99 FCR 316 (‘Ward FCAFC’) at [58] (Beaumont and
von Doussa JJ).
- (22)
‘The relevant starting point is the question of fact posed by [the NTA]:
what are the rights and interests in relation
to lands or waters which are
possessed under the traditional laws acknowledged and the traditional customs
observed by the relevant
peoples?’: Yarmirr HCA at [15] (joint
judgment).
- (23)
Novel legal, political and administrative problems were raised by the High
Court’s decisions in Mabo (No 2) and Wik. The Old
NTA was the Parliament’s attempt to grapple with the former, and the
Amending NTA, with the latter. ‘Unless
the [NTA] is read with an
understanding of the novel legal and administrative problems involved in the
statutory recognition of native
title, its terms may be misconstrued’:
North Ganalanja Aboriginal Corporation v Queensland [1996] HCA 2; (1996) 185 CLR 595 at
614-5 (Brennan CJ, Dawson, Toohey, Gaudron and Gummow JJ).
- (24)
Present day knowledge of laws and customs which were once acknowledged and
observed is not to be equated with present day acknowledgment
and observance of
them: Yorta Yorta HCA at [52] (joint judgment). Knowledge of laws
and customs is obviously a condition of acknowledgment and observance of them,
but knowledge
of the traditional ways can be consistent with ‘the society
(the body of persons united in and by its acknowledgment and observance
of a
body of law and customs) [having ceased] to acknowledge and observe [the laws
and customs]’ (ibid).
- (25)
While I respectfully agree that:
normative
system containing such a custom does not cease to embody that custom simply
because some members of the society flout the
rule’
(Neowarra v Western Australia [2003] FCA 1402
(‘Neowarra’) at [310]), in my opinion general wide
non-compliance may be some evidence that the normative system no longer has
‘existence
and vitality’ (Yorta Yorta HCA at [47] (joint
judgment)), and that there is no longer a ‘body of persons united in and
by its acknowledgment and observance
of [the] body of law and customs’
(Yorta Yorta HCA at [49] (joint judgment)).
- (26)
Applicants bear the onus of proving on the balance of probabilities all the
elements under the NTA of the particular native title
claimed, and the
difficulty of doing so does not alter the requirements of the NTA:
Yorta Yorta HCA at [80] (joint judgment). In cases, like the
present one, in which claimants contend that laws and customs have been adapted
in response
to the impact of European settlement, ‘difficult questions of
fact and degree may emerge, not only in assessing what, if any,
significance
should be attached to the fact of change or adaptation but also in deciding what
it was that was changed or adapted’
(Yorta Yorta HCA at [82]
(joint judgment)).
1.6 SOVEREIGNTY
- It
has not been in dispute that the time of the assertion of sovereignty by the
British Crown over the land and waters which are now
the State of Western
Australia was the year 1829. The circumstances are recounted in the Native
Title Act Case at 423-429 (joint judgment), a passage referred to in Ward
HCA at [157] (joint judgment).
1.7 STRUCTURE AND OTHER ASPECTS OF THESE REASONS
- At
my instigation, the parties agreed on a structure around which their submissions
would be based. Except in Chs 1 and 2,
I have followed their
structure. That structure has not proved to be ideal. Moreover, while
purporting to adhere to it, the parties’
submissions have often departed
from it. Nonetheless, a restructuring by me would have given rise to even
greater difficulties,
in particular, those associated with the parties’
frequent use of the device of cross-referencing to parts of their own or
other
parties’ submissions by using section numbers in the agreed
structure.
- The
GLSC made a single set of submissions on behalf of all the GLSC applicants.
Therefore references to the GLSC submissions, and,
for example, to the Koara
submissions, are references to the one document, or to the Koara part of it.
Similarly, a statement that
‘the GLSC submits’, in so far as it
relates to, say, the MN Claim, has the same meaning as a statement that
‘the
MN applicants submit’.
- There
are lengthy appendices to the GLSC submissions. In many instances, they are
divided into sections (a) (Wongatha), (b) (MN),
(c) (Koara), and (d) (Wutha). A
reference to a ‘GLSC Appendix’ is a reference to an appendix to the
GLSC submissions.
- A
‘List of Identified Persons’ was filed on behalf of each Claim group
except the Cosmo and NK 2 Claim groups. The
lists were of persons said by
the respective applicants to be the persons who were members of the respective
Claim groups, that is,
claimants. In the case of the Cosmo Claim group, the
equivalent list is found on pp 26–31 of a ‘Claimant Genealogies
and Profiles’ document prepared by the Cosmo anthropologist, Dr Lee
Sackett. I will refer to each of the documents, including
this last, as an
‘LIP’. The various current LIPs, dates of filing and the number of
persons listed in them are as
follows:
L I P
|
Date of filing
|
Number of Claimants
|
|
Wongatha LIP
|
1 May 2002
|
820
|
|
MN LIP
|
1 May 2002
|
279
|
|
Koara LIP
|
1 May 2002
|
162
|
|
Wutha LIP
|
1 May 2002
|
178
|
|
Cosmo LIP
|
3 September 2001
|
128
|
|
Maduwongga LIP
|
26 April 2002
|
29
|
|
NK 1 LIP
|
4 June 2002
|
95
|
|
NK 2
|
No LIP filed
|
|
I have encountered discrepancies between the LIPs and the Form 1
descriptions of the Claim groups, but I will refer to the LIPs
as giving at
least the various applicants’ understandings of the size and composition
of their respective Claim groups. Accordingly,
a reference to a person as being,
for example, a Wutha claimant is a reference to his or her being listed on the
Wutha LIP. There
is one exception, however, where I have not regarded an
individual listed on a group’s LIP as a claimant in that group: Preston
Thomas is listed on the Wongatha LIP (and is thus included in the table above)
but his testimony revealed that he does not claim
country within the Wongatha
Claim area, and apparently the Wongatha Claim group accepts that he is not
within that group. It is
disappointing that an amended Wongatha LIP was not
filed. The proper course, however, seems to be to treat him as a non-claimant
witness despite his being listed on the LIP. The point can be significant. For
example, Mr Thomas is an initiated man. However,
that fact cannot count as
evidence that the Wongatha Claim group observes the law relating to male
initiation.
- I
will not reproduce the LIPs here, but Annexure C to these reasons is a
schedule of the 93 claimants who testified, arranged
in their respective
applicant groups according to the LIPs. On this basis, Annexure C shows
that the numbers of claimants from
the respective Claim groups who testified
are:
|
Applicant group
|
Number of witnesses
|
|
Wongatha
|
43
|
|
MN
|
23
|
|
Koara
|
9
|
|
Wutha
|
5
|
|
Cosmo
|
15
|
|
Maduwongga
|
2
|
|
NK 1
|
13
|
|
NK 2
|
3 (No LIP but the NK 2 claimants Dolly Walker, Kado Muir and Paddy Walker
gave evidence)
|
These figures call for some explanation. First, the number of witnesses
above (113) totals more than the 93 indigenous witnesses
who testified referred
to earlier, because some are listed on more than one LIP; that is, some are
listed as claimants in more than
one Claim group. Second, seven of the 93
witnesses who testified were not listed as claimants on any LIP, and are
therefore not
reflected in the groupings in the above table. If those seven are
deducted from the 93 indigenous witnesses who testified, only
86 witnesses who
testified can be seen to have been LIP listed claimants (the Claim groups on
whose behalf these 86 were called are
set out at 3.3 [365]). Third, the
NK 1 LIP was prepared by the GLSC when it represented the two NK 1 applicants,
Dolly Walker and her son Kado
Muir, but on the hearing the only witnesses called
in support of that Claim were those two applicants and Dolly Walker’s
brother
Paddy Walker; in fact there were ten further people listed on the NK 1
LIP who were called as witnesses for other Claim groups in
which they were also
LIP listed claimants (both the three and the ten are included in the NK 1 figure
of 13 above).
- The
non-indigenous parties put the Claim groups to proof of every element of their
Claims. For example, it was put in issue whether
applicants had been duly
authorised to bring the applications.
- Notwithstanding
that Chs 4-10 are headed by reference to the eight Claims before the Court, and
the considerable cross-referencing
as between all chapters, these reasons are
one document. This means that my reasons for the conclusion at which I arrive
concerning
any one Claim are to be found in the entire document, not only in the
particular chapter whose heading refers to that Claim. Obviously,
Ch 3 is
relevant to all the Claims dealt with in Chs 4-10. But, in addition, parties
often made submissions on a topic in relation
to one Claim simply by referring
to their submissions on the same topic in relation to another Claim (often, the
Wongatha Claim (Ch 4)).
In such cases, I rely on my discussion in the
section to which the cross-reference is made. Generally speaking, I have noted
the
parties’ cross-references, but to avoid even greater tedium, I have
not said each time, ‘and I refer to my discussion
at that section’.
However, I do.
CHAPTER 2 – THE CLAIMS: OVERVIEW
2.1 THE WONGATHA CLAIM (WAG
6005/98)
- Much
of the chronological development of the present Wongatha Claim was set out at
1.2(a) [18]–[36] and [61].
(a) The Wongatha Claim area
- As
noted earlier ([29]) the boundaries of the Wongatha Claim area are not
topographical or traditional boundaries. There was some
evidence suggesting
that Empress Spring in the far north was included at the insistence of Aubrey
Lynch, a Wongatha applicant, because
his father had gone there to participate in
‘law business’, and that Mulga Queen had been included at the
insistence
of Cyril Barnes, another Wongatha applicant, because his uncle had
married a woman from that area and had lived there. The Wongatha
claim to
include those places is contested by Phyllis Thomas, an MN applicant and
spokesperson for the Aboriginal community at Mulga
Queen.
- It
is obvious that some irregular parts of the boundary of the Wongatha Claim area
have been drawn in order to coincide with the boundary
of, and therefore to
exclude, a pastoral station; see, in particular, the exclusion of Melrose
Station. While we know that the
Wongatha Claim area boundaries are the external
boundaries that resulted from the combination of the 20 antecedent claims, it is
not suggested that the areas and boundaries of those claims were traditional
ones.
- In
sum, I do not know why the Wongatha Claim area is not larger or smaller, or why
its external boundaries do not follow a different
course. I assume that the
answer is to be found in the fact that the antecedent claims are an aggregation
of claims by individuals
to ‘my country’ areas, and the Wongatha
Claim area is an aggregation of those areas – a matter discussed at
3.6(c)(4).
- According
to the Wongatha Further Amended Native Title Determination Application -
Claimant Application (Form 1), dated 11 April
2003 and filed on
14 April 2003 (‘the Wongatha Form 1’), the names of the
applicants are still the twelve individuals
named in [34] above on behalf of the
Wongatha People.
- Attachment B1
to Schedule B to the Wongatha Form 1 is a map of the Wongatha Claim
area and Attachment B2 to Schedule B
to the Form 1 is a metes and
bounds description of its external boundaries. Schedule B describes, in
general terms, areas
within the external boundaries that are not covered by the
application, which I need not discuss. The exclusion of these areas is,
however, expressed (in Schedule B, para (e)) to be subject to the
non-extinguishment principle as defined in s 238 of the NTA, and to such of
the provisions of ss 47, 47A and 47B of the NTA as apply to any part of the
Wongatha Claim area.
(b) The Wongatha Claim group
- According
to the Wongatha Form 1, the applicants believe that the native title rights
and interests ‘claimed by the native
title group’ have not been
extinguished, and that they are themselves ‘members of the native title
claim group and are
authorised by all of the native title claim group to make
[the] application’. The applicants state in the Form 1 that
the
claim is brought on behalf of the persons indicated in Attachment A to
Schedule A to the Form 1, which is as
follows:
Wongatha people being
those persons (including the applicants) who
are:
[RM] and the biological descendants
of
Molly (f) => Duba aka Linda (f) and ‘Linden
Joe’ Walker (m)
Biyunga aka Biddy (f)
=> Sydney ‘Snowy Barnes
(m)excluding the children of Marjorie Barnes
and Ron Bonney Snr,except Barron Bonney,
and their offspring, andexcluding Karen
VincentNgadu aka Maggie (f) => Janun aka
Billy Shannon => [RM]Wi:pana (f) => Miiwa
(f) => Nellie (f)Rose (f) => Mundja aka
Bernard ‘Bricky’ (m)Ningu (f) =
Yindu (m) => Junu/Yununyunka (f)Nu:nany aka
Maggie (f) => Bindjalina (f)Wanawala aka
Nellie (f) => Darlu (m) => Ngajuju
akaDavey Johnson
(m)Ngayuyu aka Davey Johnson (m) = Yurama aka
Adelaide (f)Bungin (m) => Mo:tan aka
MilbaGulbunya aka Alec Bilson (m) = Winbildanu
(f) => Kennedy Bilson
(m)Kennedy Bilson (m) = Nga:npa aka Fanny
Bilson (f)Jina (m) => Garjunu aka Dickie
(m)Bayidjuwara aka Biddy (f) = Pinamunggari (m)
=> Tanguna (f)Waldanada (f) = Ni:lan
(m)Tanguna (f) = Garjuna aka Dickie
(m)Bangin (m) => Mo:tan aka Milba
(f)Mo:tan aka Milba (f) = Djiraban aka Ginger
Stokes (m) => Gunyugundju aka Arthur Stokes
(m)Nyingu (f) = Yindu (m) => Missie
(f)Missie = Janun aka Billy
ShannonTjimba (f) => Ngunin aka Kitty
(f)Ngunin aka Kitty (f) = Darbutha aka Mungala
Harris (m) = Billy Maradibu
(m)Biyung aka Biddy (f) = Bella, Cissie, Alice
and Jim BarnesBella Barnes (f) = Jumbo Harris
(m)Maggie (f) => Nangguna aka Rosie (f)
=> Dula aka Doris, Bessie andDulcie
O’LoughlinNidiwanu aka Annie (f) =
Djinduru (m) => Mudiguda aka Bert Thomas
(m)Dula aka Doris O’Loughlin (f) =
Mudiguda aka Bert Thomas (m)(f) => Jack
Wangulbi (m)aka Alice (f) = Jack Wangulbi (m)
=> Teresa, Toll, Doreenthe descendants of
Thomas Murrayaka Minnie (f) = Ginger (m)
=> Dinah (f) => Frank O’Loughlinaka
Eva Trilby (f) => Thomas, Friday (Larry) and Norman
Forrest(f) Wi:tun (m) => Yuguda aka Daisy
(f) and Wallis Blows (m)(f) = Ginger (m) =>
Archibald, Mona, Steve and Dinah Earleaka
Rachel Grey (F) and Gungundjanu aka Frank Grey
(m)(f) = Gu:banu (m) => Manguminding aka
Annie (f)aka Walter Gable (m) and Kon:ija
(m)aka Annie (f) = Yulbun aka
Frank(f) = Nabuda (m) => Kadanari aka Nancy
(f)aka Tilly => Larry
Robertson= Fred => Mick
TaylorMorrison(f)Morrison
(f)(f)
(m) – male, (f)
female;
x = y means x and y were married/de
facto;x => y means y is the offspring of
xAny descendants of apical ancestors nominated
are indicative only, and not definitive or limiting of
descendants.andpersons adopted by those
biological descendants, in accordance with Wongatha tradition and custom.
(Adoption, under Wongatha tradition
and custom, refers to the situation were
[sic – where] a child is ‘grown up’ by a relative or
someone without a biological relationship, either because they have been
‘gifted’
to them, or left in their care, as the biological parents
are not in a position to care for them. This applies regardless of whether
or
not the child has been formally adopted under the non-Aboriginal legal
system.)’ (my emphasis)
The Wongatha Claim group may therefore be described as RM, and, subject to
the exceptions given emphasis above, the biological descendants
of numerous
named apical ancestors, and the adoptees of those biological descendants.
- According
to the Wongatha LIP filed on 1 May 2002, there were then 820 members of the
Wongatha Claim group (Wongatha claimants).
Thus, the applicants were stating
that there were 820 individuals who satisfied this description in the Wongatha
Form 1 as
at that date. I have not determined whether this is correct, or
whether some smaller or larger number is correct. Nor have I attempted
to
determine whether the 820 individuals, or some lesser or greater number, satisfy
the criteria for membership of the Wongatha Claim
group set out in the Wongatha
POC referred to below.
- On
any reckoning, the number of Wongatha claimants is large. Forty-three LIP
listed Wongatha claimants testified on connection.
- The
Wongatha POC (POC are subservient to the Form 1: Harrington-Smith on
behalf of the Wongatha People v Western Australia (No 5) [2003] FCA 218
(‘Harrington-Smith v Western Australia (No 5’)) at [56])
state in respect of the Wongatha Claim group (1(a) and (b))
that:
(a) The applicant group comprises
the Wongatha people, being that group of persons who are connected to the
native title determination area ... by Aboriginal traditional law and
custom.
The criteria for membership of the applicant group
... are:
that the person traces his or her
ancestry, considered in genealogical, occupational and/or socio-cultural terms,
to a man or woman
whose “country” is recognised by other members as
being located within the amended area; or,
alternativelythat the person was born and grew
up in the amended area; and (in both cases)that
his/her connection to the amended area is recognised by other members of the
applicant group.’ (my emphasis)
As will appear below, the membership criteria for the other GLSC Claim groups
(MN, Koara and Wutha) are, mutatis mutandis, identical. This fact
suggests problems for overlap areas: a person whose connection is to the overlap
will satisfy the membership
criteria of more than one Claim group, and the only
basis on which he or she will be a member of one and not of the other or others,
is that one recognises his or her connection, and the other or others do
not.
- The
Wongatha POC cannot enlarge or reduce the Wongatha Claim group. The only way
that can be done is by amendment of the Form 1.
However, the importance of
the POC must not be underestimated. The POC explains the basis on which the
Wongatha Claim group is
composed as it is. According to the Wongatha case, it
is only if a person referred to in the Wongatha Form 1 satisfies the
POC
membership criteria that his or her membership of the Wongatha Claim group is
supported, and a person who satisfies those criteria
should find a place in the
Form 1 description. Accordingly, although the POC membership criteria
cannot be described as RM
plus descendants from apical ancestors, the question
arises why the outworking of the POC criteria yields the group described in
the
Wongatha Form 1 – an issue reserved for later discussion.
- The
Wongatha POC membership criteria can be summarised
as:
(i) ancestor’s connection; or
(ii) birth and growing up in the Wongatha Claim area with the requirement at
all points of recognition by the Wongatha Claim group.
- In
relation to (i), it will be noted that the basis of the ancestor’s having
‘country’ is not stated. I have difficulty
with the notion of
‘ancestry considered in genealogical, occupational and/or socio-cultural
terms’. At least we are
told that the ancestry must be traced back to a
person.
- For
(ii) to be satisfied, birth alone or growing up alone is not enough: both are
required. Some connections, standing alone, will
not satisfy (ii), eg
initiation, or residence in later years (after growing up) within the Wongatha
Claim area.
- By
para 8 of the Wongatha POC, the Wongatha applicants contend that they are
entitled to a determination that ‘the Wongatha
People’ hold the
group rights comprising the native title. As will be observed later, this gives
rise to a problem in the
light of the exclusion of certain individuals in the
Form 1 description of the Claim group (see [126] above).
- It
is clear from the Form 1 and the POC that in terms of ss 61 and 223(1)
of the NTA, the Wongatha Claim is a communal or group claim, and that the native
title rights and interests as claimed are not
individual rights and interests,
but communal or group rights and interests. I discuss the meaning of
‘communal’, ‘group’,
and ‘individual’ in s
223(1) of the NTA at 3.8 [1129] ff, and explain threre that all of the
Claims are group claims of group rights and interests. In fact, the parties
have treated
them throughout as group claims.
(c) The native title rights and interests claimed
- Eleven
native title rights and interests are claimed. They are described in
Schedule E to the Form 1, as
follows:
native title rights and interests
claimed are rights to possession, occupation, use and enjoyment as against the
whole world of the
area and in particular,
comprise:
rights and interests to possess, occupy, use and
enjoy the area;
the right to make decisions about the use and
enjoyment of the area;
the right of access to the
area;
the right to control the access of others to the
area;
the right to use and enjoy resources of the
area;
the right to control the use and enjoyment of others
of resources of the area;
the right to trade in the natural resources of the
area;
the right to receive a portion of any of the natural
resources taken by others from the area;
the right to maintain and protect places of
importance under traditional laws, customs and practices in the
area;
the right to teach and pass on knowledge of the
applicant group’s traditional laws and customs, pertaining to the area,
and
knowledge of places in the area; and
the right to learn about, and acquire knowledge
concerning the applicant group’s traditional laws and customs pertaining
to
the area, and knowledge of places in the
area.
to:
To the extent that any minerals, petroleum or gas
within the area of the claim are wholly owned by the Crown in the right of the
Commonwealth
or the State of Western Australia, they are not claimed by the
applicants.
The applicants do not make a claim to native title
rights and interests which confer possession, occupation use and enjoyment to
the
exclusion of all others in respect of any areas in relation to which a
previous non-exclusive possession act, as defined in section 23F of the
Native Title Act 1993, was done in relation to an area, and, either the
act was an act attributable to the Commonwealth, or the act was attributable to
the State of Western Australia, and a law of that State has made provision as
mentioned in section 23I in relation to the
act.
Those native title rights and interests which are
claimed in respect of those areas referred to in (ii), or in respect of those
areas
where native title has otherwise been partially extinguished at common
law, comprise only those rights and interests that are consistent
with any such
act, grant, title or interest.
Where a native title right to exclusive possession
has been extinguished the applicants do not claim (i) the right to possess nor
(ii) the right to make decisions about the use and enjoyment of the area nor
(iii) the right to control access of others to the
area.
Paragraph (ii) above is subject to the
non-extinguishment principle (as defined in section 238 of the Native Title
Act 1993), and to such of the provisions of sections 47, 47A and 47B of the
Native Title Act as apply to any part of the area contained within this
application, particulars of which will be provided prior to the hearing but
which include such areas listed in
Schedule L.
The abovementioned rights and interests apply to the
total area, however there are areas the subject of overlapping applications for
determinations of native title by other Aboriginal groups or individuals where
Wongatha people share such rights and interests wholly
or in part, with members
of those other groups. These areas are the overlapping areas the subject
of:
the Koara application for determination of Native
Title WAG 6008/98
the Wutha application for
determination of Native Title WAG 6064/98the
Mantjintjarra Ngalia application for determination of Native Title WAG
6069/98the Cosmo Newberry application for
determination of Native Title WAG 144/98the
Ngalia Kutjungkatja Nº 1 application for determination of Native Title WAG
6011/00.’
According to para (vi) above, the Wongatha applicants acknowledge that
in relation to overlap areas, the Wongatha Claim group’s
rights and
interests are ‘shared’, in whole or in part, with unidentified
members of the Koara, Wutha, MN, Cosmo and
NK 1 Claim groups. It will be
noted that para (vi) does not refer to a sharing with members of the
Maduwongga or NK 2
Claim groups. The Wongatha applicants contend that the
Maduwongga claimants do not constitute an independent group or people, but
either are members of the Wongatha Claim group, or do not have native title in
any part of the Wongatha Claim area. The Wongatha
applicants regard the NK 2
Claim as a complete replica of the MN Claim, both in terms of Claim area, and
Claim group composition
– one Claim and Claim group with two names.
- Paragraphs 2
and 3 of the Wongatha POC also address the rights and interests claimed.
Those rights and interests are said
(at para 2(a)) to be, subject to
certain exclusions, ‘the right on the part of the applicant group to the
possession,
occupation, use and enjoyment of the [Wongatha Claim] area as
against the whole world (subject to any shared rights or co-existent
interests
in overlapping areas mentioned in paragraph 3 ...) and, in particular, or,
alternatively, comprise [the rights and
interests described in eleven numbered
paragraphs]’. Paragraph 3 of the Wongatha POC states that where
there are ‘overlapping
applications ... by other Aboriginal groups or
individuals’, the rights and interests are ‘shared, either wholly or
in
part, or as between all or some members of the Wongatha people and those
Aboriginal groups or individuals or some of them’.
The significance of
‘sharing’ is discussed later, for example, at
4.1.
(d) The factual basis of the Wongatha Claim
- The
factual basis of the Wongatha Claim is set out in Schedule F to the
Wongatha Form 1 as follows:
native
title rights and interests claimed herein are those of and flowing from the
right to possession occupation use and enjoyment
of the land enjoyed pursuant to
the traditional laws and customs of the claim group based upon the following
facts:
the native title claim group and their ancestors
have, since the assertion of British sovereignty possessed occupied used and
enjoyed
the claim area or alternatively, exercised their native title rights and
interests; and
such possession occupation use and enjoyment and
exercise of their native title rights and interests has been pursuant to and
possessed
under the laws and customs of the claim group including traditional
laws and customs that vest rights and interests in land and waters
in members of
the native title claim group on the basis
of:-
descent from ancestors connected to the
area (including through adoption)conception in
the areabirth in the
areatraditional religious knowledge of the
areatraditional knowledge of the geography of
the areatraditional knowledge of the resources
of the areatraditional knowledge of ceremonies
of the area
The rights and interests held by the native title
claim group in relation to the claim area and identified at Schedule E are
possessed
under the traditional laws and customs of the Wongatha people which
are in turn shared with other members of the Western Desert cultural
bloc.
[my emphasis] Such laws and customs derive from the Tjukurr (dreaming)
and include the key interrelated concepts and practices relating
to
- ngurra,
a person's birth place, camp or home or area of ancestral
connection, having primary importance and “run”, being a broader
area signifying a range of occupation.
- pika
ngurlu, being places associated with Tjukurr and associated ritual
ceremonies and practices which continue to be respected, avoided and
protected
by the claimant group.
- the use of
the natural resources of the claim area for physical, economic and
cultural sustenance including through hunting, gathering, camping and use of
water sources
and other natural resources on the claim area
such traditional laws and customs have been
passed on by traditional teaching through the generations preceding the present
generations
to the present generations of persons comprising the native title
claim group.
the native title claim group continues to acknowledge
and observe those traditional laws and
customs.
the native title claim group by those laws and
customs has a connection with the land in respect of which the claim is
made.
the rights and interests are capable of being
recognised by the common law of
Australia.’
Paragraph (A) introduces the ideal of the ancestors of the Wongatha claimants
having been in possession and so on at sovereignty.
Paragraph (B) introduces a
range of bases of connection that has little resemblance to the two that
para 1 of the Wongatha
POC stipulates as the criteria for membership of the
Wongatha Claim group.
- The
claim made in para (BA) is important. In para (4) of the Wongatha
POC, the contention is put as
follows:
rights and interests [claimed]
are possessed, and connection of the applicant group is established under the
laws and customs of the Wongatha people (“the
Law”) which the
applicant group shares with other members of the Western Desert cultural
bloc. The Law is circumscribed by the concept of Tjukurr (commonly
referred to as the “dreaming”) by which physical proof of the
applicant group’s native title rights and
interests in the amended area is
evident in the amended area’s topographic features which were created by
or are the embodiment
of Tjukurr. The Tjukurr is responsible for
the laws and customs which inform Wongatha society, including those related to a
person’s country. Associated
with Tjukurr is the concept of
Ngurra which is identified with a person’s birth place, with a
camp, or with a more extensive area or “country” in regard
to which
individual members of the applicant group assert they are entitled to exercise
rights and interests.’ (my emphasis)
Thus, both the Wongatha Form 1 and the Wongatha POC make it clear that
the rights and interests claimed are said to arise, not
under laws and customs
peculiar to the Wongatha people, but under laws and customs shared with other
‘members’ of the
‘Western Desert cultural bloc’
(‘WDCB’). The suggestion is, then, that the WDCB is a law and
custom sustaining
‘society’. In fact, this is how the Wongatha
Claim is put (and how all the other Claims before the Court are put).
(e) Wongatha claimants’ connection with the Wongatha Claim area
- Paragraph 5
of the Wongatha POC, under the heading ‘Connection with the land and
waters’, states that members of
the Wongatha Claim group ‘have
maintained as far as practicable, traditional connection by their traditional
laws and customs
with the [Wongatha Claim] area and continue to do so through
engaging in practices which include but are not limited to’ the
practices
listed in that paragraph.
(f) Sections 47, 47A, 47B and 61A of the NTA
- Schedule L
to the Wongatha Form 1, and Attachment L to which it refers, are
referable to ss 47, 47A, 47B and 61A of the NTA, and set out:
(a) details of any area for which a pastoral lease is held by or on
behalf of any of the Wongatha claimants (Glenorn, Pinjin, Adelong
and Moropoi
Stations are identified);
(b) any areas leased, held or reserved for the benefit of Aboriginal people
that are occupied by or on behalf of any of the Wongatha
claimants (nine areas
are identified);
(c) any vacant Crown land occupied by any of the Wongatha claimants (the
Form 1 foreshadowed a particularisation of these areas,
and particulars
were given by a Notice by the Wongatha applicants dated 1 May 2003 and
filed on 5 May 2003, which identified
on an attached map, 20 areas of Crown
land, and in respect of each, the persons (purportedly GLSC claimants) who are
said to have
occupied it at the time the relevant application was made); and
(d) any areas mentioned in (a), (b) and (c) over which extinguishment of
native title is required by ss 47, 47A or 47B of the NTA to be disregarded
(all the areas referred to in paras (a), (b) and (c) are identified).
(g) Authorisation
- Finally,
according to the Wongatha Form 1, Schedule R, the 12 Wongatha
applicants were authorised by ‘the native title
claim group’ to make
the Wongatha application ‘by consensus decision’ of that group at a
number of meetings, including
by way of resolution passed at a meeting of the
NEIB, being ‘a representative meeting’ of the group held on
18 December
1998, and again at a meeting held at Kalgoorlie on
26 October 1999. I deal with the issue of authorisation of the Wongatha
Claim at 4.1, and of the other Claims in the first section of the
respective chapters that address those Claims, thus: MN (5.1), Koara
(6.1), Wutha (7.1), Cosmo (8.1), Maduwongga (9.1),
and NK 1 and NK 2 (10.1).
2.2 THE MANTJINTJARRA NGALIA CLAIM (WAG 6069/98)
(a) The MN Claim area
- Aspects
of the MN Claim were referred to at 1.2(b) [40] and 1.3 [61]. As
noted at [39], the MN applicants are also represented by the GLSC.
- According
to the primary report of anthropologists, Daniel A Vachon and Daniel M
de Gand, of August 2001, the Wongatha/MN
overlap ‘covers
approximately 40,000 square kilometres of the northeast Goldfields region and
northern Great Victoria Desert’
(p 13). As appears in
Annexure A to these reasons, the MN Claim area embraces the Wongatha/MN
overlap and two areas north of the northern
boundary of the Wongatha Claim area.
The external boundaries of the MN Claim area have not changed from those
indicated by the map
which was attached to the one and only antecedent
application (WC 96/20). That MN application was lodged with the NNTT by
Phyllis
Thomas of the Mulga Queen Aboriginal Community, on 11 March
1996.
- With
one qualification, the northern boundary of the Wongatha/MN overlap area is the
northern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area.
The qualification is that the
exclusion of Prenti Downs Station from the MN Claim area means that a relatively
small part of the
boundary of the MN Claim area, and therefore of the northern
boundary of the Wongatha/MN overlap, coincides with the southern part
of the
boundary of Prenti Downs Station. Part of the southern boundary of the MN Claim
area coincides with the north-western boundary
of the Cosmo Claim area: those
two Claim areas share a common boundary, and there is no overlap between
them.
- On
its east, the MN Claim area is bounded by a line, which is in part curved and in
part straight. A part seems to adhere to the
western edge of Lake
Throssell.
- As
with the external boundaries of the Wongatha Claim area (see [121]–[123]),
the evidence does not disclose any explanation
for the choice of the external
boundaries of the MN Claim area (apart from what may be deduced from the
boundary coincidences
noted above).
- The
external boundaries of the MN Claim were later adopted by Dolly Walker as the
external boundaries of the NK 2 Claim area.
As can be seen on
Annexure A, some areas on the western side of the Wongatha/MN/NK 2
overlap are also overlapped by the
Koara and Wutha Claims.
- The
MN Form 1 states that the area covered by the application
is:
‘ • Vacant Crown
Land
Queen 25058
Mulga
Queen 25059
Mulga Queen 25060
Mt Gerard
32421
Wells
Erlistoun
Bandya
Nambi
Melrose
Banjawarn,
and
a portion of Wonganoo
- Conservation
and Land Management:
Claypan Nature
Reserve
a portion of proposed Lake Throssell Nature
Reserve
De La Poer Nature Reserve
The area under claim does not include any
land or waters affected by a Category A Past Act (as defined in section 229
of the
Native Title Act 1993).’
(b) The MN Claim group
- On
the front page of the original Form 1 prescribed by paras 4-6 of the
National Native Title Tribunal Regulations 1993, filed in the NNTT on
11 March 1996, there was a reference, immediately below the full name of
the applicant ‘Phyllis Thomas’,
to ‘Muntjiltjarra
people’ as being ‘Other names, if any, applicant(s) may be known
by’. Later in the form,
however, the description of the persons other
than Phyllis Thomas on whose behalf the application was made, was simply a
listing
of 16 named families and two named individuals. There was no further
reference to ‘Muntjiltjarra people’ in the original
Form 1.
However, a letter dated 7 March 1996 from the GLSC to the NT Registrar
enclosing the original Form 1
had referred to it as ‘a native title
determination application made by Phyllis Thomas on behalf of the Muntjiltjarra
people
of the North Eastern Goldfields region of Western Australia’.
- In
1996 and 1997, Phyllis Thomas or the GLSC made requests to the NNTT for further
amendment of the MN Form 1. The parties have
proceeded on the basis that
the amendments requested were made. For example, on 20 March 1996, nine
days after lodgement of
the original application, the GLSC requested amendment
of the description of the persons other than Ms Thomas on whose behalf
the
application was made, to read: ‘The Muntjiljarra [sic] people,
including [there followed the names of the same sixteen families and two
individuals, to which were added references to three further families]’
(my emphasis).
- Phyllis
Thomas or the GLSC wrote to the NNTT on 11 April 1996, 4 February
1997, 10 June 1997, 22 August 1997 and
13 October 1997 requesting
that various further amendments be made to the MN Form 1. As a result, the
named applicants
became and remain Phyllis Thomas and the other seven persons
named in the table in [61] above. The references to ‘Muntjiltjarra’
and ‘Muntjiljarra’ have been transformed through successive
amendments so that the words ‘on behalf of the MANTJINTJARRA
and
NGALIA PEOPLES’ (my emphasis) now appear, followed by the
words:
Phyllis Thomas and family, Rose
Meredith and family, Johnny Polak (deceased) and family, Murphy family, Dolly
Walker and family, Paddy
Walker and family, Doreen Banks and family, Richards
family, Eileen, Topsy and Sheila and Melrose, and Friday Jones and family, Mary
Baldwin and family, Chapman family, Nancy Gordon and family, Willie Hill, Maisie
Hill, Westlake family, Muriel Barnes (deceased)
and family, Shaw family,
MacArthur family.’ (my emphasis)
The reference to ‘Mantjintjarra’ and ‘Ngalia’
Peoples (in the plural) suggests two groups. Indeed, the evidence shows that
those called ‘Ngalia’
and ‘Mantjintjarra’ did indeed
come together to make the MN Claim. However, at least Dolly Walker (Ngalia)
came to think
the arrangement not a good idea, and has expressed a wish to have
her name removed from the MN Claim, but there has been no amendment
of the MN
Form 1 to achieve that result.
- On
13 October 1997 Phyllis Thomas requested of the NNTT that there be added to
ss A1 (‘Applicant(s)’) and A3 (‘Name
of person who is to be
registered native title claimant’) of the Form 1, but not to the
above description of the MN Claim
group, ‘Phyllis Thomas, MM, Dolly
Walker, Nancy Gordon, Kado Muir, Jane Beasley, Vanessa Thomas, Mindi
Chapman’. It
appears, however, that they were already included in the
families referred to in the above description of the MN Claim group.
- By
adopting the Wongatha applicants’ POC (see [61]), the MN applicants have
adopted mutatis mutandis the criteria for membership of the Wongatha
Claim group, which are expressed in subparas 1(a) and (b) set out at [129]
above.
My discussion at [129] ff applies, mutatis mutandis.
- According
to the MN LIP filed on 22 April 2002, there were 279 MN claimants at that date.
Twenty-three LIP listed MN claimants testified.
(c) The native title rights and interests claimed
- In
response to the MN Form 1’s invitation in para A9 to describe the
‘native title interests’ claimed and the
claimants’
‘connection’ to the Claim area, the Form 1, as amended on or
about 11 April 1996, included
the
following:
use and enjoyment of the claim
area.
and except for the areas of former pastoral lease and
current pastoral lease, in respect of which the claimed native title rights
and
interests are limited to those rights and interests which are consistent with
the reservations contained in statutes.
relation to any other leasehold interest (not
including mining leases) within the claim area granted prior to 1st
Jan 1994 the native title rights and interests claimed by the applicants are
limited to those which are consistent with such leasehold
interests and or any
reservations contained in such leasehold
interests.
The above native title rights and interests are not
claimed with respect to any areas of current and former freehold
land.’
There is no reference to sharing in the MN Form 1 (cf [136], condition
(vi), above).
- As
noted in [61] above, the MN applicants have not filed POC in their proceeding
(WAG 6069/98). However, they and the Koara and
Wutha applicants have each
filed ‘Points of Response’ in common form in the Wongatha
proceeding, by which they respectively:
- admit the
contentions in the Wongatha applicants’ further amended POC;
- claim to hold
native title rights and interests ‘on a shared basis’ with others,
including members of the Wongatha Claim
group; and
- to that extent
and with any necessary modifications, adopt the Wongatha
POC.
By adopting the Wongatha POC, the MN applicants
acknowledge that they seek a determination that the MN Claim group holds native
title
rights and interests in, relevantly, the Wongatha/MN overlap, under the
laws and customs of the MN people, which the MN Claim group
shares with
‘other members of the [WDCB]’ (see [139]). Although there is no MN
POC document, for convenience I will
use ‘MN POC’ to refer to the
Wongatha POC adopted by the MN Points of Response.
- Like
the Wongatha Claim, the MN Claim is a communal or group claim for the purposes
of ss 61 and 223(1) of the NTA, and thus
the native title rights and
interests as claimed are communal or group rights and interests, rather than
individual rights and interests.
2.3 THE KOARA CLAIM (WAG 6008/98)
- Aspects
of the Koara Claim were referred to at 1.2(c) [42]-[43] and [61] above.
As noted at [39], the Koara applicants are also represented by the
GLSC.
(a) The Koara Claim area
- Each
of the six antecedent Koara applications described in Annexure B was lodged
by the late Ted Coomanoo Evans as applicant.
The first (WC 95/1) was made in
respect of an area described in an extract from the 1974 text by the noted
anthropologist, Professor
Norman Barnett Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes of
Australia: Their Terrain, Environmental Controls, Distribution, Limits, and
Proper Names (ANU Press, Canberra, 1974) (‘Tindale, Aboriginal
Tribes’). That work was based on research that Professor Tindale and
his associates had conducted over several decades. An area
was shown as
‘Ko:ara’ on a map forming part of Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes
(‘Tindale’s map’). The Koara Claim area is based on that area
shown on Tindale’s map.
- The
Koara Claim (WAG 6008/98 (WC 95/1)), emerged from an application made
by Ted Coomanoo Evans and his son, Richard Guy
Evans (sometimes referred to as
‘Guy Richard Evans’, or more commonly simply ‘Richard
Evans’), which, in
turn, emerged from the six Koara applications that were
lodged in the NNTT prior to the commencement of the Amending NTA. Amended
forms
of the Koara Form 1 were subsequently filed on 31 December 1998,
4 March 1999 and 7 October 2002.
- The
Koara Claim area, shown on a map which is Attachment B1 to the Koara
Form 1 and on the map which is Annexure A
to these reasons, follows
fairly closely the ‘Ko:ara’ area on Tindale’s map. As can be
seen, it overlaps the western
part of the Wongatha Claim area. The town of
Leonora, which is just within the south-eastern boundary of the Koara Claim
area, is
also within the Wongatha Claim area. The boundaries of the Koara Claim
area are, generally speaking, a series of long straight lines,
but there are
some notable irregularities. There is no evidence explaining these
irregularities. They did not feature on Tindale’s
map. The
irregularities would have been explained if they had been attributable to any
traditional considerations. I infer that
their purpose was to exclude certain
places for non-traditional reasons. More generally, it is not suggested that
the Koara boundaries
are based upon any natural features of the landscape or on
traditional concepts. As will be seen later, the boundaries shown on
Tindale’s map are now best regarded as an attempt to record approximate
dialectal boundaries.
- Much
of the Wongatha/Koara overlap is also the Wongatha/Wutha overlap. However, the
small easternmost part of the Wongatha/Koara
overlap lies east of the
Wongatha/Wutha overlap, and a small southern part of the Wongatha/Wutha overlap
lies south of the Wongatha/Koara
overlap. The Wongatha/Koara/Wutha overlap
includes, in its eastern part, some land which is in the MN (NK 2) Claim area,
and in
its western part, some land that is in the NK 1 Claim area. Thus, there
is land that is within five of the Claim areas (Wongatha,
MN, Koara, Wutha and
NK 2) and there is other land that is within four of the Claim areas (Wongatha,
Koara, Wutha and NK 1).
- Areas
within the external boundaries of the Koara Claim area, but which are excluded
from it, are described in the Koara Form 1,
but I need not refer to
them.
(b) The Koara Claim group
- Over
time, the Koara Claim group has been variously described in the successive
versions of the Koara Form 1. The current Form 1,
a further amended
application dated 3 October 2002 that was filed in this Court on
7 October 2002, omitted the name of
Ted Coomanoo Evans as an applicant, and
named the applicants as ‘Richard Guy Evans, Dawn Evans, Brett Andrew
Lewis, Geraldine
Hogarth and Joan Tucker on behalf of the Koara people’.
They claimed to be authorised by ‘the native title claim group’
to
make the application. On 31 October 2002 a District Registrar made orders
allowing the change in the identity of the applicants,
and directing that the
further amended application filed on 7 October 2002 stand as the amended
application in the Koara proceeding.
- Schedule A
to the current Koara Form 1 states that the Koara applicants ‘claim
on behalf of the Native Title Claim
group known as Koara’, which is stated
to consist of:
biological descendants
of:
aka Daisy
Cordella
aka Ted Evans
snrCordellaCordellaLewisNixonTjaan
aka Tom Green (m) = Tjutajaru aka Annie Green
(f)WilunaWilunaWilunaWalamandpersons
adopted by those biological descendants in accordance with Koara tradition and
custom. (Adoption, refers to the situation
where a child is “grown
up” by a relative or someone without a biological relationship, either
because they have been
gifted to them, or left in their care, as the biological
parents are not in a position to care for them. This applies regardless
of
whether or not the child has been formally adopted under the non-Aboriginal
legal system.)’
The Koara Claim group can therefore be described as the biological
descendants of 11 apical ancestors and the adoptees of those biological
descendants. The Koara applicants’ common form Points of Response to the
Wongatha POC were noted at [61] and [157] above.
Accordingly, my discussion at
[129] ff applies, mutatis mutandis.
- Additionally,
subparas 1(a) and (b) of the Koara POC, filed on 30 May 2003 in proceeding
WAG 6008/98, identified the Koara
Claim group and the criteria for
membership of it. The criteria were identical to those in subparas 1(a)
and (b) of the Wongatha
POC set out at [129] above, except for the substitution
of ‘Koara’ for ‘Wongatha’.
- According
to the Koara LIP filed on 22 April 2002, there were 162 Koara claimants at that
date. Seven of them gave evidence.
- The
State submits that para 1 of the Koara POC is inconsistent with
Schedule A to the Koara Form 1. However, while
the Form 1
identifies conclusively who are in the Koara Claim group, para 1 of the
Koara POC states why they are in it,
that is, the criteria for membership of the
group. I repeat my observations at [129], [130], mutatis mutandis. If a
person were to be found who satisfied the POC criteria but not the Form 1
description of the Koara Claim group, or vice
versa, the correctness of one or
other document (or of both) would be called into question. Unless and until
amended, the Koara
Form 1 is conclusive as to who are the members of the Koara
Claim group.
(c) The native title rights and interests claimed
- Schedule E
to the Koara Form 1 describes the native title rights and interests claimed
as follows:
native title rights and
interests claimed are the rights and interests as against the whole world
(subject to any native title rights
and interests that may be shared with any
other persons who establish that they are native title holders) in particular
comprising:
rights and interests to possess, occupy, use and
enjoy the area;
the right to make decisions about the use and
enjoyment of the area;
the right of access to the
area;
the right to control the access of others to the
area;
the right to use and enjoy resources of the
area;
the right to control the use and enjoyment of others
of resources of the area;
the right to trade in resources of the
area;
the right to receive a portion of any resources taken
by others from the area;
the right to maintain and protect places of
importance under traditional laws, customs and practices in the area;
and
claimed native title rights and interests are Subject
to:
To the extent that any minerals, petroleum or gas
within the area of the claim are wholly owned by the Crown in the right of the
Commonwealth
or the State of Western Australia, they are not claimed by the
applicants.
the claim does not include any offshore
place.
Subject to paragraph (iv) the applicants do not make
a claim to native title rights and interests which confer possession, occupation
use and enjoyment to the exclusion of all others in respect of any areas in
relation to which a previous non-exclusive possession
act, as defined in section
23F of the NTA, was done in relation to an area, and, either the act was an act
attributed to the Commonwealth,
or the act was attributable to the State of
Western Australia and a law of that State has made provision as mentioned in Sec
23I
in relation to the act; and those native title rights and interests which
are claimed in respect of those areas comprise only those
rights and interests
as are consistent with any such act.
Paragraph (iii) above is subject to such of the
provisions of sections 47, 47A and 47B of the Act as apply to any part of the
area
contained within this application, particulars of which will be provided
prior to the hearing but which include such areas as may
be listed in
Schedule L.
the said native title rights and interests are not
claimed to the exclusion of and comprise only those rights and interests as are
consistent with any other rights and interest validly created by or pursuant to
the common law, the law of the State or a law of
the
Commonwealth.’
Paragraph 2 of the Koara POC repeats paras (a)-(i) above and adds two
further claimed rights and interests:
• the right to teach and pass on knowledge of
the applicant group’s traditional laws and customs pertaining to the area,
and knowledge
of places in the area;
- the right to
learn about and acquire knowledge concerning the applicant group’s
traditional laws and customs pertaining to the
area, and knowledge of places in
the area.’
- The
Koara Form 1 does not refer to sharing, but by adopting the Wongatha POC,
the Koara applicants acknowledge a sharing with
other members of the WDCB: see
[136]-[137] above. In addition, para 3 of the Koara POC states that the
rights and interests
claimed apply to the whole of the Koara Claim area, but
adds that ‘there are areas the subject of overlapping applications
for
determination of native title by other Aboriginal groups or individuals where
such rights or interests are shared either wholly
or in part, as between all or
some members of the Koara people and those Aboriginal groups or individuals or
some of them’.
(d) The factual basis of the Koara Claim
- The
description of the factual basis of the Koara Claim expressed in Schedule F
to the Koara Form 1 begins with the assertion
that:
the native title claim group has, and
the predecessors of those persons had, an association with the area;
and
there exist traditional laws and customs
that give rise to the claimed native title; and
the native title claim group has continued to
hold the native title in accordance with those traditional laws and
customs.’
Schedule F continues:
native title rights and interests are those of and
flowing from the right to possession occupation use and enjoyment of the land
pursuant
to the traditional law and custom of the claim group based upon the
following facts:-
the native title claim group and their ancestors
have, since the assertion of British sovereignty possessed occupied used and
enjoyed
the claim area; and
such possession occupation use and enjoyment has been
pursuant to and possessed under the traditional laws and customs of the claim
group including traditional laws and customs that vest rights and interests in
land and waters in members of the native title claim
group on the basis of
:-
descent from
ancestorsconception in the
areabirth in the
areatraditional religious knowledge of the
areatraditional knowledge of the geography of
the areatraditional knowledge of the resources
of the areatraditional knowledge of ceremonies
of the area
such traditional law and custom has been passed on by
traditional teaching through the generations preceding the present generations
to the present generations of persons comprising the native title claim
group
the native title claim group continues to acknowledge
and observe those traditional law and customs
the native title group by those laws and customs have
a connection with the land in respect of which the claim is
made
the rights and interests are capable of being
recognised by the common law of
Australia.’
Clearly, there are similarities between the Koara Schedule F and the
Wongatha Schedule F (see [138] above).
- The
Koara POC assert (para 4) that:
rights
and interests referred to in paragraphs 2 and 3 are possessed, and connection of
the applicant group is established under the laws and customs of the Koara
people (“the Law”) which the applicant group shares with
other members of the Western Desert cultural bloc. The Law is circumscribed
by the concept of Tjukurr or Tjukurrpa (commonly referred to as
the “dreaming”) by which physical proof of the applicant
group’s native title rights and
interests in the area is evident in the
area’s topographic features which were created by or are the embodiment of
Tjukurr. The Tjukurr is responsible for the laws and customs
which inform Koara society, including those related to a person’s
country.’ (my emphasis)
Thus, para 4 of the Koara POC is identical, mutatis mutandis, as
far as it goes, and with para 4 of the Wongatha POC (set out at [139] set
out above), but does not include the last sentence
of the Wongatha
para 4.
- Like
the Wongatha and MN Claims, in terms of ss 61 and 223(1) of the NTA, the
Koara Claim is a communal or group claim, and the
rights and interests claimed
are communal or group rights and interests.
- As
noted at [157], the Koara applicants also filed common form Points of Response
to the Wongatha POC. Accordingly, the observations
made at [154], apply
mutatis mutandis.
2.4 THE WUTHA CLAIM (WAG 6064/98)
- Aspects
of the Wutha Claim were referred to at 1.2(d) [45] and [61]. As noted at
[39], the Wutha applicants are also represented by the GLSC. The word
‘Wutha’ means ‘bush
potato’ or ‘wild potato’
– a form of ‘bush tucker’ available in, relevantly, part of
the Wutha
Claim area.
- In
the original Wutha application, lodged with the NNTT on 19 January 1996
(WC 96/8), the applicant was Raymond William
Ashwin. In response to the
direction in the then Form 1 to describe or identify any others on whose
behalf the application
was made, the Form 1 stated in Schedule A5,
simply, ‘Wutha’. There is a close relationship between the Wutha
Claim and the Koara Claim.
- The
original Wutha Form 1 appears to have been amended on 23 February
1996, 1 April 1996 and 4 April 1996, but
I need not discuss those
amendments. A second Wutha application was lodged with the NNTT in 1996,
apparently on 13 March, WC 96/22
(WAG 6071/98), in which the applicant
was again Raymond William Ashwin and the application was made on behalf of
‘Wutha
Group’. This application became subsumed in WC 96/8
(WAG 6064/98) on 22 January 1999. That happened following
the filing
on 19 January 1999 in WAG 6064/98 of a further amended Form 1 for
the purpose of satisfying the requirements
of the Amending NTA. This further
amended Form 1 stated:
name of the claim
group is Wutha and the Wutha people are those persons who identify themselves as
Wutha and are the biological descendants
of:
Wunal (also known as Tommy) Ashwin (m) and
Telpha Ashwin (f); andthose persons adopted by
the biological descendants or with marital relations to those
persons.’
- The
current Wutha Form 1 is an amended Form 1, dated and filed in the Court on
4 March 1999. It names four Ashwin siblings
as applicants and reduces the
Wutha Claim group substantially, as appears below.
(a) The Wutha Claim group
- The
Wutha applicants are June Ashwin (married name, June Harrington-Smith), Geoffrey
Alfred Ashwin, Ralph Edward Ashwin and Raymond
William Ashwin. They claim to be
members of ‘the native title claim group’ and to be authorised by
that group to make
the application. The Wutha Claim group as defined in
Schedule A to the Wutha Form 1 filed on 4 March 1999, consisted
of the biological descendants of ‘Wunu (aka Tommy) (m) Ashwin and Telpha
Ashwin (f)’, and the adoptees of those biological
descendants.
- On
29 April 1999, however, the Court ordered that the amended application be
further amended by the substitution of an amended
Schedule A in accordance
with Annexure ‘A’ to an affidavit of Michael Francis Rynne
sworn on 13 April
1999. That amended Schedule A was in fact filed on
4 May 1999 as a separate document. It states that the claim was
‘brought
on behalf of’:
Wutha
people, being those persons (including the applicants) who
are:
the biological descendants
of
Wunal aka Tommy (m) and Telpha Ashwin
(f)excluding the following individuals
[my emphasis]Wayne Harrington-Smith and
offspringSheldon Harrington-Smith and
offspringJoshua Harrington-Smith and
offspringVicky Harrington-Smith and
offspringRonella Harrington-Smith and
offspringBrenda Abdullah and
offspringCleve Walker (deceased) and
offspringGraham Walker (deceased) and
offspringMay Walker (deceased) and
offspringBeryl Walker (deceased) and
offspringLyall Walker and
offspringKerry Walker (deceased) and
offspringMaxine Walker (deceased) and
offspringMaria Cooper and
offspringGary Cooper and
offspringSue Wyatt and
offspringMilton Cooper and
offspringNorman Cooper and
offspringVictor Cooper and
offspringThomas Cooper and
offspringand
- those
persons adopted by those biological descendants in accordance with Wutha
tradition and custom [emphasis in original]. (Adoption under Wutha
tradition and custom, refers to the situation where a child is “grown
up” by a relative or someone
without a biological relationship, either
because they have been “gifted” to them, or left in their care, as
the biological
parents are not in a position to care for them. This applies
regardless of whether or not the child has been formally adopted under
the
non-Aboriginal legal system.’
The Wutha Claim group is
therefore the biological descendants of the two named apical ancestors
(excluding twenty named individuals
and their offspring) and the adoptees of
those biological descendants. There was thus an exclusion of twenty individuals
or families
who would otherwise have been included within the Wutha Claim
group.
- According
to the Wutha LIP filed on 22 April 2002, there were then 178 Wutha claimants.
Five of them testified.
- On
30 April 2004, POC were filed in the Wutha proceeding (WAG 6064/98).
Subparagraphs 1(a) and (b) were identical to subparas 1(a)
and (b) of
the Wongatha POC set out at [129] above), except for the substitution of
‘Wutha’ for ‘Wongatha’.
Apparently the biological
descendants and adoptees referred to in Schedule A and then in the amended
Schedule A to the
Wutha Form 1 (subject to the exclusions there
mentioned ([181] above)), are said to be all the persons who satisfy the POC
criteria.
My observations at [129]-[130] apply, mutatis mutandis.
- As
noted at [61] and [157], the Wutha applicants also filed common form Points of
Response to the Wongatha POC. Accordingly, the
observations made at
[129] ff apply, mutatis mutandis.
(b) The Wutha Claim area
- The
Wutha Claim area is shown on a map in Attachment B to Schedule B to
the current Wutha Form 1. As can be seen from
Annexure A to these
reasons, the Wutha Claim area overlaps the Wongatha Claim area on the
latter’s west and northwest.
The overlap includes (only just) the town of
Menzies. The map leaves it unclear to me whether it includes the town of
Leonora,
but the ‘technical description’ of the Wutha Claim area in
the Wutha Form 1 shows that it does. Just within the
southern boundary of
the Wongatha Claim area, the southernmost boundary of the Wutha Claim area
adjoins the northern boundary of
the Maduwongga Claim area, but there may not be
any overlap as between the two (in submissions, the Wutha applicants assert not,
and say that there is a shared boundary).
- The
Wutha Claim area also overlaps the western part of the MN Claim area (and
therefore of the NK 2 Claim area) and some of the
NK 1 Claim area.
There is land within all of the Wongatha, MN, Koara, Wutha and NK 2 Claim areas,
and other land within the
Wongatha, Koara, Wutha and NK 1 Claim areas.
- The
evidence does not suggest that the boundaries of the Wutha Claim area have been
arrived at by reference to any topographical features
(such as a lake or river)
or traditional features (such as Dreaming sites). Nor does the evidence explain
the many irregularities
in the boundaries.
- According
to Schedule B to the Wutha Form 1, there are areas within the external
boundaries of Wutha Claim area that are
excluded from the Wutha Claim area. I
need not identify them.
(c) The native title rights and interests claimed
- Schedule E
to the Wutha Form 1 states the rights and interests claimed in terms
identical to those of Schedule E to
the Koara Form 1 (see [170] above)
but for three differences. First, the Wutha Form 1 adds to
paras (a)-(i), the
following:
the
right to maintain, protect and prevent the misuse of cultural knowledge of the
common law holders associated with the
area.’
Second, para (iii) of the five ‘Subject to’ paragraphs,
which follow the listing of the rights and interests in the
Wutha
Schedule E, does not contain the following concluding words which appear in
that para (iii) in the Koara Schedule E:
those native title rights and interests which are
claimed in respect of those areas comprise only those rights and interests as
are
consistent with any such act.’
Third, para (v) of those ‘Subject to’ paragraphs in the
Wutha Schedule E omits the following words which appear
between
‘claimed to the exclusion of’ and ‘any other rights and
interests’ in the comparable para (v)
in the Koara
Schedule E:
comprise only those rights and interests as are
consistent with’.
- The
Wutha Form 1 does not refer to sharing, but by adopting the Wongatha POC,
the Wutha applicants acknowledge a sharing with
other members of the WDCB: see
[136]-[137] above. In addition, para 3 of the Wutha POC is identical,
mutatis mutandis, to para 3 of the Koara POC noted at [171]
above, and para 4 of the Wutha POC is identical, mutatis mutandis,
to para 4 of the Koara POC set out at [173]
above.
(d) The factual basis of the Wutha Claim
- Schedule F
to the Wutha Form 1 is identical to Schedule F to the Koara
Form 1 (see [172] above).
- Paragraph 4
of the Wutha POC makes an assertion in terms identical to those of para 4
of the Koara POC (see [173] above),
but for the substitution of
‘Wutha’ for ‘Koara’.
- Like
the Wongatha, MN and Koara Claims, the Wutha Claim is a communal or group claim
of communal or group rights and interests (not
individual rights and interests)
for the purposes of ss 61 and 223(1) of the NTA.
- As
noted at [61] and [157], the Wutha applicants also filed common form Points of
Response to the Wongatha POC. Accordingly, the
observations made at
[129] ff apply, mutatis mutandis.
2.5 THE COSMO NEWBERRY CLAIM (WAG 144/98)
- Aspects
of the Cosmo Claim were referred to at 1.2(e) [47] and [61].
- The
name ‘Cosmo Newberry’ (the spelling ‘Newbery’ is also
encountered) is apparently derived from a geological
analyst from Victoria,
Mr Cosmo Newberry, who was involved in gold mining and the manufacture of
paper from native plants in
the 1860s and 1870s. Apparently he spent some time
surveying the area that is the subject of the Cosmo Claim. The Aboriginal
Reserves
which comprise much of the Cosmo Claim area were named after him.
- In
the early 1920s, Willie Ross (sometimes called Phil Ross) and Harry Axford took
up pastoral lease 2981/97 on an area of some 300,000
acres on the easternmost
edge of the pastoral expansion to the north-east of Laverton, in the vicinity of
three gold mines. They
named the station ‘Cosmo Newbery’.
- The
station prospered for the first five years. An Aboriginal camp became
established on the station which the lessees supplied with
provisions. Willie
Ross formed a domestic relationship with an Aboriginal woman, Marnupa, who
became known as Biddy Ross. Three
children were born of the relationship,
Frances, Estelle and Nola.
- Drought
in the late 1920s, which accelerated the movement of Aboriginal people from the
desert, also affected stations around the
Desert perimeter. The station
experienced financial difficulties and, in 1927, Axford sold his interest to
Fred Herbert. However,
on 12 December 1930, the lease was forfeited for
non-payment of rent. Willie Ross departed, leaving his family behind. By
the
time of the hearing, Nola Ross had passed away, but Frances (Yimila) Murray
(née Ross) and Estelle (Yinungka) Ross are
both senior Cosmo
claimants.
- As
appears in Annexure B, the original Cosmo application (WC 96/17) was
made under the Old NTA on 21 February 1996.
In fact, it was made in
response to the following claims in respect of parts of the present Cosmo Claim
area:
(a) Ngurludharra and Waljen clans (WC 95/32) lodged on
27 July 1995;
(b) Tjinintjarra Family Group (WC 95/57) lodged on 25 September 1995;
and
(c) Thithee Birni Bunna Wiya (WC 96/4) lodged on 15 January
1996.
- Apparently,
those claims or some of them included as claimants persons who had not
authorised the making of them, and who are now
members of the Cosmo Claim group.
The three claim groups had obtained the right to negotiate with mining interests
which wished to
gain access to the Cosmo Aboriginal Reserves. Some individuals
who lived in the Cosmo Aboriginal Community felt pressured by mining
interests
and by the claimants on the three claims (see 8.5 [128] and
[226]–[229].
- The
original Cosmo application of 21 February 1996 was brought by 48 named
applicants (including Harvey Murray). They were members
of the Murray,
Westlake, Bonney, Nash, Barnes, Nelson, Evans and Gray families. The
application was said to be made ‘on behalf
of the applicants and others
who are entitled in accordance with the traditional laws and customs to possess
native title rights
and interests in the claim area’.
- As
noted at 1.2(e) [47], the original Cosmo Claim was referred to the Court
on 18 September 1998 by the NT Registrar, and became Federal Court
proceeding WAG 144/98. The three native title claims which overlapped the
Cosmo Claim area, WC 95/32, WC 95/57 and
WC 96/4 referred to at
[200] above, were (with 16 other claims) combined with the original Wongatha
claim (WC 94/8, WAG 6005/98)
by order made on 22 January 1999, as
noted at 1.2(a) [21]. The combined Wongatha Claim was accepted for
registration on 26 February 1999.
- The
Cosmo application was amended by an amended application filed on 22 January
1999 and by order made on 2 February 1999,
and was yet further amended in
April 1999.
- Because
the Wongatha Claim was asserted to be made on behalf of some individuals who
were claimants on the original Cosmo Claim, the
Cosmo Claim was doomed to fail
the new registration test, as it offended s 190C(3) of the NTA, which had
been introduced by
the Amending NTA. Accordingly, on 3 May 1999, the NT
Registrar decided not to accept for registration the then Cosmo application
as
amended. However, the decision to register the Wongatha Claim was itself set
aside on 16 November 1999 by Carr J, on
the ground that the
NT Registrar had not observed the requirements of procedural fairness in
making that decision.
- Soon
afterwards, on 24 November 1999, the present Cosmo applicant, Harvey
Murray, replacing the original 48 named Cosmo applicants,
filed a further
re-amended native title determination application, which was amended on
26 November 1999 pursuant to Court order,
and which included in
Schedule A, a provision that ‘to avoid any doubt, the claimant group
does not include any person
who is a claimant in WC 94/98, WAG 6005/98
(The Wongatha Claim)’. The NT Registrar determined that this
provision
in Schedule A satisfied s 190C(3) of the NTA and the Cosmo
Claim was registered on 21 December 1999.
- Following
the order made on 16 November 1999 setting aside the Registrar’s
decision to register the Wongatha Claim, the
Wongatha Form 1 was also
amended and the Wongatha Claim was accepted for registration on 10 February
2000.
- On
11 August 2003, as Docket Judge for the Cosmo proceeding, I granted leave
to the Cosmo applicant to amend the Cosmo Form 1,
‘subject, and
without prejudice, to all contentions of the respondents that the further
amended application [was] invalid’.
The current Cosmo Form 1, a
fourth amended native title determination application, was filed in the Cosmo
proceeding on 14 August
2003. The current Cosmo POC were filed on
2 September 2003, as amended by order made on 8 December 2003.
- The
Cosmo applicant remains Harvey Murray, who claims to be authorised to make the
application by all the persons who, according to
their traditional laws and
customs, ‘hold the common or group rights and interests comprising the
particular native title claimed’.
(a) The Cosmo Claim group
- The
Cosmo Claim group is identified in Schedule A to the Cosmo Form 1 as
follows (the description in the Cosmo POC is identical,
apart from different
paragraph numbers):
The native title claim
group, subject to paragraph 7, comprises those
people:
who have a personal connection to the area covered by
the application including through their own birth or the birth of their
ancestors
by which they claim the country;
and
in respect of whom that claim is recognised
by the native title claim group according to its traditional decision-making
processes.
(a) The ancestors, referred to in
paragraph 5(a), are:
- Tjarltjanu
(of the Panaka section)
- Winima (of
the Panaka section)
- Timbabaru (of
the Panaka section)
- Yupapa (of
the Panaka section)
- Nuringka (of
the Tjarurru section)
- Putjipa (of
the Tjarurru section)
- Imandura (of
the Tjarurru section)
- Tarrkatjarra
(of the Tjarurru section)
- the brothers
Billy Kurlu, Sandy Grey and Skipper Elliot (of the Iparrka section).
The descendants, on a bilateral basis, of
the ancestors described in paragraph 6 (a)
include:
- the
descendants of Frances Murray;
- the
descendants of Ron Bonney Snr;
- the
descendants of Allan Bonney;
- the
descendants of Estelle Ross;
- the
descendants of Nola Nash (dec);
- the
descendants of Nowie Westlake; the descendants of Bundy Westlake (dec);
- the
descendants of Hudson Westlake;
- the
descendants of Gordon Elliott;
- the
descendants of Muriel Barnes (dec);
- the
descendants of Stanley Evans (dec);
- the
descendants of Clayton Nelson;
- the
descendants of Audrey Nelson;
- The
requirement of paragraph 5 (b) is not satisfied by any person who is a
claimant in the WAG 6005/98 (Wongatha) claim
when the current application
was made.
- Individuals
who assert a claim, in accordance with paragraph 5 above, accrue full native
title rights and interests as their connection
becomes real and meaningful by
sharing in the taking of responsibility for the land and waters of the area
covered by the application
through learning about it and through extensive
physical presence on it.’
The criteria of membership can therefore be summarily described as
‘personal connection including place of birth of self or
of certain named
ancestors, and recognition of the claimed connection by the Cosmo Claim
group’. It will noted that para 5
does not state the nature of the
required ‘personal connection’, but states that it includes
the birth of the person or of the named ancestors, within the Cosmo Claim area.
The naming of the 11 ancestors in para 6(a)
seems to assume that they were
all born within the Cosmo Claim area. The inclusory naming of the descendants
in para 6(a) does
not require an assumption that they were born within the
Cosmo Claim area. There is the overriding requirement that the person’s
claimed personal connection is recognised by the Cosmo Claim group.
- As
noted at 1.7 [116] the Cosmo LIP is found in Dr Lee Sackett’s
‘Claimant Genealogies and Profiles’ dated August 2001 and
filed on
3 September 2001. That Cosmo LIP listed, as at that time, 128 Cosmo
claimants. Of these, 15 testified.
- In
submissions the Cosmo applicant says that the Cosmo Claim group currently
comprises individuals from three inter-linked extended
families:
(a) the Murray, Bonney, Ross-Westlake and Nash families
(‘the Murray Families’);
(b) the Westlake family; and
(c) the Barnes, Evans and Nelson families (‘the Nelson
Families’).
The Cosmo applicant does not suggest, however, that these
three inter-linked extended families exhaust the definition of the Cosmo
Claim
group. He acknowledges the possibility of individuals from other families being
part of the group ‘if they can assert
a claim to the Cosmo Newberry claim
area and it is recognised in accordance with the traditional laws and
customs’.
- Moreover,
the Cosmo applicant submits that membership of one or other of the families
mentioned does not equate to membership of the
Cosmo Claim group, because
members of the Cosmo Claim group are those persons who have chosen to assert a
claim to membership (or,
in the case of young children, have had a claim
asserted on their behalf), and had the claims accepted by the other
members of the group. However, in my opinion, the Cosmo Form 1 and the
relevantly identical
Cosmo POC do not require that a person make his or her
claim of personal connection to the Cosmo Claim group. All that they
require is that there be a claimed personal connection and that the Cosmo Claim
group recognises
it.
- The
Cosmo applicant submits:
list of ancestors
in Schedule A of the Cosmo [Form 1] serves to describe the
antecedents of the current group members who claim through their
antecedents’ connections to country.
It does not define the Cosmo
Newberry Claim group in perpetuity. For example, the next generation of Cosmo
Newberry claimants may
identify through the living upper generation and would
describe themselves by reference to different antecedents. It is also not
automatically the case that all those antecedents’ descendants would
choose to assert a claim to Cosmo Newberry and nor is
it the case that only
their descendants could claim country (though a claim on any other basis would
need to be grounded in a traditional
and recognised
link).’
I accept the State’s submission that the process as described is
‘uncertain, unpredictable and arbitrary’. It is
a process which
permits the members from time to time to change the membership criteria by
recognising additional ancestors or withdrawing
recognition of ancestors
presently recognised.
- A
salient feature of the Cosmo Claim is its insistence that the Cosmo Claim group
is the exclusive adjudicator in respect of claims
to hold country within the
Cosmo Claim area – a matter considered in
Ch 8.
(b) The Cosmo Claim area
- There
are three notable features of the Cosmo Claim area. First, nearly all of the
Cosmo Claim area consists of four Aboriginal Reserves
and the Yamarna pastoral
lease, the area’s external boundaries being composed of boundaries of the
four Reserves. Second,
the Cosmo Claim area is entirely within the Wongatha
Claim area. Accordingly, as in the case of the Wongatha Claim, I am hearing
and
determining the Cosmo Claim in its entirety. Third, the north-western boundary
of the Cosmo Claim area is also the south-eastern
boundary of the MN (and,
therefore, of the NK 2) Claim area: there is no overlap as between them.
- According
to Schedule B to the Cosmo Form 1, the Cosmo Claim area comprises:
- Aboriginal
Reserves 25051, 25050, 20396, 22032 (according to the Cosmo Form 1, unlike
the site of the Warburton Stock Route,
the site of the Great Central Highway -
Laverton to Warburton Road - has not been excised from the surrounding
Reserves, 22032 and
25051);
- Yamarna pastoral
lease 3114/854, and
- that part of the
Warburton stock route reserve (24980) that falls within Aboriginal Reserve 25051
or Yamarna pastoral lease 3114/854.
Schedule B to the
Cosmo Form 1 also provides that, for the purposes of the application of ss
61A(4), 47A and 47B of the NTA, the application
covers:
- Unallocated
Crown land areas 2, 3, 5 and 14 as defined by the Land Claims Mapping Unit of
the Department of Land Administration, State
of Western Australia for the
purposes of the proceedings in WAG144/98, which are subject to section 47B.
- Any other areas
to which the non-extinguishment principle as defined by s 228 of the NTA
applies.
- According
to Schedule B to the Cosmo Form 1, the four Aboriginal Reserves, 22032
(Cosmo West), 25050 (Cosmo South), 25051
(Cosmo North) and 20396 (Cosmo East),
are vested in either the Aboriginal Affairs Planning Authority or the ALT. In
addition, a
part of Reserve 22032 is leased under a 99-year lease to the
‘Cosmo Newberry Aboriginal Corporation’ which, according
to Schedule
B, is ‘the lessee and manager of the 99 year lease from the State Minister
for Indigenous Affairs and the Aboriginal
Lands Trust.’ A copy of the map
of the Cosmo Claim area annexed to the Cosmo Form 1 is Annexure D to these
reasons.
- On
6 June 1973 the four Aboriginal Reserves were proclaimed under s 25 of
the Aboriginal Affairs Planning Authority Act 1972 (WA) as
reserved for ‘persons of Aboriginal descent’. By Gazette Notice of
29 June 1973, the reserve purpose was changed
to ‘Use and Benefit of
Aborigines’ under s 37 of the Land Act 1933 (WA). By Gazette
notice of 3 August 1973, the Reserves were vested in the ALT under
s 33 of the same Act for the same purpose.
- The
Yamarna Pastoral Lease (3114/854) was granted on 17 June 1968 under
s 114 of the Land Act 1933 (WA) for a term expiring on 30 June
2015. The original lessees were James Harry Kinnane Ewings, Kevin Kinnane
Ewings and Ann
Josephine Ewings. The lessees are now Yamarna Goldfields NL and
Asarco Exploration Company Inc.
- The
Cosmo applicant acknowledges that the boundaries of the Cosmo Claim area are
artificial from a traditional perspective. He says
that he has elected not to
claim all of the area to which the Cosmo claimants have a traditional
connection, preferring to follow
the boundaries of the four Aboriginal Reserves.
Thus, he excludes the site, Pilki, which is only just outside the Cosmo Claim
area,
even though it is, according to his testimony, a site that the Cosmo
claimants ‘look after’. Mr Murray explained
that it was
necessary to ‘draw a line’, and that, after consultation, the Cosmo
claimants decided to draw a line based
on the Western land tenure system.
- I
accept that a native title claim group is not required to apply for a
determination in relation to nothing less than the whole of
the area in respect
of which it possesses native title rights and interests. The evidence does not
identify, even approximately,
a larger area with traditional boundaries of which
the Cosmo Claim area forms part. The Cosmo applicant accepts that there are
large
parts of the Cosmo Claim area where there are no Dreaming tracks or
sites.
- Subject
to ss 47A, 47B and 228 of the NTA, Schedule B to the Cosmo Form 1
excludes certain areas from the Cosmo Claim,
which I need not
identify.
(c) The native title rights and interests claimed
- Schedule E
to the Cosmo Form 1 is a four-page general description of the native title
rights and interests claimed.
- Again
the claim is put as one of communal or group rights and interests, not of
individual rights and interests, for the purposes
of ss 61 and 223(1) of
the NTA.
(d) The Cosmo claimants’ connection to the Cosmo Claim area
- Schedule F
to the Cosmo Form 1 is a seven and a half page description of the
connection claimed by the Cosmo Claim group
with the Cosmo Claim area; the
factual basis on which it is said that there exist traditional laws and customs
that give rise to
the claimed native title; and the factual basis on which it is
said that the members of the Cosmo Claim group continue to hold the
native title
in accordance with traditional laws and customs.
- In
view of their length, I will not set out or annex the Cosmo Schedule E or
Schedule F. The alleged connection with the
Cosmo Claim area is said to be
spiritual, physical, historical (customary), legal, economic and social. Of
fundamental importance
is said to be the Tjukurrpa (or ‘the
Dreaming’) belief of the members of the Cosmo Claim group as people of the
Western Desert.
2.6 THE MADUWONGGA CLAIM (WAG 76/97)
- I
referred to aspects of the Maduwongga Claim at 1.2(f) [49]–[52] and
[61]. The Maduwongga applicants are represented, not by a native title
representative body, but by a private
firm, Corser & Corser Lawyers. The
formulation of the Maduwongga Claim over time has presented a picture of
confusion.
- As
appears from Annexure A to these reasons, the Maduwongga Claim area
overlaps the Wongatha Claim area on the southwest of the
latter. The Maduwongga
Claim area includes Kalgoorlie and Coolgardie, which lie south of the southern
boundary of the Wongatha Claim
area and therefore outside the
Wongatha/Maduwongga overlap. The overlap runs for a distance of about
200–250 km along
the southern boundary of the Wongatha Claim
area.
- Maduwongga
application WC 94/3 was lodged with the NNTT on 19 April 1994 and
accepted on 12 October 1995. It was the
first application for a
determination of title native to be filed in the Goldfields region. I will call
it ‘Maduwongga 1’.
The applicant was Marjorie May Strickland.
Ms Strickland invited her sister, Anne Joyce Nudding, to be a co-applicant
but
Ms Nudding was hesitant, and said she felt that making a claim was a
‘new thing’ and would be a ‘massive blow
to a lot of
people’. The Maduwongga 1 Form 1 stated that ‘the other
persons with whom the Applicants claims
to hold title are all those persons who
are Maduwongga peoples’.
- The
Maduwongga Form 1 claimed ‘the right to exclusively occupy, use and
enjoy the land under the traditional laws and customs
observed by the applicant
and other or [sic – of] the Maduwongga Peoples’. The area claimed
was that shown as ‘Maduwongga’
on Tindale’s map, a copy of an
extract from which was attached. A description of the area, also attached to
the Form 1,
was also taken from Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes
(p 246). That description was:
From
Pinjin on Lake Rebecca West to Mulline: from a few miles south of Menzies to
Kalgoorlie, Coolgardie, Kanowna, Kurnalpi and
Siberia.
suggest a protohistoric movement
from the east displacing Kalamaia people west to beyond
Bullabulling.language was called Kabal and
it was understood as far west as Southern
Cross. 9,000 square miles (23,400 square
kilometres)’ (my emphasis)
Professor Tindale apparently thought that his ‘Maduwongga tribe’
had ‘migrated’ from the desert in the east,
displacing the local
Kalamaia.
- In
1995 a second Maduwongga application, WC 95/11
(‘Maduwongga 2’), was lodged with the NNTT, this time by both
Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding as applicants, ‘assisted by the Giggie
Association Inc’. The Maduwongga 2 Form 1
again stated that the
application was made on behalf of ‘all those persons who are Maduwongga
peoples’. Ms Nudding said
that her sister and she discussed the matter
over a year or two, and that she was persuaded to join her sister as
co-applicant.
As noted at 1.2(f) [49], Maduwongga 2 included the
areas of certain pastoral leases which had been excluded from Maduwongga 1.
In para A9,
the Maduwongga applicants
claimed:
right to exclusively possess,
occupy, use and enjoy the land and waters under the traditional laws and customs
observed by the Applicants
and other Maduwongga Peoples, including hunting,
gathering and fishing rights and
interests.’
and the statement was added that:
Maduwongga peoples have occupied and continue to
occupy the whole of the land and waters claimed and have been physically present
upon the same continuously, from time to
time.’
- It
is not clear when Maduwongga 2 was lodged. In their final submissions the
Maduwongga applicants give 6 April 1995 as
the date, and an internal NNTT
file note dated 18 April 1996 signed by the NT Registrar does, indeed,
state that it was
lodged on that date. However, a copy of the application
passed by the NNTT to this Court on 8 July 1997 bears a date stamp
suggesting a lodgement date of 2 June 1995. Moreover, the Form 1
included an affidavit of Ms Nudding made on 2 June
1995. However, Ms
Nudding’s affidavit referred to an earlier affidavit of Ms Strickland made
on 5 April 1995 in connection
with the same (Maduwongga 2)
application. It may be, therefore, that some documents were lodged with the
NNTT in April 1995,
perhaps on 6 April 1995, while others were lodged in
June 1995.
- A
third Maduwongga application, WC 98/20, was lodged with the NNTT on
8 April 1998 (‘Maduwongga 3’). The
applicants were again
Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding. This application extended the area claimed
further to the south-east, as recounted
at 1.2(f) [49] above. Like
Maduwongga 1 and Maduwongga 2, Maduwongga 3 was expressed to be
made on behalf of ‘all those
persons who are Maduwongga peoples’.
Paragraph A9 of the application was replete with references to ‘the
Maduwongga
peoples’. It included the same claim to exclusivity and
statement concerning occupation as had been contained in para A9
in
Maduwongga 2. Paragraph A9 also contained a new and lengthy statement
commencing:
Maduwongga Peoples, including
the Applicants are descendants of the indigenous inhabitants and have maintained
their traditional connection
with the Maduwongga 3 area
continuously.’
and proceeded to claim rights and interests in 26 paragraphs. Paragraph
A9 concluded:
Maduwongga Peoples identify with a common cultural
heritage, including what they regard as the language, traditional law and
customs
and including bodies of religious law of their
ancestors.
Applicants claim that native title in
the area claimed herein, described as the Maduwongga 3 area, is held by the
Maduwongga
Peoples. The Maduwongga Peoples, including the Applicants, regard
the land and waters claimed, described as the Maduwongga 3
area, as
Maduwongga territory in accordance with Aboriginal tradition including
Maduwongga laws and customs.Maduwongga Peoples,
including the Applicants and their ancestors have maintained a traditional
connection with the Maduwongga 3
area claimed from prior to and since
British colonisation to the present
time.Maduwongga Peoples, including the
Applicants, have continued to acknowledge the laws and observe the customs based
on the traditions
of the Maduwongga Peoples whereby their traditional connection
with the land has been maintained.traditional
laws and customs inter alia relate to the native title rights and interests and
inheritance, the transmission or acquisition
of rights and interests on death or
marriage, the transfer of rights and interests in land and the grouping of
persons to possess
rights and interests in land. There is an identified
community of Maduwongga Peoples, the members of which are identified by one
another as members of that community. These rights and interests are possessed
by the Applicants and other Maduwongga Peoples and
their ancestors, the
indigenous inhabitants.Maduwongga Peoples,
including the Applicants and their ancestors, have an organised society creating
and sustaining rights and duties.
They have been continuously present on the
land and waters described as the Maduwongga 3
area.’
The numerous references to ‘Maduwongga Peoples’ and other
references above might reasonably suggest a sizeable traditional
grouping that
extended over time and included, as some of its members, the two sisters, Ms
Strickland and Ms Nudding, and their ancestors.
- On
3 July 1998, Carr J ordered that the first two Maduwongga applications
(WC 94/3 (WAG 63/98) and WC 95/11
(WAG 76/97)) be
consolidated and be conducted as one proceeding, having the Court number
‘WAG 76 of 1997 and 63 of
1998’.
- In
a statement filed by the applicants in WAG 76/97 on 24 August 1998,
pursuant to para 6 of directions made by Carr J
on 15 September
1997, the Maduwongga applicants stated that the application was made on behalf
of Ms Strickland, Ms Nudding
and Albert Newland, the first two as biological
descendants of Kitty Bluegum, and Mr Newland as a ‘Descendant of Kitty
Bluegum
(either biological and/or adopted son of Arthur Newland)’,
together with their (all three’s) descendants, and also the
descendants of
Gertrude Morrison (deceased), as set out in Figure 3.4 of an
anthropological report of McDonald Hales and Associates
dated August 1998
(‘Dr McDonald’s report’). Arthur Newland was the
biological son of Kitty Bluegum and biological
father of Ms Strickland and
Ms Nudding. Figure 3.4 showed the descendants of Gertrude Morrison to
include Phillip O’Donoghue
and Donald Ballinger, and the children and
grandchildren of these two men.
- On
28 January 1999, the Maduwongga applicants filed in WAG 76/97 a notice
of motion seeking an order that Maduwonggas 1,
2 and 3 be ‘combined’
and that the combined application take the form of an Amended Native Title
Determination Claimant
Application (Form 1) annexed to a supporting
affidavit of Dianne Baruffi sworn 28 January 1999. Importantly, that
Form 1, while continuing to designate Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding as
applicants and stating that the claim was a combination
of the claims in WC 94/3
(WAG 63/98), WC 95/11 (WAG 76/97) and WC 98/20 (WAG 6237/98), asserted that the
application was now brought
on behalf of ‘the Strickland/Nudding
group’, rather than ‘the Maduwongga peoples’. Accordingly,
the Maduwongga
Claim group was to be substantially reduced in scope:
- Mr O’Donoghue
and Mr Ballinger, and their children and grandchildren were no longer
Maduwongga claimants;
- There was no
longer any reference to ancestors of the two sisters, rather, they themselves
became the apical ancestors of the Maduwongga
Claim group, with the consequent
exclusion of their half-sister, Christine Newland; and
- Albert Newland,
whom they had described in their statement filed on 24 August 1998 as
‘Descendant of Kitty Bluegum (either
biological and/or adopted son of
Arthur Newland)’, was also not part of the Strickland/Nudding
group.
- This
radical reduction in the Maduwongga Claim group from ‘the Maduwongga
Peoples’ to ‘the Strickland/Nudding group’
was the first
change to be made following the enactment of the Amending NTA. The Commonwealth
submits that the substitution of the
new reduced native title claim group was
contrary to the NTA; that the Maduwongga applicants were not authorised to make
the new
application; and that the present Maduwongga Claim group, the
Strickland/Nudding group, having the two Maduwongga applicants themselves
as its
apical ancestors, is not a group capable of holding native title (see 9.1
below).
- On
17 February 1999, RD Nicholson J ordered that the consolidation
order made by Carr J on 3 July 1998 be
revoked and that applications
WAG 76/97 and WAG 63/98 be deconsolidated; that application
WAG 76/97 be amended so
as to be combined with and include applications
WAG 63/98 and WAG 6237/98; that those three applications be combined
and
continue under application WAG 76/97; and that application
WAG 76/97 be amended to take the form of Form 1 annexed
to
Ms Baruffi’s affidavit of 28 January 1999 mentioned above.
- No
doubt pursuant to s 64(4) of the NTA, the Registrar of this Court gave a
copy of that Form 1 to the NT Registrar.
In the NNTT, the combined
application (WAG 76/97) was given the number WC 99/9.
- Leave
to amend the Maduwongga Form 1 further was sought by notices of motion
dated 18 March 1999 and 6 April 1999.
On 13 April 1999 the
District Registrar directed that the Maduwongga application be amended to take
the form of the Form 1
annexed to a further affidavit of Ms Baruffi,
sworn and filed 7 April 1999, and that the Maduwongga applicants file and
serve a fresh amended application incorporating all amendments within
14 days. Such a document was filed on 22 April 1999.
It is this
combined Maduwongga application as subsequently amended that is the Maduwongga
Claim now before the Court. The combined
Maduwongga Claim again stated that the
claim was brought on behalf of the Strickland/Nudding group. Reference to the
‘Maduwongga’
or ‘Maduwongga Peoples’ was omitted, and
reference was made, for example, to the ‘traditional laws and customs
of
the claim group’, now necessarily a reference to the traditional laws and
customs of Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding
and their biological
descendants. For convenience, I continue to use the designation
‘Maduwongga’ to refer to this Claim,
but it must be remembered that
as from 17 February 1999, the Maduwongga Claim group is in fact the
Strickland/Nudding group.
- Curiously,
in a further statement filed by the Maduwongga applicants on 4 May 1999,
pursuant to Carr J’s directions
of 15 September 1997, the group
membership was stated as being exactly the same as it had been in the statement
filed on 24 August
1998 (see [236] above), notwithstanding the narrower
definition of the Maduwongga group as the Strickland/Nudding group that had
intervened in the amended Forms 1 of January/February and April 1999.
(a) The Maduwongga Claim group
- According
to Dr McDonald’s report, written in August 1998, prior to the
reduction in the Maduwongga Claim group of January/February
1999 down to the
Strickland/Nudding group, the Maduwongga Claim group comprised 82 living
persons, while the narrower Strickland/Nudding
group can be seen from that
report to have comprised only 20 living persons. The genealogy in the
report shows Albert Newland
as an adopted brother of Ms Strickland and
Ms Nudding. In a Maduwongga LIP dated 24 April 2002 and filed in this
present Wongatha proceeding on 26 April 2002, Albert Newland’s name
no longer appears. This document lists 29 individuals
as members of the
Maduwongga Claim group, that is to say, of the Strickland/Nudding group.
However, they include Albert Nudding,
who is the husband of Ms Nudding. He is
not a biological descendant even of Kitty Bluegum, and it is not suggested that
he is ‘Maduwongga’.
The 29 individuals also include the two
fostered/adopted grandchildren of Ms Nudding. However, they do not include
Christine Newland,
who is a sibling of Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding, and, on one
view, of Albert Newland too. The Maduwongga applicants now say that
this
document, which is the Maduwongga LIP on which they went to trial, is to be
‘ignored’. I discuss the problematical
composition of the
Maduwongga group further in Ch 9.
- This
Maduwongga LIP divides the 29 persons named in it into two groups according
to the basis of their membership of the Maduwongga
Claim group. The first basis
is:
cognatic descent from Kitty Bluegum and
her father Johnny;
● conception and birth
in Maduwongga country;● identification as
Maduwongga & following the Wonggai way;
and● continuing traditional connection to
Maduwongga country.’
The second basis is:
identification as Maduwongga & following the
Wonggai way; and
● continuing traditional
connection to Maduwongga country.’
- The
obvious question arises how to reconcile these bases of membership with the
Maduwongga Form 1 which defines the Maduwongga
Claim group simply as Ms
Strickland and Ms Nudding and their biological descendants. The first basis
refers to cognatic descent
from ancestors Kitty Bluegum and her father Johnny,
and introduces additional requirements, whereas the second basis does not refer
to cognatic descent at all. The Strickland/Nudding group is descended from
Kitty Bluegum and her father Johnny, and there is no
scope for anyone else to be
a member of the Maduwongga Claim group.
- On
11 August 2003, I granted the Maduwongga applicants leave to amend further
the Maduwongga Form 1. The current Maduwongga
Form 1 is found in a
minute annexed to an affidavit of Marjorie May Strickland sworn 11 June
2003 and filed on 13 June
2003, which, on 11 August 2003, I ordered
should stand as the further amended application in the Maduwongga proceeding
(WAG 76/97).
The amendments of August 2003 excluded from the areas the
subject of certain tenures referred to in Ward HCA, and took up some
drafting points arising out of Harrington Smith v Western Australia (No 5)
at [12]–[17] and [28]. As well, however, the amendments divided the
Maduwongga Claim area into Areas A and B so that
different rights and
interests were claimed in relation to those respective areas. Significantly,
the rights and interests claimed
in respect of Area A included the right to
possess, occupy, use and enjoy the area as against the world, that is, the right
to exclude
the rest of the world, but that right, and certain other Area A
rights, were not claimed in respect of Area B.
- In
para A2 of this, the current Maduwongga Form 1, the Maduwongga
applicants claim to be authorised to make the application
by ‘the native
title claim group’, meaning, necessarily, the Strickland/Nudding group.
Schedule A to the Maduwongga
Form 1
states:
claim is brought on behalf of
Marjorie May Strickland and Anne Joyce Nudding and their biological
descendants.’
- The
various versions of the Maduwongga POC have also identified the Maduwongga Claim
group differently. The POC dated 15 February
2002 (and the Maduwongga
Opening Submissions dated 18 February 2002) put, as the basis of the
Maduwongga Claim, that native
title is derived from Kitty Bluegum and is held by
all her descendants, but ‘[t]he members of the group are identified by one
another as members of that group’. The POC filed on 15 November 2002
introduced four requirements for membership of the
Maduwongga Claim group in
addition to ‘descent from Maduwongga ancestors’. These
are:
conception or birth in Maduwongga
country; (2) identification as Maduwongga and following the Wonggai (in other
words “Aboriginal”)
way; (3) continuing traditional connection
with Maduwongga country; and (4) recognition and acceptance by other members of
the
Maduwongga group’.
- In
both the February 2002 and November 2002 POC, it is said that the identified
members of the Maduwongga Claim group include Ms Strickland and
Ms Nudding, their children and grandchildren.
- The
Maduwongga applicants’ latest version of their POC was filed in the
Wongatha proceeding (WAG 6005/98) on 15 December
2003.
Paragraph 1 of that document states:
- The
persons on behalf of whom Maduwongga native title determination
application is made are as follows:
- (a) The
Maduwongga applicant group forms a group within the wider Wonggai grouping of
the south-west section of the Western Desert
cultural bloc. It is a cognatic
descent group. The members of the group trace ancestry through a set of
siblings, Arthur Newland, Eva Forrest and
Violet Sullivan (both née
Quinn) to Kitty Bluegum (aka Larrikin Kitty). Kitty Bluegum in turn links the
group to the Maduwongga
tribe or language group and to rights to
country.
addition to the
requirement of descent from Maduwongga ancestors, there are four
criteria which are central for full, as opposed to potential
membership of the Maduwongga group. They are (1) conception or birth in
Maduwongga country; (2) identification as Maduwongga
and following the
Wonggai (in other words “Aboriginal”) way; (3) continuing
traditional connection with Maduwongga
country; and (4) recognition and
acceptance by other members of the Maduwongga
group.
- (b) There are
no relevant sub-groups within the applicant group.
- (c) Membership
of the group is founded upon cognatic descent. The members of the group
identify with a common cultural heritage,
including what they regard as the
language, traditional law and customs (including bodies of religious law) of
their ancestors.
The members of the group are identified by one another as
members of that group.
- (d) The
members of the group comprise only the two registered applicants, who are
sisters: Anne Joyce Nudding (Ninni) and Marjorie May Strickland (Goonana
Mackree); their children
and grandchildren. The Maduwongga Claimants’
Genealogy appears at page 46 of Maduwongga Native Title Claim
Anthropological Report (McDonald Hales & Associates, August 1998) filed
in these proceedings.’ (my emphasis)
The Maduwongga Claim group (Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding
and their biological descendants) is narrower than all persons
descended
cognatically from Kitty Bluegum.
(b) The Maduwongga Claim area
- Schedule B
to the Maduwongga Form 1 identifies the area claimed by reference to a map
and a description attached to the
Form 1 (see [49] and [231]-[234]).
Schedule B excludes certain areas falling within the external boundaries of
the area
claimed, but I will not identify them here.
(c) The native title rights and interests claimed
- Schedule E
to the Maduwongga Form 1 identifies the native title rights and interests
claimed by reference to ‘Area A’
and ‘Area B’
of the Maduwongga Claim area (see [245] above). ‘Area A’ is
defined to comprise areas
of unallocated Crown land; areas to which any one of
ss 47, 47A and 47B of the NTA applies; and any other areas to which the
non-extinguishment principle of s 238 of the NTA applies and in relation to
which there has not been any prior extinguishment
of native title.
‘Area B’ is defined as the remainder of the Maduwongga Claim
area. The native title rights and
interests claimed in relation to Area A
(‘Area A rights’) are set out in 60 numbered paragraphs. The
native
title rights and interests claimed in relation to Area B
(‘Area B rights’) are the Area A rights except
for the six
numbered 1, 12, 14, 30, 31 and 51 in the list.
(d) The factual basis of the Maduwongga Claim and the Maduwongga
claimants’ connection to the Maduwongga Claim area
- Schedules
F and G to the Maduwongga Form 1 are as
follows:
F [see Act,
s 62]
native title rights and interests claimed
exist on the following factual basis:the native
title group have an association with the area based on traditional laws which
they acknowledge and traditional customs
which they
observe;the predecessors of the native title
claim group had an association with the area from a time prior to the assertion
of British sovereignty
in relation to the
area;the native title rights and interests are
possessed under a body of traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs
observed
by the native title claim group and their predecessors;
andthe native title claim group have continued
to hold the native title in accordance with those traditional laws and customs,
including
laws and customs which vest land and waters in the native title claim
group on the basis of:descent from ancestors
connected with the area;conception in the
area;birth in the
area;traditional religious knowledge of the
area;traditional knowledge of the creation and
geography of the area;traditional knowledge of
the resources of the area;knowledge of and
participation in traditional ceremonies and rituals associated with the
area.
G [see Act,
s 62]
members of the native title claim group
currently carry out the following activities in relation to the land and
waters:hunting, gathering and
fishing;moving about, living residing, erecting
shelters and camping;conducting and engaging in
cultural activities, ceremonies, rituals, meetings and teaching of, maintaining,
conserving and protecting
the significant and physical attributes of the area
and places, works and objects within the
area;taking resources from the area, including
fauna, flora, soil, sand, stone, flint, clay, gravel, ochre water for use and
consumption
for food, shelter, healing, decoration, cultural, religious,
ceremonial and ritual purposes and for manufacture and trade of objects,
materials and goods, in the form of tools, weapons, clothing, shelter and
decoration.’
all the other Claims before the Court, the Maduwongga
Claim is put as one of communal or group rights and interests, not individual
rights and interests, for the purposes of ss 61 and 223(1) of the
NTA.
2.7 THE NK 1 CLAIM (WAG 6001/00) AND THE NK 2 CLAIM
(WAG 6001/02)
- Aspects
of these two claims were discussed at 1.2(g) [54]–[55],
1.2(h) [57]–[58] and [61] above.
- The
NK 1 (WAG 6011/00) Form 1 was filed in the Court on
12 December 2000. The NK 2 (WAG 6001/02) Form 1
was filed
in the Court on 13 June 2002. Neither Form 1 has been amended. The
NK 1 applicants are Dolly Walker and
her son Kado Muir. The NK 2
applicant is Dolly Walker.
(a) The NK 1 and NK 2 Claim areas
- The
NK 1 Claim area is identified by a metes and bounds description in
Schedule B to the application. As appears on Annexure
A, the south-eastern
boundary of the NK 1 Claim area is close to Leonora, and the area extends well
north of the north-western boundary
of the Wongatha Claim area. Within the
Wongatha Claim area, the NK 1 Claim area overlaps the Koara and Wutha Claim
areas.
- The
NK 1 Claim area does not, however, overlap the MN (and, therefore, the
NK 2) Claim area. The eastern boundary of the
NK 1 Claim area
coincides with the western boundary of the MN (and, therefore, the NK 2)
Claim area. Because the MN and
NK 2 Claim areas are identical, my observations
at [144]–[148] above in relation to the MN Claim area apply, mutatis
mutandis, to the NK 2 Claim area.
(b) The NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups
- The
NK 1 Claim group is described in Schedule A to the NK 1
Form 1 as follows:
native title claim
group are those persons described as Ngalia
Kutjungkatja.
Ngalia Kutjungkatja claimant group consists of those
persons with traditional and cultural associations to the claim area. The
Ngalia
Kutjungkatja claimant group can be described as Dolly Walker, Kado Muir,
Maxine Beaman, Shirley Wonyabong and those persons with
a traditional and
cultural association to the claim area who identify solely with the Ngalia
Kutjungkatja claimant group and who are accepted by the claimant group as
members in accordance with the laws and customs of the native title claim
group.’
(my emphasis)
Schedule O to the NK 1 Form 1 asserts that members of the NK 1
Claim group ‘are not’ included in any other overlapping
application,
and states that ‘[i]n the unlikely event’ that a member of the NK 1
group is named in another application,
‘then that other application is not
authorised to represent or include that member of the [NK 1] claimant group in
that application’.
This assertion by Dolly Walker and Kado Muir, as
NK 1 applicants, whatever its true meaning, could not be effective to deny
authorisation as between a member of another claim group and the applicant for
that group.
- According
to the NK 1 LIP filed on 4 June 2002, there were then 95 NK 1 claimants.
Three of them, Dolly Walker, her brother
Paddy Walker, and her son Kado Muir,
were called to give evidence for the NK 1 group. Other members of the NK 1
group also
testified, but, they were also members of GLSC Claim groups, and were
called by GLSC applicants.
- The
NK 1 POC filed on 22 November 2002 described the NK 1 Claim group as
follows:
The Applicants claim on behalf of
the Native Title Claim Group known as Ngalia Kutjungkatja, in translation this
means One Ngalia
family. The claim group consists of the descendants of
apical dreamtime ancestor WaruTjukurr.
The Ngalia Kutjungkatja are the Biological
descendants (and their spouses in accordance with Ngalia tradition and custom)
of Kunia
(Dolly Walker’s father’s father) and his wife, Mayarru, and
those persons adopted by those biological descendants in
accordance with Ngalia
tradition and custom.
In particular the applicant group consists of the
children of Wogabu and Maraputa, being;
Mary MacArthur (deceased) and her
descendants,
Walker (deceased) and his
descendants,Walker his children and
descendantsWalker, her children and
descendants
claimant group also consists of the following people
adopted by the Ngalia Kutjungkatja people and their
families;
Shirley
Wonyabong,
Elizabeth Wonyabong and
familyHarvey Scadden
andMaxine Beaman and
family.
(known as Itjarri) refers to a traditional
practice or custom followed by the Native Title Claim Group where a child is
raised by a relative or someone
without a biological relationship, either
because they have been given away to them, or left in their care.’
(my emphasis)
- The
NK 2 Claim group is described in the NK 2 Form 1 as
follows:
native title claim group are those
persons described at Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2.
Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2 claimant group consists of
those persons with traditional and cultural associations to the claim area.
The
Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2 claimant group can be described as Dolly Walker, and
those persons with a traditional and cultural
association to the claim area
who identify solely with the Ngalia Kutjungkatja 2 claimant group
and who are accepted by the claimant group as members in accordance with the
laws and customs of the native title claim group.’
(my
emphasis)
In preparing the NK 2 Form 1, Dolly Walker appears to have copied the
description of the NK 1 Claim group from the NK 1
Form 1, omitting
only the references to her son, Kado Muir, Maxine Beaman and Shirley Wonyabong.
Kado Muir and Maxine Beaman
are also members of the MN group. Shirley Wonyabong
is a member of only the NK 1 Claim group. Schedule O to the NK 2
Form 1
acknowledges that some members of the NK 2 Claim group may be
included in overlapping applications, and states: ‘once this
application
has been lodged with the NNTT those people who are at present on other claims
overlapping this application will take
all necessary steps to cease being
members of those other groups’. This was nothing more than a prediction
by the NK 1 applicants.
- No
NK 2 LIP has ever been filed. However, Dolly Walker, Kado Muir and Paddy Walker
treated themselves and each other as NK 2 claimants,
and all three of them
testified.
- The
NK 2 POC, also filed in November 2002, described the NK 2 Claim group in terms
identical to the description of the NK 1 Claim
group set out at [260] above, but
omitting the last two paragraphs relating to adoption (those commencing
‘The claimant group
also consists ...’ and ‘Adoption (known as
Itjarri) ...’).
- Both
the NK 1 and NK 2 Claims are communal or group claims, not individual claims,
for the purposes of ss 61 and 223(1) of the
NTA.
- Importantly,
each of the NK 1 and NK 2 POCs contains the sentence immediately
following the description of the Claim group,
‘For genealogy detailing
other persons see Attachment One’. Attachment One was, in each
case, the same 257-page
document. It bears two cover pages, and is authored
either by Peter Muir, the husband of Dolly Walker, on information supplied by
her, or by both of them. One cover page gives the title as ‘Western
Desert Ngalia Family of Mangkili and Beyond’, while
the other gives the
title as ‘Ngalia Kutjungkatja (One Big Ngalia Family)’. I will call
this document, whose status
is that it forms part of both the NK 1 and NK 2
POCs, ‘the Ngalia Family document’. It seems clear that both POCs
were
prepared without the benefit of legal advice, in the case of the NK 1
at a time after the GLSC had ceased to represent the NK
1 applicants (the GLSC
has at no time represented Ms Walker as applicant in the NK 2 Claim).
- The
Ngalia Family document has not been admitted into evidence, but constitutes a
statement of the claims made by the NK 1 and NK
2 applicants. Mangkili is north
of the Wongatha Claim area.
- Ms Walker,
apparently without legal advice, lodged the NK 2 application on 13 June
2002, four days before the second tranche of the hearing commenced.
- Although
both Ms Walker and Mr Muir testified, they have not appeared at
directions hearings or made submissions.
- There
appears to be no one who identifies ‘solely’ with the NK 1 or NK 2
Claim group: even the NK 2 applicant, Dolly Walker,
is also an NK 1
applicant and claimant, and, even if unwillingly, an MN applicant and
claimant.
- Neither
the NK 1 nor the NK 2 application explains what constitutes a relevant
‘traditional and cultural association to the
claim area’; what
commitment or characteristic is required of persons who can be said to
‘identify solely with the ....claimant
group’; how and in what
circumstances acceptance by the claimant group as a member is to be granted or
withheld; or the laws
and customs of the Claim group in relation to membership.
The State submits:
in the case of both
Ngalia Kutjungkatja claims there is no express reference to a need for
biological connection to an ancestral group
and no express reference to
affiliations arising from birth, growing up or the personal history of parents
or earlier generations,
the potential membership of both Ngalia Kutjungkatja
groups appears to be a large
population.’
This submission is based on the Form 1 descriptions. However, the POCs
state, in each case, that the Claim group ‘consists
of the descendants of
apical dreamtime ancestor WaruTjukurr’. I do not understand how the
outworking of the definition of
the group in the POCs could give the larger
Claim group identified in the Forms 1. The Form 1 descriptions do
contain
the limiting factors of identification solely with the particular (NK 1
or NK 2) Claim group, and recognition by that Claim group.
(c) The native title rights and interests claimed
- The
NK 1 Form 1 and the NK 2 Form 1 describe the rights and interests
claimed in identical terms, as follows:
the
right to maintain, manage and protect places and/or areas of social, cultural
and spiritual importance under traditional laws,
customs and practices in the
claim area;
a right to acknowledge, observe and
maintain cultural and spiritual rituals, beliefs and practices, possess, occupy,
use and enjoy,
the claim area;a right to speak
for and make decisions about the use and enjoyment of the claim
area;a right to reside upon and otherwise to
have access to the claim area;the right to
control the access of others to the claim
area;a right to use and enjoy the natural
resources of, on, or within the claim area;the
right to control the use and enjoyment of others of the natural resources of,
on, or within the claim area;the right to trade
in natural resources of the claim area;the
right to receive a portion of any natural resources taken by others from the
claim area;the right to maintain, protect and
prevent the misuse of cultural knowledge associated with the claim
area.’
Apparently these rights and interests are said to be those of the relevant NK
Claim group alone, although Dolly Walker acknowledged
that other people have
rights in the NK 1 and NK 2 Claim areas, namely the Koara and Tjupan people.
- In
the NK 1 and NK 2 POC, the rights and interests claimed are qualified in terms
not found in the respective Forms 1. The respective
POCs
state:
native title rights and interests
claimed are the rights and interests as against the whole world (subject to any
native title rights
and interests that may be shared with any other persons who
establish that they are native title holders) in particular comprising
[there is then set out, in each case, a list of specific rights, expressed
in terms that do not correspond with the rights claimed
in the Form
1]’
The terms in which the existence of ‘shared’ rights and interests
are so acknowledged in the NK 1 and NK 2 POCs (but not
in the NK 1 and NK 2
Forms 1) are to the effect that, while the existence of such rights and
interests in others is not admitted,
if they are proved to exist, the NK 1 and
NK 2 claimants will then accept that determination and agree to share.
(d) Authorisation
- In
both the NK 1 and NK 2 Forms 1, the applicants claim to be members of a
native title claim group and to be authorised to make
the application.
- The
NK 1 application was accompanied by affidavits in a standard printed form sworn
by Ms Walker and Mr Muir. However,
they go no further than to set out
the requirements of s 62 of the NTA. They do not satisfy the terms of s
62(1)(a)(iv) and
(v) which require that an application be accompanied by an
affidavit sworn by the applicant that the applicant is authorised by all
the
persons in the native title claim group to make the application and to deal with
the matters arising in relation to it, and stating
the basis on which the
applicant is so authorised. A similar observation applies to the affidavit
sworn by Ms Walker on 20 May
2002 in support of the NK 2
application.
- The
NK 1 application contains the following statement in relation to authorisation:
applicant is a member of the Ngalia
Kutjungkatja native title claim group and is authorised to make the application,
and deal with
matters arising in relation to it, by all the other persons in the
native title claim group. The authorisation arises from the traditional
laws
and customs of the claimant group. In particular the applicants are qualified
within the laws and customs of the claimant group
as law persons with
appropriate status and authority to speak for and make decisions about the land
and waters on behalf of the claimant
group. The applicants have attained the
appropriate status and authority as a result of participating in gender specific
ceremonies,
conducting ritual activities, maintaining physical and cultural
connection with the area claimed and otherwise demonstrating leadership
qualities within the claimant group.’
- The
NK 2 Form 1 contains an identical statement, but for the numeral
‘2’ appearing immediately after ‘Ngalia
Kutjungkatja’.
- This
passage indicates that Ms Walker and Mr Muir rely on a traditional
process of decision-making as provided for in s 251B(a)
of the NTA. But
the statement does not indicate why only Ms Walker and Mr Muir (or, in
the case of the NK 2 Claim, Ms Walker
alone) are authorised to make the
application. I address authorisation further in 10.1.
2.8 AMENDMENT MADE TO THE REGISTRATION TEST BY THE AMENDING NTA
- The
Amending NTA amended the test to be applied by the NT Registrar to
determine if a claimant application for determination
of native title should be
entered on the National Register of Native Title Claims. Registration gives,
inter alia, the benefit of the ‘right to negotiate’
processes under Pt 2 Div 3 Subdiv P of the NTA. Section 29
requires government parties to give to ‘any registered native title
claimant’ (defined in s 253 as a person or persons
whose name or
names appear in an entry on the Register as the applicant in relation to a claim
to hold native title in relation to
land or waters), notice of any future acts
that may affect the area the subject of the claim. A registered native title
claimant
is a ‘native title party’ for the purpose of negotiations
under Subdiv P, and of status to object to such future
acts.
- If
the NT Registrar is given a copy of a claimant application under s 63
or s 64(4), the NT Registrar must consider
the claim made in the
application in accordance with s 190A(1). The NT Registrar must accept the
claim for registration if
it satisfies all the conditions in ss 190B and
190C; otherwise, the NT Registrar must not accept the claim for
registration:
s 190A(6). Section 190C(3), introduced by the Amending NTA
with effect from 30 September 1998,
provides:
The Registrar must be satisfied
that no person included in the native title claim group for the application (the
current application) was a member of the native title claim group
for any previous application, if:
the previous
application covered the whole or part of the area covered by the current
application; andan entry relating to the claim
in the previous application was on the Register of Native Title Claims when the
current application
was made; andthe entry was
made, or not removed, as a result of consideration of the previous application
under section 190A.’ (emphasis
included)
- After
30 September 1998, a claimant application had to satisfy the new
registration test even if it had previously satisfied
the registration test
under the Old NTA, and even if it had in fact been registered. The new
requirement had an immediate and dramatic
effect on the numerous claims in the
Goldfields region, in which there appear to have been many instances of
claimants being on two
or more overlapping claims. One solution suggesting
itself was to combine the overlapping claims. A second was to redefine a claim
group so as to exclude the problematical member or members. A third was, of
course, simply to secure registration before the overlapping
claim did.
- As
has been seen above, there is evidence of the following of all three courses:
the combining of claims; the express exclusion of
persons who are on other
claims and who, therefore, do not ‘identify solely’ with the claim
in question; and the race
to register.
- I
note that the (combined) Wongatha Claim (WC 99/1) was registered by the
NT Registrar on 26 February 1999, and that
the (combined) Maduwongga
Claim (WC 99/9) was eventually registered on 5 November 1999 (see
Strickland; appeal dismissed in WA v
Strickland).
2.9 A COMPARISON OF THE CRITERIA FOR MEMBERSHIP OF THE EIGHT CLAIM
GROUPS
- The
POC criteria for membership of the four GLSC Claim groups are identical. They
are similar, to a certain extent, to the POC criteria
for membership of the
Cosmo Claim group.
- The
POC criteria for membership of the Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups, on
the other hand, while similar as between themselves,
are different from those of
the GLSC and Cosmo Claim groups.
- The
criteria for membership of the GLSC and Cosmo Claim groups can be analysed in
general terms as comprising (1) a connection (including
through an ancestor) to
the Claim area; and (2) recognition of the claimed connection by the Claim
group. The required connection
is described a little differently as between the
GLSC and the Cosmo Claim groups. In the case of the GLSC Claim groups, it is
either:
(a) that the person was born and grew up in the Claim area;
or
(b) that the person traces (on an ill identified but apparently very liberal
basis) his or her ancestry to a person whose ‘country’
is recognised
by the Claim group as being located within the Claim area.
The person’s
claim to connection is, however, subject to the overriding requirement that it
be recognised by the GLSC Claim
group in question. This requirement applies
even to the ‘birth and growing up’ basis.
- In
the case of the Cosmo Claim group, the connection is that the person has a
‘personal connection’ to the Claim area,
including:
(a) birth of the person within the Claim area;
and
(b) birth within the Claim area of an ancestor through whom the person claims
the country (but the ancestors and the descendants are
limited to those
identified in the POC).
- The
presence of the word ‘including’ signifies that it is left to the
members of the Cosmo Claim group for the time being,
whether a particular
claimed ‘personal connection’ is to be recognized. This accords
great power to the members of the
Cosmo Claim group for the time being, and
allows them to recognise, for example, a person who does not satisfy (a) or (b)
and whose
claimed personal connection might, for example, be limited to
residence at the Cosmo Aboriginal Community in recent years.
- The
Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 POCs identify descent from an apical
ancestor as the Claim group’s defining feature.
In the case of the
Maduwongga Claim, it is cognatic descent from Kitty Bluegum and her father
Johnny. In the case of the NK 1
and NK 2 Claims, it is descent from
an apical Dreamtime ancestor, WaruTjukurr. The NK 1 and NK 2 Claim
groups are
also defined as the biological descendants of Kunia (Dolly and Paddy
Walker’s father’s father) and his wife Mayarru,
and the spouses and
adoptees of those biological descendants. Kunia is a descendant of WaruTjukurr.
- Notwithstanding
what I have said in the preceding paragraph, the Maduwongga, NK 1 and
NK 2 Claim groups, in the way they
ran their cases, also attempted to show
connections between members and their respective Claim areas. Accordingly, my
reasoning
in relation to the kind of ‘connections’ on which the GLSC
and Cosmo Claim groups rely as generating rights and interests
in land, apply
also to the Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups, in so far as they
rely on the same kinds of connections,
and do not confine the basis of their
Claims to descent from an apical ancestor.
- It
will be noted that in accordance with the GLSC/Cosmo criteria, although the laws
and customs that provide for the holding of the
rights and interests must be
pre-sovereignty laws and customs, the Claim group need not be linked to a group
that had right and interests
in the Claim area at sovereignty. The Claim group
might, for example, at a particular time, consist exclusively of persons who
were
born on (and grew up in, in the case of the GLSC Claim groups) the Claim
area. So, it is said that the Claim area itself provides
the GLSC or Cosmo
Claim group’s unifying feature. The fact that a person’s claim of
connection is based on his or her
ancestor’s connection to the Claim area
is not to be equated with descent from an apical ancestor as the basis of group
membership.
- Descent
from an apical ancestor, on the other hand, does involve group continuity over
time, the unifying feature of the Claim group
being descent from the same
ancestor. I conclude below, however, that descent from an apical ancestor is
not a basis of a landholding
unit according to traditional laws and customs of
the Western Desert.
- In
the above discussion, I have concentrated on the respective POCs’
statements of the criteria for membership of a Claim group.
Other parts of the
POCs and the way in which the cases were run and submissions were painted is a
different picture in certain respects.
For example, the Maduwongga applicants
gave evidence directed to identifying their father’s and their
‘country’.
But evidence directed to identifying what is a
person’s country by reference to such matters as place of birth, growing
up
and other connections is irrelevant where reliance is placed simply on
cognatic descent from an apical ancestor. It seems fair to
say that all Claim
groups led evidence directed to showing as many pathways of connection to
country of the witnesses they called
as possible, without close regard to the
Claim group’s Form 1 or POC.
CHAPTER 3 - GENERAL ISSUES PERTAINING TO ALL CLAIMS
3.0 INTRODUCTION AND
OVERVIEW
- My
purpose here is to introduce certain issues that permeate these reasons for
judgment.
(a) Lateness of the written record
- As
appears in 3.7(a) below, the first European explorer entered the Wongatha
Claim area in 1869. Over the years he was followed by others. However,
it was
only after the discovery of gold, at Coolgardie in 1892 and at Kalgoorlie in
1893, that there was a significant European presence.
That presence spread
rapidly, to the north and north-east, with the gold rush.
- These
circumstances pose a particular difficulty for the Claim groups. They bear the
onus of proving that the group rights and interests
they claim derive from laws
and customs as they existed at sovereignty, that is, at 1829. Lack of evidence
in this respect tells
against them, and in favour of those who oppose their
Claims. Yet substantial written records relating to Aboriginal people in the
Goldfields do not begin until the 1890s. Contrast the recent case of Bennell
v Western Australia [2006] FCA 1243; (2006) 153 FCR 120 in which European settlement and
accompanying written records occurred soon after sovereignty. Of course, it
should not be assumed that if the Goldfields had been settled in 1829, a record
of the local position at that time would necessarily
have supported the present
Claims: it may have defeated them. The point is simply that contemporaneous
records do not exist, and
any evidentiary vacuum works against the Claim
groups.
- Since
the evidence does not establish any important and relevant event between 1829
and the earliest European records relating to
the Goldfields, I infer that the
situation that existed immediately when the written record began was like that
at sovereignty.
As discussed at 3.1 below, however, there are
constraints on the ‘retrospective inferences’ that can properly be
drawn. It is, for example,
one thing to infer from European observation of the
presence of semi-nomadic Aboriginal people in the Wongatha Claim area in and
after 1869 that semi-nomadic Aboriginal people were to be found in the Wongatha
Claim area in 1829. It is another thing to infer
that the latter were the
ancestors of the people observed and would have ‘occupied’ the area
where the former were observed.
(b) The difficulty of proving claims to land by various groupings of
semi-nomadic people
- The
indigenous people of the Western Desert led semi-nomadic lives. They roamed
over large areas, determined primarily by the availability
of water and food.
Since animals also needed water, the location of water in pools, rockholes and
‘soaks’ was all important.
Indeed, the Aboriginal word for water,
‘kapi’ (there are different spellings, such as
‘gabi’), was also used to refer to one’s
‘country’ in the sense of the main watering place to which one
returned,
particularly in time of drought. It is for this reason, that a
preference has been expressed for ‘semi-nomadic’ rather
than
‘nomadic’ (but I will often use ‘nomadic’ without the
qualifier).
- The
question arises, on what basis, if any, a sparsely populated, vast and arid area
could be divided into areas of the kinds represented
in the present case in
which groups of the present kinds had group rights and interests. This is not
to suggest that the indigenous
people of the Western Desert did not have,
through the Dreaming (Tjukurrpa), a close and religious relationship to
the land. It is, however, to raise the question as to the basis of their
pre-sovereignty
groupings, and, in particular, as to how one particular group of
such people, as distinct from another, had group rights and interests
in
relation to a particular area.
- More
than one witness referred to the notion of territorial ‘boundaries’
as something foreign to Western Desert culture,
and as something that the advent
of native title had forced onto the indigenous people.
(c) The various Claim areas are large
- The
largeness of the various claim areas poses a problem for such statements as
‘A was born in the Claim area’, or ‘B
resided on the Claim
area’. The speaker has a particular place or places in mind, but
‘the Claim area’ is an NTA
construct. Inevitably, NTA
considerations have affected many of the indigenous witnesses’ views of
the world. It is necessary
to give close attention to the indigenous testimony
in order to ensure that it is properly understood. A particular problem of the
present kind exists in relation to the Cosmo Claim area, because of the presence
of the Cosmo Aboriginal Community in the westernmost
part of that area. It is
necessary to discern carefully the meaning of such statements as ‘I lived
at Cosmo’ or ‘I
know the Cosmo area’. Is the reference to the
entire Cosmo Claim area or to the area of the Cosmo Aboriginal Community
(formerly,
at various times, the homestead of the Cosmo Station, a ration depot,
and a mission) or to something in between?
(d) Post-sovereignty migration
- ‘Migration’
or ‘population shift’ from the harsh, often drought stricken
interior to points of European settlement
in the Goldfields is well established.
Although there is evidence that initially some of the people returned
periodically to the
desert, and although there are questions whether those from
the desert displaced the local Aboriginal people, the general proposition
that
over time there was a general draining of the desert in favour of the fringes of
European settlement is not disputed.
- While
claimants can point to ancestors who had various kinds of post-contact
association with places within the Wongatha Claim area,
I cannot infer, without
more, that those ancestors’ own ancestors at sovereignty had connections
to those same places. Indeed,
in many cases there is positive evidence that the
post-contact ancestors migrated to the outskirts of townships and to ration
depots
in the Goldfields in the closing years of the nineteenth century and the
first half of the twentieth century, from places to the
north, north-east and
east of the Wongatha Claim area.
- Whatever
the effect of pre-contact ‘traditional’ migration within the Western
Desert (due to drought, for example) may
have been under Western Desert laws and
customs, migration to points of European contact because of certain attractions
there is
something quite different. I do not accept that the latter was an
adaptation of the former.
(e) Basing a claim on a normative Western Desert Cultural Bloc
(‘WDCB’) ‘society’
- The
various Claim groups base their claims to group rights and interests on a
normative system of the WDCB ‘society’.
I have serious doubts over
whether the WDCB is a society with a system of norms, as discussed in Yorta
Yorta HCA. I have been prepared to proceed, however, on the assumption that
it is. Moreover, I have proceeded on the basis that that society
existed in
1829, and that its laws and customs have been continuously observed, at least at
certain places within the Western Desert,
since 1829.
- It
is difficult to avoid the impression that the various applicants may have
thought that these issues were concluded in their favour
by De Rose
FCAFC. They were not. They raise issues of fact to be determined on the
evidence adduced in this case.
- The
evidence on some of these matters was slight. There was, of course,
uncontroverted expert evidence concerning the existence of
a WDCB. There was
also some evidence, given apparently adventitiously, of acknowledgement and
observance of Western Desert laws
and customs at such places within the Western
Desert as Wiluna, Jigalong, Tjuntjuntarra, Warburton, Cundeelee and Coonana, all
outside
the Wongatha Claim area.
- My
assumptions in favour of the Claim groups leave outstanding questions as to the
content of the pre-sovereignty body or system of
Western Desert laws and
customs, and as to whether the respective Claim groups still acknowledge and
observe it, allowing for adaptations.
I answer the former question at
3.6(c)(2), and the latter question, Claim group by Claim group, in Chs
4-10.
(f) Dispute as to the western extent of the WDCB
- On
any reckoning, the Wongatha Claim area is at the western extremity of the WDCB.
The non-indigenous respondents contend that a
substantial part of it, and, in
particular, the part where mining and pastoral activity takes place, lies
outside its the western
boundary. Evidence and submissions were directed to the
location of that boundary.
- Where
was the western boundary of the WDCB in 1829? Where is the western boundary of
the WDCB today? These questions need only be
put to expose the virtual
intractability of the issue. I have addressed the issue at
3.6(a)(b).
(g) Claim groups claiming group rights and interests
- I
discussed at 2.9 the ‘multiple pathways of connection’ model
underlying the four GLSC and Cosmo Claims, and the apical ancestor model
underlying the Maduwongga and NK 1 and NK 2 Claims.
- The
difference between the two models is not always clearly borne out. For example,
notwithstanding the apical ancestor model in
the Maduwongga, NK 1 and
NK 2 POCs, the evidence suggests that those Claims also rely on the
‘my country’ areas
of individuals. Moreover, although the GLSC and
Cosmo Claims are based on connections between the individual and the land, one
of
the connections relied on by some claimants is the fact that a particular
ancestor of the claimant had ‘country’ in a
particular area (this,
however, is distinct from descent from an apical ancestor).
- What
has emerged from the evidence is that each individual claims a ‘my
country’ area based on one or more pathways of
connection personal to him
or her, such as, place of birth, place of growing up, place of birth of a parent
or other relation, or
the holding of ‘country’ by a parent,
grandparent or other ancestor. Moreover, the individual’s bundle of
rights
and interests will not necessarily be the same as that of another
individual.
- It
may be thought that this common ground provides a sufficient basis on which at
least the four GLSC and Cosmo applications should
be dismissed. In fact, in my
view, it does: see 3.6(c)(4) below. In addition, and as a separate
ground of dismissal, the subject matter of the ‘my country’ claims
made are areas
defined by reference to multiple pathways of connection between
the individual and land; but traditional Western Desert law and custom
defined
the ‘estate’ which the individual might ‘own’ by
reference to Tjukurr sites and tracks, and the connection between the
individual and an area so defined (see 3.6(c)(3) below).
- The
GLSC and Cosmo Claim groups, and less clearly so, the Maduwongga and NK 1
and NK 2 Claim groups, comprise aggregations
of individuals and the Claim
areas comprise aggregations of their individual ‘my country’ areas.
In my view, a claim
by such a group to hold group rights and interests in the
total area cannot be sustained under the NTA as explained in Yorta Yorta
HCA.
- This
important point calls for elaboration, and is discussed in detail at
3.6(c)(4). Each individual in the Wongatha Claim group, for example, has
a ‘my country’ area, which represents only a small part
of the vast
Wongatha Claim area. There will be parts of that Claim area of which the
individual has no knowledge and to which he
or she professes no connection.
- The
position was made clear in the course of opening submissions by senior counsel
for the GLSC Claim groups. He said that I may
find it appropriate, at the end
of the day and in the light of the evidence, to divide up the Wongatha Claim
area into five ‘Determination
areas’ as shown on a map which was
admitted into evidence, and which is Annexure E to these reasons for
judgment. The
proposed determination areas, senior counsel said, might be found
to be shared as follows:
- Proposed
Determination Area 1: Wongatha and MN
- Proposed
Determination Area 2: Wongatha, MN and Cosmo
- Proposed
Determination Area 3: Wongatha
- Proposed
Determination Area 4: Koara, Wutha, some NK 1 claimants, and those Wongatha
claimants who have a connection to this
area
- Proposed
Determination Area 5: (this is the area that was, by amendment, omitted from the
Wongatha Claim in favour of this Pilki claim)
In
substance, this was an invitation to me to do as the claimants had attempted to
do – to constitute groups and areas based
on the ‘my country’
entitlements of individuals.
- From
time to time, the present issue has been addressed in different ways. Usually
it is said that Claim group A has group rights
and interests in Claim area A,
but acknowledged that particular individuals within overlapping Claim
group B also have rights
and interests in the A/B overlap. At other times
Claim group A acknowledges that Claim group B, like Claim group A
itself, may have group rights and interests in the A/B overlap, and says that it
is an internal matter for the respective Claim groups
to determine which
individuals within them are entitled to enjoy rights and interests in the A/B
overlap, and that I need not concern
myself with this issue. Generally
speaking, it is put in the former way.
- I
accept that it should not be assumed that all members of a group holding group
rights and interests have identical rights and interests
inter se, and
that some may have, in respect of particular parts of a claim area, nothing more
than nominal rights and interests arising from
their membership of the Claim
group. Nonetheless, in my opinion if a group claim is to succeed, the group
must be shown to have
group rights and interests in the first place.
- I
do not think it consistent with Yorta Yorta HCA for Claim groups and
Claim areas to be constituted as they have been here. Rather, it is required
that a landowning group be unified,
and its area be identified, by reference to
traditional (pre-sovereignty) laws and customs.
- Exceptionally,
at least according to their respective POCs, the basis of the Maduwongga Claim
group’s claim is cognatic descent
from an apical ancestor, Kitty Bluegum,
and that of the NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups is descent from an apical ancestor,
WaruTjukurr.
I conclude in Chs 9 and 10, however, that this a
‘tribe’ or ‘clan’ model is not supported by the expert
evidence of traditional Western Desert laws and customs.
(h) Overlapping and competing claims
- It
is only the Wongatha and Cosmo Claims that I am determining in their entirety.
I am determining the other overlapping Claims,
only in relation to those parts
of their respective Claim areas that overlap the Wongatha Claim area.
- Evidence
was admitted in relation to connections to places within those other Claim areas
(MN, Koara, Wutha, Maduwongga, NK 1, NK
2) but outside the Wongatha Claim area.
As noted above, however, the Claim areas do not have an existence according to
traditional
laws and customs. It follows that the establishment of individual
‘my country’ areas in a non-overlap part of a Claim
area, does not
establish rights and interests in the overlap.
(i) Continued acknowledgement and observance by a group
- As
already noted, I deal with, but do not resolve (see 3.6(c)(5) [976] ff
below), the question of whether the Claim groups continue to acknowledge and
observe the traditional laws and customs of
the WDCB in the sixth section
(.6) of each of Chs 5-10, that deal with the respective individual
Claims, and in the seventh section (.7) of Ch 4 on the Wongtha Claim
(unfortunately, the section numbers within Ch 4 after 4.4 are displaced
by one digit because of the inclusion in that chapter alone (as 4.4) of a
section entitled ‘Meaning of “communal”, “group”,
and “individual” and relationship
between those terms’).
- What
does it mean to say that a claim group acknowledges and observes laws and
customs? What proportion, if any, of the group’s members must be shown to
do so? What
inferences can appropriately be drawn from the testimony given by
individuals concerning their own acknowledgement and observance,
as to
acknowledgement and observance by the group in general? Must it appear that the
witnesses are a representative cross-section
of the group?
- Acknowledgement
and observance by a claim group raises difficult questions of fact and degree.
Much depends on the particular law
or custom being considered – some
behaviour involves only a single actor (eg refraining from marrying a person of
a wrong skin
group), while other behaviour involves multiple actors (eg
corroborees, funerals).
- Generally
speaking, the majority of indigenous witnesses were of the older generation, and
their testimony was often related to their
experiences when they were children.
This is a generalisation: the Cosmo applicant, for example, called several young
Cosmo claimants
to testify. Moreover, there were some witnesses aged in their
20s, 30s and 40s from other Claim groups.
- In
Yorta Yorta HCA at [47] (joint judgment), the High Court said that the
system of norms in question must have had ‘vitality’ since
sovereignty.
There is a difficult question as to what this requires in
circumstances in which the laws and customs belonged to semi-nomadic people
who
now live sedentary lifestyles in towns or Aboriginal communities.
- Knowledge
of a law or custom is not the same as acknowledgement or observance of it.
Perhaps too much can be made of the distinction
between
‘acknowledgement’ and ‘observance’, but acknowledgement
must be of the law as a law (usually, an acknowledgement of it as rightly
imposing obligations or conferring rights), while observance of a custom
signifies
intentionally acting in conformity with it. It follows that one can
know of a law (or custom) without acknowledging it, and one
can acknowledge it,
without observing it. I discuss these matters further at 3.6(c)(5) [935]
ff.
- The
evidence given had various degrees of relevance to the question of the current
acknowledgment and observance of a body or system
of laws and customs.
Avoidance of the use of the names of deceased people, in-law avoidance, not
marrying people within certain
skin groups, would be clearly illustrations of
observance.
- But
other conduct is equivocal. Examples are residence within a Claim area and
hunting. Are these activities, when engaged in today,
attributable to the
exercise of a traditional right?
- I
suggest that the answer is ‘not necessarily’. The point was made
succinctly by Gleeson CJ in the following well-known
passage from Mason v
Tritton (1994) 34 NSWLR 572 at
574:
is an activity which is so natural to
people who occupy, or visit, coastal regions, that some care needs to be
exercised in passing
from an observation that people have engaged in that
activity to an assertion that they are members of a class who have exercised
some form of right pursuant to a system of rules recognised by the common
law.’
- I
have no difficulty in regarding the changes from residence in wiltjas
(Aboriginal bough shelters) to residence in houses, from hunting on foot with
spears to the use of motorised transport and rifles,
and from the use of sharp
stones to razor blades in the ceremony of male initiation, as adaptations.
However, whether residence
within a Claim area and hunting by an individual are
probative of a standard or norm will require close attention to the reasons
why
the individual resides in the Claim area or hunts. I discuss this question
further at 3.6(c)(5)[937]ff.
- The
fact that the expression ‘native title rights and interests’ is
defined in s 223(2) of the NTA to include ‘hunting,
gathering or fishing,
rights and interests’ is not inconsistent with what I have said above.
Whether any of such rights and
interests are included in the bundle of rights
and interests in a particular case will depend on the evidence in that
case.
(j) Authorisation a problem for some groups
- The
non-indigenous respondents challenge the authorisation of every Claim except the
MN Claim (which was lodged prior to the enactment
of the authorisation
requirement by the Amending NTA, and was not amended subsequently).
Authorisation is addressed in the first
section (.1) of each of Chs 4 to
10, that deal with the respective individual Claims.
3.1 ONUS OF PROOF IN RESPECT OF VARIOUS ISSUES
- Prior
to the enactment of the Amending NTA in 1998, s 82 of the NTA obliged the Court
to ‘pursue the objective of providing
a mechanism of determination that is
fair, just, economical, informal and prompt’ (subs (1)); required the
Court to ‘take
account of the cultural and customary concerns of
Aboriginal peoples and Torres Strait Islanders’ (subs (2)); and provided
that the Court was ‘not bound by technicalities, legal forms or rules
of evidence’ (subs (3)) (my emphasis).
- Section
82 of the NTA now provides:
The Federal
Court is bound by the rules of evidence, except to the extent that the Court
otherwise orders.
In conducting its proceedings, the Court may take
account of the cultural and customary concerns of Aboriginal peoples and Torres
Strait Islanders, but not so as to prejudice unduly any other party to the
proceedings.’
- In
amending s 82 to provide that the Court is bound by the rules of evidence,
except to the extent that the Court otherwise orders,
Parliament may have
narrowed the potential basis for the drawing of inferences about past practices
(see Yorta Yorta HCA at [81] (joint judgment)), and so made a claim
group’s task of establishing native title more difficult. There is,
however,
no escaping the provision, as the High Court recognised in
Yorta Yorta HCA at [80] (joint
judgment):
may be accepted that
demonstrating the content of ... traditional law and custom may very well
present difficult problems of proof.
But the difficulty of the forensic task
which may confront claimants does not alter the requirements of the statutory
provision.
In many cases, perhaps most, claimants will invite the Court to
infer, from evidence led at trial, the content of traditional law
and custom at
times earlier than those described in the evidence. Much will, therefore, turn
on what evidence is led to found the
drawing of such an inference and that is
affected by the provisions of the Native Title
Act.’
- The
GLSC applicants referred to:
- judicial
observations to the general effect that it is important that the difficulties
faced by persons claiming to hold native title
in proving facts back to early
historical and even pre-historical times, be recognised by the courts, and
- s 82(2) of
the
NTA
as if these considerations give some latitude in the application of s 82(1). They do not. The judicial observations cited must be understood in the context of the form of s 82 with reference to which they were made, and the circumstances giving rise to the making of them. In any event, s 82(2) is not concerned with the rules of evidence, but with the way in which proceedings are conducted.
- The
onus of proving the existence (including the continued existence, ie
non-extinguishment) of native title rests on applicants:
Ward FCAFC at
[117]; Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria [2001] FCA 45;
(2001) 110 FCR 244 at [159]; De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J
at [8]; Daniel v Western Australia [2003] FCA 666 at [146]–[148]
(‘Daniel’); Neowarra at [431]; Coe v
Commonwealth [1993] HCA 42; (1993) 118 ALR 193 (HCA) at 206. In saying this, I am
referring to both the ultimate burden and the evidentiary burden in respect
of
all the elements of native title, subject to one qualification: in relation to
extinguishment, a respondent bears an evidentiary
burden of proving the
existence of its title and of the rights exercisable under it, while the burden
of proving that those rights
are not inconsistent with the claimed native title
rights and interests, rests on the applicants: Daniel at [148].
- The
standard of proof is the civil standard – the balance of probabilities:
Evidence Act 1995 (Cth) (‘the Evidence Act’) s 140(1),
and the definition of ‘civil proceeding’ in that Act’s
Dictionary.
- The
applicants submit that it is well established as a matter of law that courts
should infer the ‘existence and content of
traditional laws and customs,
rights and interests, and connection with the claimed area, back to ...
sovereignty’. I agree.
In Gumana v Northern Territory [2005] FCA 50; (2005) 141
FCR 457 at [194]–[202] Selway J referred to the common law
authorities relating to the proof of customs since time immemorial. However,
the shorter the period that has to be covered by an inference of retrospective
continuance, the better. In the present case, the
acknowledgment and observance
of pre-sovereignty laws and customs may have been affected by events since
European settlement in,
say, the early 1890s: including the migration from the
desert to the towns and settlements of the Goldfield; the abandonment of the
nomadic life in the desert; and the dominance of the non-Aboriginal culture.
The point is that where, as here, the task is to ascertain
what the
pre-sovereignty body of laws and customs was, I prefer to look first for the
earliest available evidence of laws and customs
as they existed after first
contact. Admittedly, in some cases, the earliest available record may have been
made long after first
contact.
- The
proper drawing of inferences depends on the application of logic and human
experience to the facts that are proved by admissible
evidence. Upon analysis,
I am asked to draw two inferences here:
- an inference
that certain activities and behaviour observed since first contact are a
continuation of pre-sovereignty activities and
behaviour (an inference of
retrospective continuance); and
- an inference
that the activities and behaviour are attributable to pre-sovereignty and
continuing laws and customs (an inference of
attribution).
The inference of attribution is discussed
below at 3.6(c)(5) [948] ff.
- Wigmore
on Evidence, 3rd ed, vol 2, [437], describes the inference of
retrospective continuance:
the
existence of an object, condition, quality, or tendency at a given time is in
issue, the prior existence of it is in human experience some indication
of its probable persistence or continuance at the later
period.
degree of probability of this continuance depends on
the chances of intervening circumstances having occurred to bring the existence
to an end. The possibility of such circumstances will depend almost entirely on
the nature of the specific thing whose existence
is in issue and the particular
circumstances affecting it in the case in hand. That a soap-bubble was in
existence half-an-hour
ago affords no inference at all that it is in existence
now; that Mt. Everest was in existence ten years ago is strong evidence that
it
exists yet; whether the fact of a tree’s existence a year ago will
indicate its continued existence today will vary according
to the nature of the
tree and the conditions of life in the region. So far, then, as the
interval of time is concerned, no fixed rule can be laid down; the nature
of the thing and the circumstances of the particular case must
control.
considerations affect the use of subsequent
existence as evidence of existence at the time in issue. Here the disturbing
contingency is that some circumstance operating in the interval
may have been
the source of the subsequent existence, and the propriety of the inference will
depend on the likelihood of such intervening
circumstances having occurred and
been the true origin. On landing at New York it can hardly be inferred that the
steamer at the
next dock has been there for a week; but it may usually be
inferred that the dock has been there for some years; while the particular
circumstances of appearance and the like will in the latter instance affect the
length of time to which the inference could be carried
back. Here, as with
prior indications, the interval of time to which the inference will be
allowable must depend upon the nature of the thing and the circumstances of the
particular case.
opponent ... may always attempt to explain away the
effect of the evidence by showing that in the meantime other circumstances have
occurred to raise a probability of change instead of
continuance.’
- In
the present case, what has been observed at and since first contact is the
presence and activities of Aboriginal people in the
Wongatha Claim area (and the
signs, such as the remains of camp fires, of such presence and activities).
Before we can infer that
the presence and activity observed at and since first
contact is a continuation of pre-sovereignty presence and activity, it is
necessary
to be more specific about what it is that has been observed. For
example, was the observation of ‘Aboriginal people’
generally or of
‘Aboriginal people belonging to a certain group’? When we say that
Aboriginal people were seen in the
Wongatha Claim area, do we mean
‘passing through’ or ‘camped’ and, if camped, for how
long? Where, in the
vast Wongatha Claim area, were they seen, and what
conclusions, if any, can be drawn from their being seen at one place about their
presence elsewhere in that area?
- In
relation to a practice or activity, the permissible drawing of inferences
requires careful consideration of the practice or activity,
the frequency or
rarity of its occurrence as observed, the circumstances of earlier times in so
far as they are known, and the general
probabilities. It is easy to infer that
observed hunting and use of rockholes as a source of water was also taking place
in what
is now the Wongatha Claim area in the past. It is altogether a
different thing to infer from a single European observation of camping
in
wiltjas or of ceremonial activity at a particular place, that camping in
wiltjas or ceremonial activity occurred at the very same place at
sovereignty and continued there over the intervening period, a fortiori
by ancestors of the people observed. More evidence would be required before
that inference could safely be drawn.
- What
is the length of time over which inferences are to be drawn? The expression
‘first contact’ can cause difficulty.
As previously noted, the
first European contact with any Aboriginal people within the Wongatha Claim area
occurred in 1869, 40 years
after sovereignty. However, John
Forrest’s ‘contact’ in 1869 consisted of a series of
relatively brief encounters
hampered by language. More meaningful contact did
not occur until the establishment of prospectors’ camps and towns as part
of the gold rush in the 1890s. Thus, European awareness and observation of
indigenous activities and behaviour did not come all
of a sudden in 1869: it
developed over the succeeding decades. The case, therefore, does not simply
present the question of whether
activities and behaviour about which evidence
was given by indigenous witnesses or observed by Europeans should be taken to
have
existed 40 years earlier. Rather, if there was evidence of a particular
practice within the Wongatha Claim area in 1900, the question
would be whether I
should infer that that practice was being followed 71 years earlier.
- Another
problem is that of migration or ‘population shift’ from the desert
to the Goldfields centres after European settlement.
I have no difficulty in
inferring from the fact that the early explorers and others observed indigenous
people at various places
within the Wongatha Claim area, that indigenous people
were also to be found at places within that area at sovereignty. However,
I do
not infer, without further evidence, that all of the ancestors of all of the
Wongatha claimants lived in the Wongatha Claim
area at sovereignty. I assume
from the largeness of the Wongatha Claim area, that some of them may well have,
but there is positive
evidence that ancestors of many of the Wongatha claimants
came from parts of the Western Desert to the north, north-east and east
of the
Wongatha Claim area after European settlement.
- I
would require evidence addressing the long term association of indigenous
groupings within the Western Desert with particular areas,
and the stability of
those groupings and associations over time, before I would infer, if asked to do
so, that a situation in these
respects which existed in say the early twentieth
century had existed in 1829.
- There
is a conundrum. Those who observed, recorded and analysed were Europeans, and
were, therefore, to varying degrees, part of
the intrusion and disturbance. The
dislocation gathered pace as settlement progressed – and as the number of
alien observers
increased. To state the obvious, there were no pre-contact
European recorders, and the post-contact (in particular, post-settlement)
recorders could document only a situation already disturbed, to an extent that
depended on the date and place of the observations,
as a result of the European
influence. This fact has particular relevance to the issue of population
movement from the desert in
the north, north-east and east to places of European
contact.
- Clearly,
there would be many obstacles to the drawing of an inference that an ancestor
group of a particular Claim group before the
Court ‘occupied’
‘the Wongatha Claim area’, or an identifiable part of it, at
sovereignty.
- Another
issue of proof concerns the GLSC applicant submission that I should accept a
level of generality in relation to ‘the
precise composition’ at any
given date of the GLSC Claim groups, or as to the geographic coverage of hunting
and foraging activities.
They also submit that they are not required to identify
precisely those who hold particular rights and interests in relation to
particular
areas of land, and that the intramural allocation of rights is a
matter for traditional laws and customs, with which the Court need
not be
concerned.
- It
is not necessary for a Claim group to be able to name individually all its
members. Having regard to the fluctuating membership
that one would usually
expect to be a characteristic of a group holding group rights and interests, it
will often be impossible to
name them all. Moreover, even if it were possible
to do so as at a particular time, the list of names would soon become
outdated.
- Section 225(a)
of the NTA, requires, however, that it be possible to determine who are the
persons, or each group of persons,
holding the group rights comprising the
native title. It must be possible to state criteria according to which any
particular individual
can be determined to fall within or outside the group. In
Attorney-General (NT) v Ward (2003) [2003] FCAFC 283; 134 FCR 16 at [14]- [15], a
Full Court of this Court indicated that it was not prepared to make an order in
terms which did not amount to an exhaustive description
of the persons who held
native title.
3.2 THE EXTENT TO WHICH THE RESPECTIVE CLAIM GROUPS ARE CONFINED TO THEIR CASE
AS PUT IN THE FORM 1, IN COUNSEL’S OPENING AND
AS PRESENTED AT THE
HEARING
- The
non-indigenous respondents argue that the applicants and overlapping respondent
Claim groups are confined to their case as put
in the Form 1, in counsel’s
opening, and as presented at the hearing This, they say, is based on the
general rule that parties
are not allowed to move outside the issues revealed at
the close of their pleadings, and that issues not raised in pleadings are
not
before the Court (citing Banque Comerciale SA (in liq) v Akhil Holdings
Ltd [1990] HCA 11; (1990) 169 CLR 279 at 286-87).
- On
the other hand, the GLSC applicants seem to suggest that they (and, it would
follow, the other overlapping Claim groups) are not
so confined, subject, they
say, only to considerations of ‘fairness and practical efficiency in the
management of the hearing’.
- As
noted earlier, as between a Form 1 and POC, the Form 1 is dominant and
the POC should be consistent with it: Harrington-Smith v Western Australia
(No 5) at [56]; and see my discussion earlier at 2.1(b) [129]-[130].
Neither document is a ‘pleading’ for the purpose of the FCRs: see
the definition of ‘pleading’
in O1 r 4.
- An
important purpose of the Form 1 is to state the determination sought. In this
respect, it is akin to the Court’s ordinary
form of application which must
state the relief claimed.
- I
do not accept that all departures from a Form 1, from counsel’s opening,
or from the way in which a case was presented at
the hearing, are impermissible.
The permissibility of any particular variance depends on the prohibition in
s 64 of the NTA
of an amendment enlarging the area claimed, and on natural
justice considerations. It is undisputed that I am at liberty to make
a
determination involving native title rights and interests less extensive
than those claimed.
- I
do not accept, however, the GLSC applicants’ submission that I should make
any determination of native title that I might find supported by the
evidence, even though it lies outside the relevant Form 1.
- The
jurisdiction of the Court depends on s 19 of the Federal Court of
Australia Act 1976 (Cth), and ss 13(1), 61(1), 62 and 81 of the NTA.
Subject to the question of authorisation, the respondents do not submit that
the
Court lacks jurisdiction to make a determination of native title.
- The
various Forms 1 have alerted the respondents to the fact that the respective
Claim groups identified in the Forms 1 are claiming
group rights and interests
over the respective Claim areas identified in the Forms 1. There is no current
application for leave
to amend.
- Departures
from a Form 1 involve questions of degree, and, generally speaking, cannot be
ruled upon hypothetically. There are, however,
two particular kinds of
departure deserving mention. They are both so different from the Claims before
the Court that it would not
be open to the Court to make a determination in
accordance with either of them. The first is a determination of individual
rights
and interests in respect of individual claimants in relation to their
‘my country’ areas. The second is a determination
of group rights
and interests in which both the area claimed and the group composition would be
based on constellations of Tjukurr sites or tracks as in De Rose
(see [510]-[512] below). I imply nothing about the likelihood of success of
either of these two hypothetical kinds of claim.
- It
is not useful to embark upon further discussion of the range of the
determinations that the Court might be able to make on the
applications before
it.
3.3 RELEVANCE AND IMPORTANCE OF LAY EVIDENCE
(a) The lay evidence generally
- Evidence
on the claimants’ connection to parts of the Wongatha Claim area was given
by 93 indigenous witnesses at various
locations in the Goldfields (see
Annexure C for a list of the witnesses). All except one of these witnesses
testified orally.
That one, Philip West, was unable to attend Court. By
consent, his statement was read onto the transcript and admitted as his
testimony.
Five additional indigenous witnesses gave evidence only on the issue
of extinguishment. As I do not reach the issue of extinguishment,
these five
additional witnesses can be put to one side.
- As
already noted at 1.7 [117], only 86 of the 93 indigenous witnesses are
listed as claimants on an LIP. According to their LIP listings, the 86 can be
said to have been called on behalf of the following:
GLSC
Claim groups 66 witnesses
Cosmo Claim group 15 witnesses
Maduwongga Claim group 2 witnesses
NK 1 Claim group
NK 2 Claim group 3 witnesses
----------------
86 witnesses
=========
- As
I indicated at 1.7 [117], some witnesses’ names appear on more than
one LIP. For example, according to the LIPs, some witnesses are both MN and
Cosmo claimants (apparently they claim country in both of these contiguous but
non-overlapping Claim areas), and the three persons
who are both NK 1 and NK 2
claimants who testified, are also LIP listed MN claimants (but are not included
in the above figure of
66 GLSC witnesses). As appears at [117], there were a
further 10 LIP listed NK 1 claimants who testified, but were called on behalf
of
other Claim groups. The NK 1 applicants, Dolly Walker and her son Kado Muir,
and the NK 2 applicant, Dolly Walker, were not legally
represented on the
hearing, and the only NK 1 and NK 2 claimants they called were themselves and
Dolly Walker’s brother, Paddy
Walker.
- The
indigenous testimony on connection covered 16,928 pages of transcript (no
deduction being made for such matters as rulings on
evidence, hearings of
motions and the giving of procedural directions).
- With
one exception, the remaining testimony was expert testimony or was related to
extinguishment, and was given in Perth. The exception
was the testimony of the
lay witness, Margaret Morgan. Like the indigenous witnesses on connection,
Ms Morgan testified in
the Goldfields (her evidence occupies 207 pages of
transcript).
- Each
indigenous witness’s testimony addressed the following overlapping
matters:
- the
witness’s genealogical and family connections and the general course of
the witness’s life, including parentage, childhood,
education, work,
places of residence, marriage and offspring;
- the
claim which the witness made to be a member of a particular Aboriginal group and
to have ‘country’ under Aboriginal
law and tradition;
- particular
traditional practices engaged in by the witness or by others, whether today or
in the past, cultural knowledge and beliefs,
and the intergenerational
transmission of such practices, knowledge and beliefs.
- Because
of the extent of the indigenous evidence, I made extensive notes of it from the
transcript, but then decided, for my own purposes,
to set out, witness by
witness, my summary paraphrase, expressed in the first person, of the
witness’s testimony. The summary
paraphrases, arranged in alphabetical
sequence by the witnesses’ names, appear in Annexure F.
Interpolations of my own,
such as of alternative names or spellings, appear in
square brackets. Material in round brackets is derived from the testimony.
For
convenience, I have also included in Annexure F the evidence of
Margaret Morgan.
- Annexure F
does not contain findings of fact: they are contained in the text of these
reasons, which stand alone. However, a
person may wish to read Annexure F in
order to obtain an insight into the nature of the underlying testimony.
- The
following practices, knowledge areas, and belief systems were covered in
testimony, according to the GLSC submissions:
1A. Residence in the
relevant GLSC Claim area (other than at the Mission)
1B. Residence at the Mission
2. Travelling and camping in the Wongatha Claim area
3. Hunting in the Wongatha Claim area
4. Bush tucker and medicine
5. Use of natural resources
6. Ceremonies and law business
7. Caring for country and protection of sites
8. Language
9. Use of ngurra/ngurrara and other similar terms
10. Avoidance places (pika ngurlu and similar concepts)
11. Tjukurr (Dreamings)
12. Skins and kinship practices
13. Preparation, cooking and distribution of meat
14. Burial and other associated practices
15. Transmission of rights, interests and country
- In
their submissions, the Cosmo applicants and the Maduwongga applicants used
different headings, which will appear in Chs 8 and 9,
respectively. There were
no NK 1 or NK 2 submissions.
- In
order to understand the indigenous testimony, it is necessary to know the
locations of the many places referred to by them. However,
it is not
practicable for me to interpolate the locations of all the places referred to in
these reasons.
(b) Men’s Restricted Evidence
- Because
of its culturally sensitive subject matter, part of the lay evidence was given
in gender-restricted session, male only or
female only, pursuant to orders of
the Court. In the case of ‘Men’s Restricted Evidence’, only
initiated Aboriginal
men and non-Aboriginal men were permitted to be present.
In the case of ‘Women’s Restricted Evidence’, only women
and I
were present. In each case a régime was established by the orders
pursuant to which the transcript of the testimony
was recorded by a man or
woman, as the case might be, and an order for confidentiality was made in
respect of the transcript; the
parties were to attempt to agree on those parts
of the transcript that were to be ‘de-restricted’; and the parties
were
to attempt to agree on a public statement as to the overall effect of the
part of the transcript that remained restricted. The accounts
of the restricted
evidence that I give in chapters dealing with the respective Claims, are the
result of the agreements reached.
- The
following witnesses gave Men’s Restricted
Evidence:
|
Witness
Kado Muir
Anthony Harris
Kalman Murphy Anthony Harris
Patrick Edwards
Patrick Edwards * FB Danny Harris
Kalman Murphy
|
Claim group
MN, NK 1 and NK 2
Wongatha
MN and NK 1 Wongatha
Wongatha
Wongatha MN and NK 1 Wongatha
MN and NK 1
|
Place where evidence given
Nyukali
Kalgoorlie
Station Creek
Golden Cliff
Cox’s Find/ Murphy Hills
Kalgoorlie
|
Date when
evidence given
26 March 2002
4 July 2002
18 November 2002
19 November 2002
19 November 2002
28 November 2002
|
Transcript pages
2541-2556
5754-5772
10554-10605
10606-10627
10628-10661
11934-11972
|
* Patrick Edwards’ evidence was further evidence relating to Golden
Cliff.
- As
the table indicates, Wongatha, MN, and NK 1 claimants testified in restricted
session. With respect to NK 2, I note that at the
time when Kado Muir
testified, the NK 2 Claim had not been instituted by his mother. No Koara,
Wutha, Cosmo or Maduwongga
male claimant gave evidence in a restricted session.
- Except
for Cox’s Find/Murphy Hills, the sites were around Leonora and
Laverton (at the hearing venue in Kalgoorlie, Anthony
Harris gave
‘spontaneous’ evidence concerning the law ground at Leonora, and
Kalman Murphy was cross-examined on evidence
he had previously given on site).
No restricted evidence was given in relation to places elsewhere within the
Wongatha Claim area.
At one stage it was proposed that members of the Wongatha
and Cosmo Claim groups would give evidence in relation to Minnie Creek
(Pirlpirr). Minnie Creek is universally acknowledged to be one of the most
important men’s sites within the Wongatha Claim
area. In the event, no
such evidence was led.
- Except
in the case of the evidence given in Kalgoorlie (as to which the position is not
known), at least one other wati was present while the witness testified.
Kado Muir explained that the presence of other watis was required
when anything was to be said to non-watis about restricted aspects of
men’s law, to ensure that the speaker did not ‘overstep the
mark’. He said: ‘It
wouldn’t be right for me to stand here
and talk about such highly sensitive knowledge without other men [meaning other
watis] present’. I accept his evidence. I have no doubt that the
sacredness of men’s stories and sites is respected among
all the Claim
groups, and that the prohibition against divulging
‘wati-only’ knowledge is observed.
- Kalman
Murphy was a witness in his twenties, as was Anthony Harris;
Patrick Edwards was a witness in his thirties. However,
senior
watis such as Paddy Walker, Johnny Phillips, FB,
Barney Morrison and MW were variously on site when the three witnesses
relayed the stories.
- As
noted at [378] above, the evidence that Anthony Harris gave on 4 July 2002 in
Kalgoorlie was given in an impromptu restricted evidence
session, and related to
the law ground at Leonora. The evidence that was foreshadowed was to relate to
‘current ceremonial
use of the law ground at Leonora’, but, as the
evidence turned out, it did not demonstrate this, that is the current practising
or conducting of ceremonies or rituals, including any relating to male
initiation.
- In
the case of the Nyukali, Station Creek and Golden Cliff sites, the witnesses
displayed knowledge of stories associated with the
sites. However, in relation
to Cox’s Find/Murphy Hills, the evidence was not useful. The
intended witness, Kalman Murphy,
was apparently detained elsewhere and did
not give evidence. In his place, FB and Danny Harris were asked to tell
what they
knew of the site, but FB said only that he had been to the place once
a long time ago. Dan Harris gave brief evidence of having
visited the site
twice, but this proved to be within six months prior to the hearing, in the
presence of an anthropologist.
- I
will address the men’s restricted evidence and whether it suggests
continued acknowledgment and observance of the law by a
Claim group in the
chapter assigned to the relevant Claim groups. However, for the reason
mentioned in the last paragraph, I will
not say anything further concerning the
Cox’s Find/Murphy Hills evidence.
(c) Women’s Restricted Evidence
- Women’s
Restricted Evidence was given on two occasions: on 26 March 2002 by Dolly
Walker at the Makarra site on Clover
Downs Station, and on 12 July 2002 at
Miilka, Mithilpithii and Thurdoo Pool on Weebo Station.
- As
with the Men’s Restricted Evidence, I will address this evidence and
whether it suggests continued acknowledgment and observance
of the law by a
Claim group in the chapter assigned to the relevant Claim
groups.
(d) Issues with respect to lay evidence
- The
importance of the indigenous evidence in an application for a determination of
native title was accepted by all parties who referred
to acknowledgments of its
importance in the authorities: see Yarmirr v Northern Territories (No
2) (1998) 82 FCR 533 (Olney J) at 560; De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J
at [351]; Attorney-General (NT) v Maurice [1986] HCA 80; (1986) 161 CLR 475 at 492
(Deane J); and Ejai v Commonwealth [1993] WASC 1744 (Unreported, Owen J,
18 March 1994) at 9. Nevertheless, some issues deserve mention.
- The
word ‘claim’ and its derivatives gave rise to difficulty. Witnesses
were asked what area they claimed as their country
and why they claimed it. The
intention was to direct attention to places or areas ‘claimed’ under
traditional Aboriginal
law and custom. But some witnesses answered by reference
to a Claim area, when it was clear that there were vast parts of that area
in
which they did not claim to have any rights or interests under traditional law
and custom. This difficulty was but one illustration
of a more general one:
the impact that the NTA and associated practices and procedures have had upon
the claimants’ knowledge
and understanding.
- Second,
in the GLSC Appendices, the GLSC applicants list, on more than 2,000 pages,
extracts from the transcript of the indigenous
evidence, organised under topic
headings. The non-indigenous respondents made many criticisms of these
Appendices. On occasion,
a passage of transcript set out does not support the
proposition for which it is cited, or gives a false impression of the
witness’s
testimony in the absence of context. Sometimes, too, editorial
omissions from the quoted transcript passage are not indicated.
It is difficult
to avoid the impression that a computer program has been used to collect all
references in the transcript in which
a particular subject is mentioned. The
GLSC applicants have also often cited, as evidence that a particular Claim group
continues
to acknowledge and observe traditional laws and customs, evidence
purporting to show that a member of a different Claim group does
so.
- I
have, however, also encountered numerous misstatements by the non-indigenous
respondents of the effect of the indigenous testimony.
Statements of the kind:
‘There was no evidence of...,’ for example, were often found to be
inaccurate. The non-indigenous
respondents also cited extracts of indigenous
testimony that, shorn of relevant context, are misleading.
- Criticisms
are also levied at the Cosmo submissions and their annexures touching the
indigenous evidence. The State
submits:
value of the summaries of evidence
prepared and relied upon by the Cosmo Newberry respondents is, like those relied
upon by the GLSC,
compromised by the absence of a clear indication of what
elements of behaviour should be focused upon, and what is to be concluded
from
that behaviour.’
I agree.
- I
do not regard it as my task to do the parties’ work for them, or to
address each of their numerous citations of indigenous
testimony. I have
impressions of the overall effect of the indigenous evidence on various topics
and have made many checks of my
impressions against the transcript.
- A
particular comment by the State on the Cosmo submissions deserves mention. In
those submissions are to be found statements along
the lines:
(a) a
witness or group of witnesses did not testify about a particular matter;
(b) he, she or they did not do so because of a culturally based
reluctance;
(c) the Court should proceed as if the witness or witnesses had testified on
the matter in a manner which supported the Cosmo Claim.
Two examples may be given. At [350](b) of his submissions, the Cosmo
applicant states:
Justine Westlake says she doesn’t know whether
people would get into big trouble for going into sacred areas (Justine Westlake,
T8889 10-20), this does not necessarily mean she has no knowledge of
these things, but rather she is simply not the appropriate person to
talk about
them publicly.’
I have no difficulty with the proposition that there may be more than one
reason why Justine Westlake said that she did not know something.
I do not,
however, accept that her statement that she did not know something should be
treated as equivalent to a statement, ‘I
know the answer to your question
but am not the appropriate person to talk about it publicly’.
- The
second example concerns what the Cosmo submissions describe as ‘the
relative lack of evidence given about men’s knowledge
of restricted
areas’. The sweeping submission is
made:
was due to the great reluctance of
Western Desert men to discuss restricted matters in the Court proceedings, but
it does not mean
that they do not observe ritual obligations within the Cosmo
Newberry claim area. Inferences must be made by their general conduct,
through
what statements the men were prepared to make and that Dr Sackett obviously held
sufficient knowledge to inform both the
Site Register and a restricted site
register that was subpoenaed but not tendered due to the wishes of the Cosmo
Newberry claimants.’
I do not infer that ‘the relative lack of evidence given about
men’s knowledge of restricted areas’ in the case
of the Cosmo Claim,
was ‘due to the great reluctance of Western Desert men to discuss
restricted matters in the Court proceedings’.
It was always open to
counsel to seek an order that particular evidence be given in a gender
restricted (men only or women only)
session. The GLSC applicants sought and
obtained such orders. The Cosmo applicant did not do so. I therefore proceed,
in relation
to the Cosmo Claim, on the basis that there is no testimony that
could have been given in such a session but not in a public hearing.
- In
any event, what would be the result of such an inference? It would be only that
some unidentified man or men could have given
some unidentified evidence about
some unidentified ‘restricted matters’.
3.4 THE PROPER ROLE OF EXPERT EVIDENCE
- The
non-indigenous respondents reminded me of the criteria for the admissibility and
role of expert opinion evidence. They referred,
in particular, to Makita
(Australia) Pty Ltd v Sprowles [2001] NSWCA 305; (2001) 52 NSWLR 705 at [59]–[86]
(Heydon JA), and to my own judgments in Allstate Life Insurance Co v ANZ
(No 6) (1996) 64 FCR 79 at 83–84 and Harrington-Smith v Western
Australia (No 7) at [20]. I need not embark upon a general
discussion of the rules governing the admissibility of expert opinion
evidence.
Anthropologists’
notes as evidence of facts
- The
GLSC applicants referred, in general terms, to the establishment of facts from
recordings made by anthropologists. Group 6A
submits that their notes of
what claimants told them should not be accepted as proof of the facts
represented, whether the notes
are in their field notebooks or in their reports.
Group 6A submits that there is no evidence as to why the facts could not
have
been proved by the testimony of the informant. Further, it submits that
there are many instances where the facts as recorded have
been shown to be wrong
or inconsistent with the oral testimony of the indigenous witnesses, and gives
24 alleged instances.
Inconsistency may go to the weight to be accorded to
the recorded statements, or to the oral testimony, or to both, but does not
go
to admissibility.
- The
anthropologists’ notes appear to have been made carefully and
systematically. In the case of an ultimate true inconsistency,
the
witness’s sworn testimony would ordinarily prevail as against his or her
out-of-court statement to the anthropologist.
But true conflict will be rare,
and, even then, other evidence before the Court may demonstrate the out-of-court
statement to be
the correct or more reliable version after all.
- The
parties’ submissions on the present issue did not refer to s 60 of
the Evidence Act. For a recent discussion of the section, see the Australian
Law Reform Commission’s Discussion Paper, Review of the Uniform
Evidence Acts (ALRC DP 69) at [7.51]-[7.142]. Section 60 operates of its
own force to exclude the application of the hearsay rule, subject to any order
made under s 135 or 136 of the Evidence Act, where the conditions of its
operation are satisfied, although there always remains the question
of weight. Acceptance of Group 6A’s submission may be inconsistent with
s 60. It is not profitable to spend further time on this issue in the
absence of submissions that a particular representation of fact
made to an
anthropologist should or should not be accepted as evidence of the fact intended
to be asserted by the representation.
- A
difficulty which beset the indigenous testimony was that many indigenous
witnesses were not articulate in English. Even the testimony
of
tertiary-educated and articulate witnesses sometimes presents difficulties in a
case. The problem is all the greater in a case
such as the present one, in
which witnesses who have only a basic education in the English language, have to
attempt to convey to
a non-Aboriginal person, Aboriginal beliefs, concepts and
cultural features.
- No
doubt the problem just described was experienced by the anthropologists when
they made notes of what they were told. But by reason
of their experience and
training and a degree of familiarity with Aboriginal language, they are better
equipped than I am to understand
the significance of what an indigenous person
is saying. On the other hand, on the hearing, there was opportunity to explore
and
clarify the witnesses’ intention, and, with some exceptions that I
have noted elsewhere, I was generally able, I believe, to
grasp each
witness’s intention.
State’s
failure to lead anthropological evidence
- The
State retained Professor Kenneth Maddock to give anthropological evidence. He
provided a report dated 13 December 2001. Professor
Maddock died on 2 June
2003. That was after he had observed the giving of much of the evidence in the
65 hearing days that
had occurred down to that time, and after the Court had, on
20 January 2003, given directions for the experts to confer. I accept
that the
State intended to call Professor Maddock. The Cosmo applicant observes that the
State failed to call an alternative expert,
and suggests that the State had
available to it the advice of Professor Sansom, who, he asserts, was seated in
Court behind the State’s
legal representatives while the other
anthropologists testified.
- The
State responds that the Cosmo applicant’s ‘speculation’ in
relation to Professor Sansom is wrong; that
the State had no arrangement
with him in relation to any of these proceedings or any other native title claim
in the Goldfields region
and had not approached him with a view to making such
an arrangement; that his presence in Court from time to time was not at the
State’s request; and that the State’s understanding is that he would
not have been available to assist it if he had been
approached.
- I
draw no inference adverse to the State by reason of its failure to call an
anthropologist in place of the late Professor Maddock.
3.5 EXPERT TESTIMONY IN GENERAL
- After
they had provided their reports, including their responsive reports, the experts
within the same discipline, pursuant to a direction
of the Court, conferred and
produced a joint report on their points of agreement and disagreement
(naturally, this did not apply
to the one and only archaeologist called,
Professor Peter Veth). Except in the case of the linguists, who conferred
by telephone,
a Deputy Registrar of the Court attended the conferences and
assisted in production of the reports.
- On
the hearing, witnesses with the same discipline were sworn in immediate
succession and occupied the witness box together. Their
reports were tendered.
Each witness was invited to make an opening statement of his or her position on
the issues in dispute. Then
there was an opportunity for the witnesses to
question each other. Next each witness was invited to make a statement of his
or her
position in the light of what had transpired. Finally, each witness was
cross-examined and re-examined in the conventional way.
The greater part, by
far, of each expert witness’s testimony is to be found in his or her
reports, cross-examination and re-examination.
The utility of the joint reports
was diminished because of their brevity and generality, and their relative
importance was reduced
because of the extensiveness of the experts’
written and oral testimony.
- I
set out below the text of the joint reports. In the case of the
anthropologists, the fact that not all attended the conference
also reduced the
value of the report. The reports are not to be read as statutes. The
experts’ oral testimony revealed that
the generalisations expressed in
them masked points of disagreement. The reports did, however, like any
out-of-court statement,
record what a participant had been prepared to subscribe
to at the time.
- If
a participant departed from the joint report in oral testimony, the
inconsistency is to be taken into account like any other inconsistency
between
an expert witness’s sworn testimony and an out-of-court statement. It
makes no difference that the conference was
held, and the report prepared,
pursuant to a court direction. The reports are not pleadings.
- The
following is an introduction to the expert evidence. Aspects of that evidence
are taken up later in this chapter and in subsequent
chapters dealing with the
eight Claims. Since Professor Veth was the only archaeologist called, and
his testimony was, in substance,
uncontroversial, I have dealt with it in more
detail here than I have the testimony of the other expert
witnesses.
(a) Weight of expert anthropological evidence
- The
following parties led evidence from the following anthropologists, all of whom
wrote reports which were admitted as exhibits:
Wongatha
applicants: Dr Sandra Pannell and Mr Daniel Vachon
(‘Pannell/Vachon’)
MN applicants: Mr Daniel Vachon and Mr Daniel de Gand
(‘Vachon/de Gand’)
Wutha and Koara applicants: Mr Kim Barber
Cosmo applicant: Dr Lee Sackett
Maduwongga applicants: Dr Edward McDonald
State: Professor Ken Maddock
Group 6A: Dr Ron Brunton
Except for the late Professor Maddock (see [401]–[403] above), all of
the anthropologists were cross-examined at length.
- The
anthropologists who attended the pre–hearing conference on 23 and
24 June 2003 were Mr Vachon, Mr Barber, Dr Sackett
and Dr Brunton.
Unfortunately, Dr Pannell, Dr McDonald and Mr de Gand did not attend.
- The
result of the conference was a joint report, the body of which was as
follows:
The Wongatha claim area as part of
the Western Cultural Bloc
Extent of the Western
Desert
experts agree that the Western and South
Western boundaries of the Western Desert are not definable based on the
historical ethnographic
sources.
The relations between people who might be claimed as
Western Desert or non Western Desert were not necessarily qualitatively
different
from relations that are intra Western Desert or intra non Western
Desert as there are likely to have been cultural continuities between
those who
appear on both sides of Berndt’s line in the 1959 article. [‘the
Berndt line’ is discussed at 3.6(a)(b) [630] ff].
Characteristics of the Western
Desert
was agreed that none of the following
characteristics are unique to the Western Desert but taken together and given
regional variation,
it is possible to identify traditional Western Desert
cultures and societies:
- Tjukurrpa
– the overarching concept of the dreaming.
- Particular
Mythological sites, Dreamings, Tracks and associated Rituals. Some of these
rituals are regional in character such as
male initiation.
- Social
structure wherein there are multiple pathways of connection. Despite some
ethnographic accounts, the model of land owning
patrilineal clans does not apply
to the Western Desert.
- No
tribal organisation in the sense of Tindale’s usage.
- Particular
marriage rules and marriage practices.
- No
patrimoieties. Paucity of kinship terms. Stress on generational divisions.
Section system widespread though not universal.
- Widespread
movement by the indigenous occupiers.
Local Organisation in the Western
Desert
Language Names
Agree
that there is conflicting anthropological and historical evidence regarding the
relationship between a language name and
territory.
Society – see also a)
above
Agree that “Wongatha” is a
term that is applied by some to a geographical area but not all people thought
of as connected
to that area identify as being
Wongatha.
Clans
Agree that
clans are not present in the Western Desert; see also a) (ii)
above.
Bands and
RangeEstates
that it is a term for a
certain type of relationship between certain groups or individuals who have a
relationship to certain tracts
of land whether bounded or unbounded. There is
some primary evidence that there may be an indigenous term for the group
involved
in this relationship.
as to the manner in which proprietorial rights are
exercised.
that an individual can hunt and forage widely, not
restricted to one’s own country, but disagree on the basis on which people
who express a connection to land in the claim region but not the claim area
itself can access the land and resources in the claim
area.
- (iii) Aboriginal
Concepts – eg ngurra, ngurrara, ngurarrangka, Tjukurr, yiwarra, pika
ngurlu
on the types of inferences that may be
drawn from the use of these terms.
Aboriginal Occupation, Land Use and Movement in the
Western Desert
Agree that succession may not be an appropriate term
to describe processes in the claim area where there is a multiple basis of
affiliation
to country and other factors.
that migration is not dependent on a tribal
model.
that the long distance movement resulting in the
permanent alteration in one’s range may have occurred in the region of the
claim area before sovereignty. Permanent alterations in one’s range may
be facilitated by shared traditions connected to the
dreaming.
that there was a reduction in population in the claim
area after European contact, but disagree as to extent, time and
consequences.
The nature of rights and interests in the Western
Desert
Agree that according to traditional laws and customs
initiated men have rights to country that are not available to uninitiated
persons.
- (i) The
relationship between Connection and Rights and
Interests
that in the claim area there
is evidence from some of the claimants that traditionally based proprietary
rights are exercised, but
disagree as to the geographical extent of the exercise
of these rights and disagree about whether these rights have been continually
exercised since sovereignty by some of the
claimants.
that in respect of the region of the claim area the
legitimate traditional bases of connection to country can include birth and
growing
up, connection through parents and grandparents and certain kinds of
knowledge
on whether the invocation of these bases of
connection have been continually applied since the time of sovereignty for all
the claimants
and/or their forbearers in all parts of the claim
area.
- Continuity
of Traditional Laws and Customs
that in some parts of the claim area a
traditionally based transfer of knowledge may have taken
place.
that within some parts of the claim area there is
evidence of the maintenance of traditionally based responsibilities to country
but
disagree as to what is encompassed by these responsibilities and their
geographical extent.
that there has been continuity in occupation and use
in some parts of the claim area by the claimants and their forbearers since
sovereignty.
that the primary and secondary evidence supports the
view that in the region of the claim area where the section system [is] employed
it is not a basis by which connection to land can be established or rights and
interests can be acquired. However the section system
was an important
consideration in traditional marriages and facilitated interaction among a wide
network of individuals.
- Composition
of the Wongatha Claimant Group
was a blank at this point in the joint
report]
- Overlapping
Claims
overlapping claims do not represent tribal
divisions in the Tindale sense and they do not appear to represent cultural
divisions.’
As can be seen, there were many areas of disagreement, and the agreed matters
were expressed at a level of great generality.
- I
will address the anthropological evidence, including this joint report, when
dealing with particular issues.
- Attacks
were made on the testimony of Mr Vachon, Dr Brunton and Dr Pannell on the ground
of bias. In the case of Mr Vachon and Dr
Brunton the attack was based on their
previous writings, but in the case of Dr Pannell, it was based on her testimony.
Bias
– Mr Vachon
- Mr Vachon
was cross-examined in relation to:
- a book he
co-authored with Phillip Toyne, Growing Up the Country: The Pitjantjatjara
Struggle for Their Land (McPhee Gribble/Penguin Books, Fitzroy/New York,
1984) (‘Toyne and Vachon’);
- his having, as a
young man, attended a meeting at the Claremont Showground in support of the
recognition of Aboriginal land rights;
and
- the question of
whether he still has a strong personal commitment to the recognition of land
rights for Aboriginal people
In summary, Mr Vachon said of his strong support for
the Pitjantjatjara, that, at the time he was ‘young and
enthusiastic’
and ‘saw [himself] as an advocate’. Asked
whether he still has a ‘strong personal commitment’ to seeing
recognition of land rights for Aboriginal people, he said that his commitment
has ‘been modified considerably’, and that
he now regards himself as
‘being an expert in these sorts of matters’, and accepts that he has
certain obligations in
that regard. He agreed that throughout his professional
life as an anthropologist, he has been involved in assisting Aboriginal
people
either in their political struggle for land rights or in pursuing claims under
the Aboriginal Land Rights Act 1976 (NT) or under the NTA. He
said that while he still has ‘political views’, which it is
‘often times difficult to ignore’,
he is conscious of the need to be
vigilant and believes that he is vigilant.
- No
doubt Mr Vachon hopes that the Wongatha and MN applicants, both of whom,
through the GLSC, retained him on behalf of their
respective Claim groups,
succeed. I do not know to what extent a hope of that kind would be based on Mr
Vachon’s political
beliefs, or on an expert’s understandable desire
to see his evidence accepted. Perhaps all experts desire to see their evidence
accepted, and derive a degree of satisfaction when it is.
- Ultimately,
my impression of Mr Vachon is that he attempted to form and express his
opinions free of bias. In particular, he
was ready to make concessions –
often the hallmark of an independent witness in whom the Court can be
confident.
Bias
– Dr Brunton
- Dr Brunton
was cross-examined at great length by reference to things he wrote following and
concerning the High Court’s
decision in Mabo (No 2) in June 1992.
He wrote, in November 1992, some five months after that
decision:
Paddy McGuinness [a
columnist] has written, the High Court is now refusing to “follow
precedent unless it feels like it”, thus creating a situation
where we are
“in a lawless condition as far as the interpretations of our Constitution
are concerned”.’
Like Mr Vachon, Dr Brunton also wished to distance himself, to some
extent, from his earlier views. Asked whether this passage
still expressed his
opinion, he said ‘not fully’, and added that he had changed his
view. He acknowledged that in fact
he had no idea at all as to the principles
according to which the High Court decides whether to depart from its own
precedents.
Asked how he justified what he wrote, Dr Brunton could only
say, ‘it was a document I wrote at the time. It was my views
at the
time’.
- Dr Brunton
agreed with the cross-examiner that he had contributed on many occasions to
Quadrant, but disagreed that Quadrant had run a series of articles
attacking various initiatives in Aboriginal or indigenous policies in
Australia.
- Dr Brunton
sought to explain his November 1992 statement as ‘a political
criticism’, but this characterisation does
not justify the making of a
statement that ‘the High Court is now refusing to “follow precedent
unless it feels like
it”’, by a person who asks to be accepted by a
court as a careful and unbiased expert witness, striving for dispassionate
objectivity in thought and language.
- Dr Brunton
stated in his November 1992 article that research suggested that it was
extremely unlikely that any mainland Aboriginal
group could meet the
requirements for establishing native title as set out by the High Court, because
it seemed impossible to establish
whether contemporary claimants were legitimate
successors to the people occupying land in 1788 or 1829. I see no indication of
bias
in the holding or expression of that view. Nonetheless, Dr Brunton
said that he has modified this view too, while acknowledging
that he still
thinks that such difficulties exist .
- In
his article he also referred to the High Court’s being ‘unwilling to
protect the settled law in a de jure sense [he said he meant ‘legal
sense’]’. He agreed that one possible implication is that he
thought that the High
Court was ‘on an agenda of its own acting
irrespective of the law to frame laws for what it perceived to be in
Australia’s
benefit’. The passage in question
continued:
[the settled law] may still be
“protected” in mainland Australia, at least in a de facto
sense. This will be due to the virtual impossibility of providing the kind of
evidence that would be necessary for specific cases
to succeed, unless, of
course an avenging High Court ... .’
Dr Brunton agreed that by ‘avenging’, he meant
‘[attempting] to bring about a restitution for past injustices’.
Again, he said he was ‘making a political point’, but that in the
light of the way in which native title proceedings
have been conducted, he has
modified this early post-Mabo view. In particular, he said he no longer
holds the view that trial courts cannot be trusted to deal with oral
history.
- Dr Brunton
agreed that in 1992 his position was that recognition of native title was
‘paternalistic’; that everyone,
Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal, was a
loser because of it; that it was a misguided attempt to atone for admitted
injustices of the
past; and that he had an ideologically founded position
opposed to native title and the associated initiatives introduced as matters
of
policy and law in Australia. He said that his views have changed; that he
supports ‘Aboriginal land rights’; that
he can understand why
Aboriginal people make native title claims; and that he thinks it a deficiency
that land in respect of which
native title exists cannot be converted to
alienable tenure.
- The
cross-examiner also took Dr Brunton to articles he had written since 1992,
all of which expressed views in various ways critical
of Australia’s
native title system.
- Counsel
for Group 6A submits:
Brunton was
cross-examined a deal about bias ... Dr Brunton has expressed views as to the
Mabo decision, the role of the High Court and other matters. They are no
different to views publicly expressed by (inter alia) Sir Harry Gibbs,
Heydon J, the Hon. Tim Fisher. In respect of the comments regarding Mabo
they appear to be little different to the view of Dawson J in dissent in that
case. It would have been thought obvious that this
does not preclude a witness
from expressing an expert opinion on a matter within his expertise, anymore than
Mr Vachon’s attendance
at various rallies would preclude
him.’
The submission does not identify the other views ‘publicly
expressed’, and, in any event, they would be presently irrelevant.
- It
is one thing to express an opinion that a High Court decision is out of accord
with an earlier course of authority, or to express
concern over the practical
effects a decision will have; it is another thing for a person professing to
have the dispassionate objectivity,
self restraint and self-discipline of an
expert witness, to attack a court in intemperate terms (‘unless it feels
like it’,
‘lawless condition’, ‘avenging High
Court’) from an overtly political platform.
- It
is unfortunate that Dr Brunton’s curriculum vitae lists many articles
which he now explains as having merely made political
points. An article that
does no more than this goes no way towards establishing that the person has
‘specialised knowledge
based on the person’s training, study or
experience’ (Evidence Act s 79) or to inspire confidence.
- Ultimately,
however, my impression is that, like Mr Vachon, Dr Brunton was aware of his
duty to the Court as an expert witness
and attempted to discharge that duty
conscientiously. Like Mr Vachon, he was ready to make concessions. His reports
demonstrated
a careful regard for factual material and citation of sources,
which I found helpful, and which suggests the application of true
expertise in a
disciplined way.
- In
the result, the various aspects of the expert testimony of Dr Brunton, like
those of Mr Vachon’s testimony, stand
or fall on their own
merits.
Bias
– Dr Pannell
- Group 6A
submits that Dr Pannell was biased in favour of the Wongatha claimants. Counsel
does not submit that her evidence should
be disregarded, but urges me to treat
it with great caution.
- Aspects
of Dr Pannell’s evidence did give me some cause for concern. She
persisted in using questions as an opportunity
to expatiate; was, generally
speaking, unwilling to make concessions, at least in terms of the question
asked; and at one point insisted
that she was using the words
‘possible’ and ‘probable’ as synonyms somewhat
similarly, Dr Brunton resisted
a suggestion that his use of the expression
‘nothing to suggest’ should be altered to ‘very little to
suggest’,
in circumstances in which it plainly should have been). The
following submission by counsel for Group 6A is an exaggeration
but makes
the point:
rigour with which she analysed
conclusions of earlier ethnographers and anthropologists is in stark contrast to
the seemingly mindless
acceptance of anything stated to her by a
claimant.’
I refer to certain problematic aspects of Dr Pannell’s testimony at
3.6(a)(b) [584] ff, 3.6(c)(1) [715], and elsewhere below.
However, I have come to the conclusion that I should not make a general discount
for bias, but should
examine Dr Pannell’s testimony on its merits. As
well, it must be recognised that there is sometimes a dissonance between
a
cross-examiner’s language and the subtle nuances of anthropological
discourse, which, I think, was often the reason why Dr
Pannell declined to
answer a question without qualification.
Anthropologists’ genealogies
- In
Ward v Western Australia (1998) 159 ALR 483 (FCA) at 79, Lee J
stated that the preparation of genealogies, involving the distilling of
information from
a broad context of ethnographic material, entailed the
application of the skill and expertise of anthropologists. The genealogies
in
evidence incorporate amendments that the anthropologists made in the light of
the indigenous testimony. Like his Honour, I am
satisfied as to their general
reliability.
- The
forms of the various genealogies suggested carefulness in the gathering,
assembling and presentation of the data. In any event,
I do not understand
there to be any issue as to my reliance on them, except as to any specific
instances which were the subject of
evidence (an example is the controversy on
the Maduwongga Claim (see Ch 9) over whether Albert Newland was the son,
biological or
adopted, of Arthur Newland).
(b) Weight of expert historical evidence
- In
Harrington-Smith v Western Australia (No 7) at [10], I referred to the
distinction between expert opinion evidence, expert non-opinion evidence,
non-expert opinion evidence,
and (implicitly) non-expert non-opinion evidence.
I noted that the various experts’ reports were tendered only as expert
opinion
evidence. I also remarked ([40]-[42]) on the difficulty of applying the
concept of ‘opinion’ to much of the reports
of the two historians,
which consisted of analysis, synthesis and summary of factual material. This is
not to say that an expert
may not present, in an organised and more readily
accessible form, a haphazard collection of factual data: Potts v Miller [1940] HCA 43;
(1940) 64 CLR 282 at 301-305 (Dixon J); Spassked Pty Ltd v Federal
Commissioner of Taxation (No 2) (2002) 49 ATR 642 at [13]-[14] (Lindgren J);
Australian Securities and Investments Commission v Rich [2005] NSWSC 149; (2005) 53 ACSR
110 at [297] (Austin J); Jango v Northern Territory (No 4) (2004) 214 ALR
608 at [27]-[31] (Sackville J); Gumana v Northern Territory at [156]
(Selway J). It is, however, necessary that the primary materials be in
evidence, unless the parties agree (and the Court
accepts) that the
expert’s statement of their effect is to be admitted into evidence without
them. The distinction between
such a statement and expert opinion can be a
difficult one: (‘Harrington-Smith v Western Australia (No
7)’) at [40].
- The
GLSC applicants led evidence from Craig Muller, and the State led evidence from
Chris Stronach. In both cases the evidence
was put forward as expert
evidence able to be given by historians. Each provided principal and
supplementary reports.
- Mr
Muller’s report is divided into five parts, the first four being divided
into eighteen chapters. Part One (Chs 1-3)
concerns the earliest European
awareness of an Aboriginal presence in the Wongatha Claim area. Part Two
(Chs 4-11) considers
the history of Aboriginal people who lived in the
Wongatha Claim area from the arrival of Europeans to 1970. In Ch 8,
Mr Muller
lists European reports of Aboriginal ceremonies and gatherings in
the Wongatha Claim area over the period from 1869–1967.
Part Three
(Chs 12-16) considers the impact of government policies and practices on
Aboriginal people in the Wongatha Claim
area. Part Four (Chs 17-18)
examines two important events of recent times through which Aboriginal people in
the Wongatha Claim
area expressed concerns over their cultural heritage and
claim to land: the ‘Weebo stones’ episode in the early 1970s
(Ch 17), and the 1984 Seaman Land Inquiry (Ch 18). Part Five is a
brief summary.
- Mr Muller’s
report has two appendices. Appendix One contains Aboriginal population figures
for various parts of the Wongatha
Claim area at different times. Appendix Two
is a chronological listing of European sightings and observations of Aboriginal
people
and activities in the Wongatha Claim area from 31 May 1869 to
September 1981.
- Although
Mr Stronach’s principal report contained comments on
Mr Muller’s report, and on historical evidence
in other expert
reports, in general it was an independent report.
- The
post-conference joint report of Muller and Stronach was as
follows:
Analysis of historic
sources
- Agree that
the historic sources provide only one side of the story, and a lack of records
provide inconclusive proof as to whether
an event did or did not take
place.
- Agree that
historic sources show Aboriginal people were observed at many places within the
claim area at first contact, that in general
they displayed knowledge of the
portion of the claim area in which they were observed, that observers also
recorded clear signs of
Aboriginal use of the land.
- Agree that
there was some degree of resistance to the European presence.
- Agree that
the historic sources show that there were clear signs of long term use in the
claim area and it is probable but not certain
that the people observed were the
long term users.
- Agree that
there are difficulties in the interpretation of Aborigines’ Protection
Board inspector Bailey’s remarks from
his 1896-97 tours of the Goldfields,
and of Bailey’s successor, G S Olivey due to some ambiguities in the
reports. These ambiguities
have encouraged differing interpretations.
- Agree that
the reliability of European census figures and comments, such as those provided
by the Aborigines Department are questionable.
The population figures suggest
that the ratio of women to children was 2:1, however that may be
misleading.
The existence of ‘distinct
Aboriginal groups’ in the claim area
- Agree that
there is evidence in the historical record of the existence of Aboriginal groups
associated with particular parts of the
claim area.
Changes to ‘Aboriginal culture and the
Aboriginal way of life’
- Agree that
the historic record demonstrates that changes to Aboriginal life were wrought by
European settlement.
- Disagree on
the extent to which the changes are demonstrated in the historic record but do
not feel that any purpose would be served
by further examination of this issue.
We have presented all the evidence that we are aware of and can only reiterate
that evidence.
Camping around
towns
- Agree that
the Aboriginal population in contact with Europeans was growing from the period
of first contact.
- Agree that
towns were becoming an alternative for Aboriginal people to find food and water
supplies.
- Agree that
Aboriginal people were observed camping near the various European settlements
soon after their establishment, and continued
to do so often.
- Agree that
the historic sources support the idea that at times some Aboriginal people
appeared to prefer to obtain food from European
sources.
- Disagree over
the extent to which the historic sources demonstrate that camping near European
settlements meant that Aboriginal people
subsequently relied on Europeans for
food and water. We do not feel that any purpose would be served by further
examination of this
issue. We have presented all the evidence that we are aware
of and can only reiterate that evidence.
Reliance on European
Food
- Agree that
Aboriginal People obtained food and water supplies from Europeans, which at
times was considerable.
- Agree that
there was evidence on the historical record that Aboriginal people continued to
hunt until at least the 1980’s. However
the evidence is somewhat limited,
as a result, unable to determine the extent to which hunting was relied on as a
source of food.
‘Migration’ into the claim
area
- Agree that
until the 1950’s the historic record does not indicate permanent migration
from the Warburton area. From the mid
1950’s there is some evidence on the
historic record of some permanent migration from the Warburton area to the
Laverton area.
- Agree that
there is some evidence of permanent migration by Aboriginal people from Mt
Margaret to the Kalgoorlie area from the 1940’s.’
- Primary
historical materials in evidence include extracts from:
- the diaries and
journals of early explorers;
- police, mission
and governmental records and correspondence; and
- newspapers,
including the Kalgoorlie Miner, the Menzies Miner and the Mount
Leonora Miner.
- The
historical evidence will be affected by the biases and competencies of the early
European observers and recorders. In their report
concerning the MN Claim,
Vachon/de Gand state:
are mindful of the
many difficulties inherent in taking largely unpublished material and attempting
a detailed reconstruction of Aboriginal
occupation and movement. This is
especially so for the general region of the [Wongatha/MN] Overlap where
the archival record is poor and uneven. For the most part all we have for the
early period are scattered details and
unsystematic observations about
individual Aboriginal men and women as they happen to come into the purview of
Europeans. The ever-present
danger is a tendency to downplay that which was not
written down. And yet, to privilege the European archive, including the
ethnographic
literature, carries its own risks: for what has been written is
influenced by the way it was produced. For early and later ethnographers,
amateur and professional, they were also constrained by language difficulties
and presuppositions, as well as tight research time-frames,
poor mobility, and a
lack of information on the location and description of indigenous places away
from the few towns, mines and
homesteads. For these reasons we have tried to
proceed cautiously in our inferences and conclusions.’
- I
accept that the early records made by European amateur and professional
ethnographers are limited by the ethnocentric views of the
writers and by the
limits on their understanding of the language and culture of those about whom
they wrote: see Daniel at [149] where RD Nicholson J recognised this
point.
Mr Muller
- Groups 5B/5F
make a detailed attack on the qualifications and testimony of Mr Muller.
He was cross-examined in relation
to his experience. His work in relation to
Australian Aboriginal history has been substantially confined to the period
since 1997,
during most of which he has been employed full time by the GLSC in
the preparation of his reports for this proceeding. He had no
academic training
in Australian history except at high school. The State submits that while
there was a good deal of controversy
over the completeness of the research of
both historians, overall there was significant agreement in their descriptions
of the past.
I agree. The Cosmo applicant submits that Mr Muller should be
preferred to Mr Stronach, especially on the early explorers. Mr
Stronach dealt
with them only briefly, no doubt because he did not take issue with
Mr Muller’s account.
- Mr Muller
was criticised by Group 5B/5F for not having examined in any detail material
produced by the anthropologists, Daisy
Bates, Professors Norman B Tindale and
AP Elkin, and Professor RM and Dr CH Berndt. The reason he
gave in his
report is that ‘[t]his is not the author’s area of
expertise, and other experts have examined this material’.
In
cross-examination, he said he had been instructed, in effect, to ‘stand
clear’ of anthropological material, which,
he understood, would be
addressed by others retained by the GLSC. The GLSC submission in reply suggest
that this was an appropriate
stance for a non-anthropologist to take.
- I
agree that it was appropriate for Mr Muller to refrain from expressing opinions
on matters calling for anthropological expertise,
and from agreeing or
disagreeing with the opinions of anthropologists on such matters. On the other
hand, it would have been appropriate
for him to refer to recordings of
contemporaneous factual observations found in the reports of the early
anthropologists.
- Mr
Muller did, however, present in his report what would be considered
anthropological information on ‘tribal’ groups
and boundaries, I
should exercise some caution before accepting any opinion expressed by Mr Muller
on this subject. In any event,
that issue was the subject of so much
anthropological testimony that anything said by Mr Muller in relation to it
would be unlikely
to make any
difference.
Petronella
Vaarzon-Morel
- The
Cosmo applicant commissioned a report dated August 2001 but filed April 2003 by
Petronella Vaarzon-Morel, who described herself
in her report as an
anthropologist with training in ethnohistory. She was not called and her report
was not admitted into evidence.
The Cosmo applicant asks me to read her report
as a submission or ‘aide mémoire’ summarising historical
material
that is in evidence. As the Vaarzon-Morel report is Annexure 5 to the
Cosmo submissions, and the text of the Cosmo applicants’
submissions refer
to specific parts of it, I will have regard to it as a submission or
aide-mémoire.
(c) Weight of other expert evidence
(1) Linguists
- Dr Mark
Clendon, called by the GLSC applicants, provided reports as did
Dr Bruce Sommer, called by the State. They conferred on 26 June
2003 over the telephone. Their report on their conference
was as
follows:
of
Agreement
- That
the applicants’ language – insofar as it is attested – is
indisputably of a Western Desert type.
- The
laminal/dental feature of articulation confirms the identification of the
claimants’ [sic] speech variety as being from the south west of the
Western Desert language bloc.
- That
the name ‘Wongatha’ is correctly derived from a Western Desert root
wangka ‘speech, word, story, language’.
- That
the laminal/dental feature of articulation – while now recorded as
predominantly laminal – once differentiated Wangkatha
from Wangkatja as
speech varieties, but this difference, among others, has since been largely
erased through time.
of
Disagreement
- That
early writers recorded varieties of what is now called Wongatha in the
general area does not establish connection with the specific claim
area.
- That
the anthropological and linguistic literature since the 1930s attest that there
have been conspicuous changes in Western Desert
patterns of culture and
language, including the large-scale migration or population movement of Western
Desert local descent groups.
- That
the contemporary linguistic situation among the claimants reflects advanced
stages in the language death or loss of their respective
dialects.
- That
the name ‘Wongatha’ has been appropriated as a cover term for the
four (and perhaps more) discrete Western dialects
identified in the
applicants’ Linguistic Report as being spoken by their surviving
elders.’
- Indigenous
language spoken within the Wongatha Claim area is in a state of decline and has
been for a number of years, having yielded
to the culturally dominant English.
The linguists agreed that it was not possible to reconstruct the linguistic
situation within
the Wongatha Claim area and nearby, as it existed prior to
European contact.
- Dr Clendon
interviewed claimants who were selected for him by the GLSC or by
Dr Pannell or Mr Vachon, or suggested
to him by other claimants. The
selection criterion was apparently ‘how well they spoke’. His
assessment of the claimants’
knowledge of Aboriginal language was made by
reference to those GLSC claimants who had greater language knowledge.
- Dr Clendon
interviewed in comparison to the total numbers of claimants in the Claim
groups:
(a) Wongatha – 9 claimants (the Wongatha LIP lists
820);
(b) MN – 4 claimants (the MN LIP lists 279);
(c) Koara – 2 claimants (the Koara LIP lists 162);
(d) Wutha – 3 claimants (the Wutha LIP lists 178).
In substance, Dr Clendon agreed that the people he interviewed could not be
regarded as representative of their Claim group, although
he explained that his
purpose was not to form conclusions about the Claim group, but about language as
it was once spoken. The narrative
of each interview is short. The longest,
that of Paddy Walker, comprised only three pages. Many of the others are of
less than
a page and comprise only word lists.
- Dr Clendon
did not investigate the territorial provenance of his informants. He said that
apart from distinct varieties such
as ‘Walyen’, his informants
always referred to their language as ‘Wangkayi’, which, he agreed,
simply meant
‘Aboriginal language’. He had been instructed to
consider whether there were any Aboriginal languages associated with
the
Wongatha Claim area, but said he understood this to mean simply that he was to
look at Aboriginal languages spoken by the GLSC
claimants.
- Another
matter which Dr Clendon did not investigate was the impact of the Mount
Margaret Mission. A large number of the claimants
he interviewed had spent
their childhood there. He accepted that the Mission possibly had a strong
influence on the way they came
to speak (because children from different
dialectal groups lived together), but questioned why the Mission would have had
an impact
on its own, when there were more general demographic changes in the
whole region over a much longer period.
- Dr
Clendon dealt with the significance of the names of the four GLSC Claim groups.
He said that names by which people were identified
were often mistaken by
Europeans for ‘tribal’ names, when actually they were
‘isoglosses’ - words which had
their own meaning, but which, because
they were used by people in a particular geographical area, became identifiers
of the users.
So, wangka meant ‘speech, word, story,
language’. The suffix ‘tha’ and ‘tja’ converts
the wangka from an abstract noun into a concrete, human one.
‘Koara’ (kuwarra) was an interjection, meaning ‘wait’,
that was used in the Goldfields region. ‘Wutha’ referred to an
edible tuber or bush potato, and was selected as the
name of the Wutha Claim
group because the name ‘Tjupan’ had already been taken for another
claim group. ‘Wutha’
is therefore in a different category from
‘Wongatha’, ‘Koara’ and ‘Tjupan’, in that it
was not
previously used by Aboriginal people to refer to Aboriginal people.
This observation applies to ‘Cosmo Newberry’.
‘Mantjintjarra’
comes from ‘mantjirni’, meaning
‘to pick up, take, get’, the suffix ‘tjarra’ signifying
‘(those) having (the verb)
mantjirni (“get”)’.
‘Ngalia’ is possibly the most elusive of the Claim names, according
to Dr Clendon.
- Dr
Clendon explained that the words mentioned were used in particular regions. It
is common ground between the linguists that the
language spoken by the GLSC
claimants, in so far as it is spoken by them today, is of a Western Desert type,
and that the members
of the respective GLSC Claim groups are not distinguished
on linguistic grounds.
- Dr
Sommer, the linguist called by the State, said that there was very little on
which he disagreed with Clendon, and accepted that
‘in terms of the
details of the language’, Dr Clendon was in a better position to comment
than he was. He agreed that
‘Wongatha’ is a label that is indexical
of the people in the area of the Wongatha Claim area and further afield to the
north-east, towards, and perhaps including, Warburton (T15938).
- I
will address language at 3.6(f) [1024] ff, and in the chapters dealing
with the eight Claims (Chs 4-10).
(2) Ethnobotanist
- The
GLSC applicants called an ‘ethnobotanist’, Arpad Kalotas. Two of
his four reports were admitted into evidence, his
two supplementary reports
being available to be used as submissions.
- Of
his first report, the Wongatha Report, Mr Kalotas
said:
research was undertaken into the
nature and extent of indigenous environmental knowledge and land use documented
in the Wongatha Claim
area, and surrounding
bioregions...
was undertaken with
Wongatha claimants to document existing knowledge, and use of resources, and
record examples of contemporary land
use. The researcher undertook two major
periods of research involving fieldtrips with Wongatha claimants ... to areas
north ... and
south of Laverton.’
Mr Kalotas’s report relating to the MN, Koara and Wutha Claim groups
was prepared similarly, with the qualification that he
undertook merely
interviews and no field work with Wutha claimants.
- Mr
Kalotas’s objective was to compare the Wongatha claimants’
environmental and ecological knowledge (particularly, their
knowledge of flora
and fauna) with that documented in the historical record.
- Unfortunately,
although Mr Kalotas has expertise, I attach little weight to his evidence for
the following reasons:
- First,
Mr Kalotas put himself forward as a ‘botanist ethnographer’ or
‘ethnobotanist’, but zoology is
outside his area of expertise.
Therefore, to the extent that he expresses opinions relating to fauna, they must
be disregarded.
- Second,
Mr Kalotas’s relied on only a tiny proportion of the claimants as
informants: he spoke to 12 out of 820 Wongatha
claimants (as ever, I am using
the figures from the LIPs); four out of 279 MN claimants, two of whom (Dolly
Walker and Kado Muir)
are also associated with the NK 1 Claim (95 claimants) and
the NK 2 Claim; three of the 162 Koara claimants; and four of the 178
Wutha
claimants.
- Third,
Mr Kalotas’s informants were apparently selected for him by the
anthropologists retained by the GLSC. He agreed
that the sample was not random,
and that random sampling would have been preferable. For all we know, the
informants chosen for
him may have been the most knowledgeable GLSC claimants.
He agreed that his report was to be read as referring only to the knowledge
of
his informants.
- Fourth,
Mr Kalotas could not say that, for example, all 12 of his Wongatha
informants knew all of the matters attributed to them
in his report: he said he
would need to re-interview them with ‘full interviews’ in order to
find out how the knowledge
was distributed between them.
- Mr
Kalotas followed the same methodology in relation to the MN, Koara and Wutha
claimants, and therefore the same criticisms can be
made.
- An
indication of the problematic nature of Mr Kalotas’s evidence is that he
had assumed that any indigenous word used by a Wongatha
claimant must be a
‘Wongatha’ word. But, he is not a linguist and does not know
whether a word is connected with the
Wongatha Claim area or is sourced from
elsewhere.
- Finally,
some of Mr Kalotas’s conclusions were based on observations made far
outside the Wongatha Claim area. For example,
his conclusions as to indigenous
knowledge of mammals was based on field work carried out at Uluru (Ayers Rock).
At most, this would
show that the particular informant was using a Western
Desert word.
- I
accept the substance of the following submission by Groups 5B/5F, except that I
would substitute ‘little weight’ for
‘no weight’, and
question the reference to hearsay
statements:
is submitted that these reports
are unreliable and should be given no weight. The reports go beyond the
expertise (both in respect
of linguistics and zoology) of the witness and are
based on an unrepresentative sample and on hearsay statements of witnesses. It
is not possible to identify which witness was aware of a name, and it is
entirely possible only one person was aware
...’
(3) Archaeologist
- There
was no challenge to Professor Peter Veth’s qualifications as an
archaeologist. Professor Veth holds a First
Class Honours Degree in
Anthropology (specialising in Archaeology) and a Doctorate of Philosophy (in
Archaeology) awarded with Special
Congratulations, both of the University of
Western Australia. He is Director of Research at the Australian Institute of
Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islanders Studies (AIATSIS), and formerly Chair of
Archaeology at James Cook University.
- Professor Veth
testified, based on his consultation of a wide range of published and
unpublished sources and inspection of sites
in the Wongatha Claim area, that
Aboriginal people have been present in that area since long before sovereignty
(in fact from at
least approximately 23,500 BP). This is not in dispute.
- But
this area of common ground leaves more difficult questions untouched. Who were
the indigenous people who were in the Wongatha
Claim area at sovereignty and who
were there at various times since? To what group or groups, if any, did they
belong? Are those
groups related to the various Claim groups before the Court?
Of what Aboriginal society or societies, if any, were those groups
a part?
Fundamental to the present Claims is the question whether there are group rights
and interests in relation to the land and
waters of the Wongatha Claim area
which are (today) possessed by any of the Claim groups under laws that were
acknowledged and customs
that were observed at sovereignty, of and by a then
existing society in the same area.
- Professor Veth
provided two reports, one for the Wongatha Claim, and one for the MN, Wutha, and
Koara Claims.
- In
the Wongatha report, Professor Veth considered three main classes of
evidence of use and occupation before and since sovereignty.
First, he reviewed
unpublished consultancy reports, including some seven of which he was the author
or co-author, and which were
written to address the requirements of the
Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972 (WA) (‘the Heritage
Act’), over approximately the last 20 years. He also reviewed
published research papers, monographs and books, and unpublished
theses, papers
and reports.
- The
second class of evidence consisted of site records held by the Western
Australian Aboriginal Affairs Department, now the Department
of Indigenous
Affairs, pursuant to ss 37 and 38 of the Heritage Act (these records
are referred to as the ‘Sites Register’). In his Wongatha report,
Professor Veth stated that as
of 3 March 2001, there were 1053 sites
on the Sites Register for the Wongatha Claim area.
- The
third class of archaeological evidence considered by Professor Veth
consisted of field work that he conducted late February
and March 2001 on 36
sites within the Wongatha Claim area, specifically for the purpose of preparing
his report. He was accompanied
at all times by a GLSC Project Officer and
Wongatha applicant, Leo Thomas. Professor Veth also commented on a further
four
sites recorded by a GLSC Project Officer and claimant, but not visited by
Professor Veth.
- Some
criticisms were made of Professor Veth’s methodology with respect to
the second class of evidence, although I do not
think they are fundamental:
- First,
Professor Veth conceded that a number of the sites in fact lay outside the
Wongatha Claim area, including some that were
hundreds of kilometers north of
Wiluna. These were, however, comparatively few, and, according to
Professor Veth’s map
(see below at [485]), still within the Western
Desert. Professor Veth said that they provided a ‘regional
perspective’
that is required, especially in relation to people who
employed high ‘levels of mobility’ for sustenance. I accept the
explanation.
- Second,
he based his assessment of the sites recorded in the Sites Register on a
document prepared by a Mr Morse, for the GLSC,
yet Mr Morse did not
testify; Mr Morse’s document was not put into evidence; and the
Department’s files, which underlay
the entries in the Sites Register, were
not tendered in evidence either. Professor Veth did, however, examine at
least one
third of the files, and was himself the recorder of ‘a good
number’ of the sites over 20 years and of approximately
50 heritage
surveys.
- The
non-indigenous respondents raise the following concerns in submissions in
relation to the third class of Professor Veth’s
evidence – his
fieldwork.
- First,
none of the sites he visited for the Wongatha report were west of a line linking
Kalgoorlie and Leonora (see the discussion
of the western boundary of the WDCB
at 3.6(a)(b) below). Professor Veth stated in his report that the sites
that had been registered in the Sites Register were concentrated in the
‘areas of mineralisation lying within the western third of the Wongatha
Claim’. He explained that it was the ‘impact-oriented’
nature
of the surveys that explained the focus in the Sites Register on the areas of
mineralisation. It appears clear that Professor Veth
concentrated his
field work on sites not already recorded, and that would explain why he did not
generally visit sites in the western
portion of the Claim area.
- Second,
some of the archaeological evidence could have a non-Aboriginal source.
Professor Veth accepted that ‘the history
of Aboriginal occupation
post-contact is a shared history ... [a history] shared with Afghan camel
herders, with prospectors, with
a whole range of other parties who occupy and
work the land ...’, and that some of the archaeological evidence, such as
bottles
and pieces of scrap metal, cannot be affirmatively attributed to use of
the site or the material by an Aboriginal person, as distinct
from, say, a camel
herder or a prospector. However, he rejected the suggestion that speculation
was involved, saying that he had
been ‘extremely conservative’, and
had rejected probably 80 percent of what he had regarded as equivocal.
- Most
of my comments above in relation to Professor Veth’s Sites Register
and field work apply, with appropriate changes
were applicable, to the
MN/Koara/Wutha report. In that report, the Professor again referred to the 1053
sites on the Sites Register
for the Wongatha Claim, although it is not clear how
many sites he considered also lay within the MN/Wutha/Koara Claim areas, that
is, within the respective overlaps. He also states that he conducted field work
at 23 sites, which, he suggested, were relevant
to the Wongatha/MN overlap.
Most of them appear to be also within the Wongatha/Wutha overlap and possibly
one or two are within
the Wongatha/Koara overlap.
Professor
Veth’s conclusions
- In
section 8 of his Wongatha report, headed ‘Inferences About Group Identity
in Occupation Before and After Sovereignty’,
Professor Veth expressed
his conclusions as follows (for convenience of reference, I have inserted five
paragraph numbers):
The patterning and
contents of a range of categories of sites within the claim have been argued to
be consistent with a Western Desert
cultural adaptation. These consistencies,
as summarised above, include:
(a) The spatial patterning of sites on the landscape,
the variability noted from small ephemeral campsites to major aggregation
locales
and the apparently large scale of residential mobility and movement
evidenced;
(b) The categories of formal
implements used and discarded by occupants of a range of pre- and post-contact
habitation sites;(c) The form and distribution
of numerous stone arrangements in both the mundane and ceremonial
spheres;(d) The styles, graphic vocabulary and
modes of execution of both engraved and painted art
motifs;(e) The suite of dietary remains and
residues recovered from archaeological sites;
and(f) The mode of construction of traditional
and transitional habitation structures.
It has been concluded that there are demonstrable
continuities in such patterns at sovereignty and that essential elements of this
land-use pattern also continued later after contact despite the apparent shift
towards tethering at centres of European
activity.
There is no archaeological evidence to indicate that
a different Aboriginal group was in occupation before and after
Sovereignty.
It is reasonable to conclude on the basis of the
examination of all of the archaeological evidence identified in this report that
the group that was in occupation of the claim area before the date of
sovereignty was the same group in residence after that
date.
This group displays many of the attributes of Western
Desert culture, as these have been agreed upon in numerous archaeological,
ethnoarchaeological
and anthropological
sources.’
- The
same conclusions can be found in Professor Veth’s MN/Wutha/Koara
Report with one exception: para (d) in his Wongatha
Report (‘The
styles, graphic vocabulary and modes of execution of both engraved and painted
art motifs’) was not included
in his MN/Wutha/Koara Report.
Professor Veth explained that the omission was due to the fact that he did
not have evidence
of art in the Wongatha/MN overlap from his survey, rather than
to any difference between the overlap group and the group in the Wongatha
area.
- Professor Veth
included in his Wongatha report the following map, which, according to the
legend, showed the ‘Approximate
boundary of the Western Desert’.

It is important to appreciate five aspects of Professor Veth’s
evidence.
- First,
Professor Veth’s archaeological evidence does not enable him to
distinguish between signs of the ancestors of the
Wongatha, MN, Wutha and Koara
claimants. For example, at Professor Veth’s Field Site 29, a granite dome
east of Harrington
Well, some 80 km south-east of Laverton, Professor Veth
observed a motif composed of concentric arcs, executed by a pecking
and scoring
technique, which he said was reminiscent of ‘Western Desert’ designs
that have been recorded to the east
and north-east of the Wongatha Claim area.
Nor was he in a position to distinguish between evidence of the presence of the
ancestors
of the claimants (regarded as a whole) and evidence of the presence of
other Aboriginal groups. Accordingly, his reference to ‘group’
in
his conclusions (see [483] above) is apt to give rise to difficulty, unless the
word is understood to refer to nothing more than
people exhibiting features
consistent with Western Desert culture. I do not accept that the archaeological
evidence shows the presence
of a group in any other sense. Moreover, I do not
understand Professor Veth or any Claim group before the Court to suggest
that it does.
- Second,
Professor Veth uses the term ‘occupation’ to refer to
‘repeated visitations’ consistent with
a semi-nomadic existence. He
said: ‘I think with a group that is semi-nomadic or obviously moves its
residences, by definition
that will be visitation’. He added, however,
that the archaeological evidence can and does show that some locales were
characterised
by ‘a fairly intensive occupation’ while others
‘reflect ephemeral, fleeting or episodic occupation’. His
evidence
was that sites are favoured according to their water sources, economic resources
(such as timber, economic plant species,
fauna and stone) and optimal location.
He said that the evidence was consistent with the flexible and mobile forms of
social organisation
characteristic of the Western Desert.
- Third,
visitation is not necessarily by the same individuals. All that can be said
from the archaeological material record is that
the visitors were Western Desert
people.
- Fourth,
the State submits that in so far as attributes of Western Desert culture have
been disclosed, ‘the evidence falls short
of eliminating the possibility
that the matters observed are relics of a culture other than Western Desert
culture’. Groups
5B/5F submit that, at best, ‘some parts of the
claim area may have been used by people who may exhibit some characteristics
of
a [Western Desert] tradition at some times’.
- Professor Veth
is careful, and one would think properly so, not to state that the evidence
excludes the possibility of the presence
of persons of a generally non-WDCB
culture, who, nonetheless, exhibit some characteristics of the WDCB. The
boundaries of a cultural
bloc are not bright lines (see 3.6(a)(b)).
Professor Veth does not address the possibility that some or all of the
WDCB characteristics may also have been characteristics
of neighbouring groups,
in particular, to the west. I would expect there to be a shading zone in which
the archaeological evidence
would be equivocal as between ‘WDCB’ and
‘non-WDCB’.
- Fifth,
Professor Veth states that, following European contact, ‘there is
definitely a focusing and a tethering on pastoral and
mining areas’. In
his Wongatha Report, Professor Veth added a reference to ‘missionary
and government (well, police
and ration) centres’. However, this does not
mean that there was no continuity in land use patterns between pre-contact and
post-contact sites. There was. In fact, about 90 percent of the sites
Professor Veth visited that had post-contact material
also had pre-contact
material.
- Professor Veth
said that the larger sites, those he assumed to be aggregations of sites or
sites of greater permanency, particularly
in the areas close to Leonora,
Laverton, Mulga Queen and other mining and pastoral centres, including places to
the east, had both
pre-contact and post-contact material. What changed was not
the location of sites but the pattern of use of them. There was a shift
to
greater residential permanency at European sites. Professor Veth does not
deny that there are some sites which do not have
pre-contact material remains.
The example he gives is Flowers Well, where water was obtained from a bore
– not a pre-contact
phenomenon.
- On
the basis of Professor Veth’s evidence I find
that:
(a) the same sites continued to be used following sovereignty,
although, following contact/settlement, European materials appeared
and there
was a shift to greater residential permanency;
(b) in more recent times, sites near towns and European settlements seem to
have been visited more often than more remote sites seem
to have been;
(c) it is impossible to know the identity, including group identity, of the
Aboriginal persons who were present at the sites visited,
before sovereignty or
since sovereignty, other than that they exhibited many characteristics
consistent with the presence of Western
Desert people;
(d) on the archaeological evidence there is no basis for distinguishing
between the different GLSC claimant groups or between them
as a whole and any
other people, as the persons to whose visitations the archaeological record
points.
3.6 THE WESTERN DESERT CULTURAL BLOC (WDCB)
(aa) General
(1) Origin of the expression and concept
- The
expression ‘Western Desert Bloc’ derives from a seminal article by
Professor RM Berndt, the eminent anthropologist
and foundation Professor of
Anthropology at the University of Western Australia. The article is ‘The
Concept of “the
Tribe” in the Western Desert of Australia’,
Oceania, vol 30, no 2, 1959 (‘Berndt 1959’).
- Berndt
was not, however, the first anthropologist to discuss the cultural, social and
linguistic similarities of the people of the
Western Desert. Professor
AP Elkin, Professor of Anthropology at the University of Sydney, had used
the term ‘Western
Group of South Australian tribes’ in his article
‘The Social Organisation of the South Australian Tribes’,
Oceania, vol 2, no 1, 1931 (‘Elkin 1931’) p 60 ff.
In that article, he identified two groups of “tribes”
found in the
vast dry area of the Northern Territory, Queensland, South Australia and Western
Australia: an eastern or ‘Lakes’
group, and a western group. He
said that the western group included ‘tribes in the south-western corner
of Central Australia
and in the south-east of Western Australia’. He
called that group ‘the western group of South Australian tribes’
(ibid pp 50, 60–61). He said that the group was
‘characterised by a remarkable unity of language, mythology and social
organisation’
(ibid p 60). As noted above, Professor Berndt
was later to designate the same people the WDCB.
- Professor
Elkin stated that ‘dialects of the hordes now working towards Laverton
from the desert country on the east and south-east
of that town [Laverton]
differ little from those heard in the Ooldea district ...’ (ibid
pp 61-2); and see his book, The Australian Aborigines: How to Understand
Them (2nd ed, Angus and Robertson, Sydney/London, 1943)
(‘Elkin’s book’) p 64 ff. Elkin does not seem to describe the
western group as the ‘Aluridja’ in his 1931 article, but he applied
that term to the entire region in his later article,
‘Kinship in South
Australia’, Oceania, vol 10, no 2, 1939 (‘Elkin 1939’)
p 204.
- In
1974, Professor Robert Tonkinson also commented on the WDCB, describing it in
the following terms, in The Jigalong Mob: Aboriginal Victors of the Desert
Crusade (Cummings Publishing, Menlo Park, 1974) (‘Tonkinson, The
Jigalong Mob’) p 16:
with the
physiographic and climatic commonalities of the Western Desert are its
uniformities as a cultural bloc (...). Its Aboriginal inhabitants speak
a common language with dialectical variations and share a similar basic social
organization, relationship
to the natural environment, religion, mythology, and
artistic expression. The relatively homogeneous nature of Western Desert
culture is evident from the available literature, and recent
ethnoarchaeological findings suggest that, technologically at least, cultural
continuities have existed in this area from several thousand years ago to the
present (...).
traveler who is familiar with Western Desert culture
and who speaks one of its dialects will notice obvious similarities among widely
separated groups of Aborigines within the cultural bloc. I traveled extensively
in the area and could make myself understood everywhere
using the dialect I had
learned. I encountered many identical kinship terms in use, and although they
did not always connote the
same classes of relatives in different areas, they
formed part of the same type of social organization. Also many of the rituals
and associated ancestral beings were substantially the same in areas hundreds of
miles apart. The regular contact between contiguous
Aboriginal groups in the
Western Desert that has always been a feature of the area ensures a steady flow
of information and objects.
This cultural transmission reinforces the
Aborigines’ awareness of their common interests and helps give the Western
Desert
its markedly homogenous countenance.’ (my
emphasis)
- The
WDCB concept is now well accepted, although there is debate as to its
characteristics and their regional variability, and, as
this case shows, its
geographical extent.
(2) De Rose
De
Rose and the WDCB as the relevant ‘society’
- The
WDCB assumed particular importance in this case following the decision of the
Full Court of this Court in De Rose FCAFC, on 16 December 2003.
All six legally represented Claim groups (Wongatha, MN, Koara, Wutha, Cosmo and
Maduwongga) came to base
their claims on the existence of the ‘WDCB
society’ (see Wongatha POC para 4 as also adopted by the MN, Koara
and
Wutha claimants; Cosmo POC para 17; Maduwongga POC para 1(a)).
They had previously referred to the WDCB and to Western
Desert laws and customs,
but the concept of a WDCB society seems to be rooted in De Rose.
While the NK 1 and NK 2 claimants (who were not legally represented
and did not make submissions) did not refer to the
WDCB in their Forms 1 or
POCs, references can be found to the ‘Western Desert’ in the Ngalia
Family document. I
regard the NK 1 and NK 2 applicants also as
relying on a ‘WDCB society’.
- Because
the Claim groups rely so heavily on De Rose, I will discuss that case at
some length. I note, however, that I must decide the present case on the
evidence before me, not on
the evidence that was before the trial judge in
De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J, and that I am not bound by the
findings of fact made by his Honour or by the Full Court in that case.
- I
have, in fact, found to be more applicable to the facts of the present Claims,
the following passage from another Full Court judgment
in the more recent case
of Northern Territory v Alyawarr, Kaytetye, Warumungu, Wakaya Native Title
Claim Group [2005] FCAFC 135; (2005) 145 FCR 442 at
[80]:
..., the society identified as the
repository of the traditional laws and customs is a cultural bloc whose
members are dispersed in groups over a large arid or semi-arid area an inference
of communal ownership of native
title rights and interests derived from its laws
and customs may be difficult if not impossible to draw. In De Rose v
South Australia (No 2) [2005] FCAFC 110 the Court held that a native
title determination could be made in favour of individuals or small groups who
held native title rights
under the traditional laws and customs of a society or
community of which they are part. That was identified as the Western Desert
Bloc. It was not necessary that the native title holders constituted a society
or community in their own right. Each case will,
of course, depend upon its own
facts.’ (my emphasis.)
facts in De Rose
- In
De Rose, the application for a determination of native title related
to three pastoral leases known as Agnes Creek (450 miles2), Paxton
Bluff North (66 miles2) and Paxton Bluff South (134
miles2), known together as De Rose Hill Station, and located in
the far north-west of South Australia.
- The
appellants’ Outline of Facts and Contentions at trial sought to place the
appellants within the larger ‘Western Desert
Bloc’ (De Rose
FCA/O’Loughlin J at [33]). I treat this expression as synonymous with
the WDCB. The Full Court observed in De Rose FCAFC
([32]):
claimant group was not described as
the Yankunytjatjara people, but a group within [the WDCB] the members of
which adhered to the same set of rules that prevailed throughout [the
WDCB]. Their case was that there are groups within [the WDCB]
connected by language, myth and the
environment.’
- O’Loughlin J
noted ([38]) that the applicants’ case was more specifically that (1) the
claim group comprised all
those individual Aboriginal people who were
Nguraritja (‘traditional owners’), and who were connected
with the claim area, and (2) that the Nguraritja were part of the greater
Western Desert culture. His Honour observed that there was no claim on behalf
of ‘the entire Yankunytjatjara
people’, although the claim area was
and always had been ‘Yankunytjatjara country’ (ibid).
- His
Honour adopted ([99]) expert linguistic evidence that Nguraritja meant a
person who ‘belongs to a place, traditional owner, custodian (from
ngurara plus – (i)tja “of, from”)’, and that the
Nguraritja were thus the persons having rights and responsibilities in
relation to land. He said ([100]) that the concept of Nguraritja related
to particular places, not to a larger area which included those places, but that
while this meant that a person was not Nguraritja for the whole of
De Rose Hill Station, equally it did not signify that the role of
Nguraritja was limited to narrow locations (mere points). For example, a
person could be Nguraritja for a creek or a part of a creek. Moreover,
his Honour noted at [100]: ‘the Aboriginal concept of territory is a
“constellation”
of locations, often along a Dreaming track for which
those who are Nguraritja have responsibility.’
- The
Full Court stated ([41]):
to the
appellants’ case, the Western Desert Bloc community was the community
under whose traditional laws and customs Nguraritja
for the claim area derived
their native title rights and interests. The Western Desert Bloc community
included a number of Aboriginal
peoples from the Western Desert region, who
spoke different languages or dialects but shared a system of rules. The
appellants,
so it was contended, were descendants, according to traditional laws
and customs, of the Aboriginal peoples who inhabited the Western
Desert region,
and were Nguraritja in relation to the claim area, at
sovereignty.’
Distinguishing De Rose
- It
is convenient to note at once certain differences between De Rose and the
present Claims, in order, of course, to show why the conclusion in De
Rose that native title existed does not dictate the same result in the
present case.
- First,
the claim area in De Rose was 650 miles2 (1683.5
km2), a small fraction of the size of the smallest of the present
Claim areas. In itself the difference may be immaterial. However,
it is
relevant to the ‘constellation’ of sites aspect of
De Rose, which is not the basis of the present Claims. As well, it
is relevant to such matters as regional variations in laws and customs,
dialectal differences, and membership of overlapping Claim groups –
problematic issues that have beset the present case but
had no relevance to a
claim area as small as that in De Rose.
- Second,
the claimants in De Rose were defined differently, because the starting
point in De Rose was responsibility for Dreaming sites. None of the
present Claims are made on this religious basis. Only one witness in the
present
case mentioned Nguraritja. Janice Scott, who said that the
people who speak for the country called ngurra are called
Nguraritja. She said that if the Nguraritja for a ngurra
are still alive, their role is to ‘look after’ and ‘care
for’ it and to ‘speak for everybody that lives
on the land, take
care of everybody that’s on it’. Janice Scott seems to accept the
possibility that for some ngurras, presumably within the Wongatha Claim
area, there may be no Nguraritja surviving. As will be seen in
4.7(a)(b) [1569] ff, the word ngurra has been used with various
meanings by the other witnesses. The most common meaning has been the ‘my
country’ area of
an individual, although the word has also been used to
refer to a temporary camp. Neither Janice Scott nor any other witness used
ngurra to refer to a constellation of dreaming tracks of sites. Janice
Scott at least had in mind an area on which people lived or might
live. She had
just been speaking of country between Tjuntjuntjarra and Rawlinson and also
about her grandmother’s and grandfather’s
country out Blackstone
way.
- Professor
RM Berndt referred to Nguraritja as nuraidja (or camp
‘owner’) (Berndt 1959 p 101). There was evidence in the present
case that wati or ‘initiated men’ or simply ‘men’
(meaning initiated males) have special responsibilities in relation to
men’s sites not shared by others (although it is not only the wati
within a particular Claim group who have those responsibilities in relation to
sites within the Claim area). This concept has in
common with the idea present
in De Rose of custodianship, or traditional ownership of sacred
sites. Certain Cosmo witnesses referred to ngurarrangka also with a
meaning akin to ‘traditional owners’, but the Cosmo Claim group and
Claim area were not defined by reference
to a constellation of Dreaming sites or
tracks either.
- Third,
and most importantly, in De Rose the claim area was, as implied
above, defined indirectly by reference to a constellation of Dreaming sites or
tracks. The primary judge said ([115])
that the
witnesses:
their territory as radiating
outwards in a flexible manner, depending on seasonal conditions and other
factors, from a number of important
sites (generally water points) that were,
most often, associated with, and connected by the
Tjukurpa.’
The present Claim areas
are not defined in this way, and are not part of larger areas defined in this
way. The applicants in De Rose claimed the area of a pastoral station,
but that was within an apparently slightly larger territory described in the
passage quoted
above. A claim need not be made over the entire area in relation
to which the rights and interests are said to exist: see Yarmirr HCA
at [78] (joint judgment); De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J at [198],
[203]-[204], [908]. Ordinarily, however, one might reasonably expect that proof
of the basis of the rights and interests
in a claim area will entail proof of
the basis of them in the larger area within which the claim area falls, as in
De Rose. Proof of that kind has not been placed before the Court
here.
- Fourth,
in De Rose, the anthropologists considered De Rose Hill Station
to be clearly within the WDCB area, but there is a substantial issue as
to
whether the western part of the Wongatha Claim area is within the WDCB area (see
3.6(a)(b) [540] ff below) .
- Fifth,
there are many factual matters that were either not in dispute in
De Rose, or that were the subject of findings by the primary judge
that were not challenged on appeal. Before me, on the other hand, the
various
Claim groups are put to proof of virtually all elements of their Claims (it is
not in contest that unidentified Aboriginal
people, who were of a Western Desert
adaptation, were to be found within the Wongatha Claim area at
sovereignty).
- Sixth,
of the 26 witnesses in De Rose, six gave very extensive and detailed
evidence of knowledge of the five main Tjukurrpa or Dreamings that passed
through De Rose Hill Station (see
De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J at [52]-[74]) and overall,
the 26 witnesses showed ([572]-[887]) a more extensive knowledge of sites and
tracks than did most of
the 93 witnesses before me. Moreover, compared to
De Rose in which the claimants’ knowledge of Dreasming sites
and tracks lay at the heart of the case, in the present case the
claimants’
knowledge of Dreaming sites and tracks was only one small part
of the evidence relied on to establish acknowledgement and observance
of
traditional laws and customs by the various Claim groups.
- Seventh,
in at least the GLSC and Cosmo Claims, the claims are made by individuals, on
the basis of multiple pathways of connection,
to ‘my country’ areas,
unique to the individual, and not necessarily overlapping, contiguous or even
neighbouring. (As
noted earlier, the Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 Claims
are made by groups defined by reference to apical ancestors, although
the
evidence led in support of those Claims also suggested claims based on the
‘my country’ areas of individuals.) In
De Rose, on the
other hand, the claim was based on the claimants’ status as
Nguraritja for neighbouring Dreaming sites, although the means by which
one could become Nguraritja for those sites were some of those that have
been referred to as the pathways of connection to ‘my country’ areas
in
the present case: birth on De Rose Hill Station; a long term physical
association with it; birth of ancestors on it; and geographical
and religious
knowledge of it; to which was to be added recognition by the other
Nguraritja (De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J at
[562]).
Findings in De Rose with respect to the
WDCB
- A
proper understanding of De Rose FCAFC demands some discussion of the
findings and areas of common ground in that case, with respect to the WDCB
generally. In De Rose FCAFC, the Full Court noted ([42]) that
O’Loughlin J had made no findings as to the limits, geographic or
social, of the WDCB,
but that all parties on the appeal referred to Berndt 1959.
As their Honours said ([43]), Professor Berndt, had estimated that
the
population of the Western Desert prior to European contact may have been 18,000
persons, living and moving over an area of some
250,000 miles2
(about 650,000 km2). By this estimation, the Wongatha Claim
area’s 159,048 km2 represents about 24.46 percent of
the WDCB (or 12.3 percent if we use Robert Tonkinson’s estimate in
Tonkinson, The Jigalong Mob p 13, that the WDCB covers at least 500,000
miles2 or 1,295,000 km2). In Berndt 1959,
Professor Berndt estimated that the population of the Western Desert, at
the time he was writing, was
less than 3200. He identified a number of dialects
spoken in the region including Pitjantjatjara, Antikirinya and Yankunytjatjara.
He expressed the view (referred to by the Full Court at [43]) that,
‘[d]iagrammatically the whole of the Western Desert could
be seen as a
series of overlapping interactory zones or as small communities’.
- O’Loughlin J
found that archaeological remains within the claim area were those of Western
Desert Aboriginals, but the
evidence did not identify who they were, or whether
they were Yankunytjatjara, Antikirinya or Pitjantjatjara (cf
Professor Veth’s
conclusions in the present case discussed at [483]
ff.
- His
Honour found that many of the Aboriginal witnesses traced their origins to
Pitjantjatjara country, well to the west of the claim
area, and, indeed, that
the personal histories of the claimants showed that most of them were either
Pitjantjatjara people or had
a Pitjantjatjara parent or grandparent. The
primary judge ([190]) referred to migratory movements from the west to the east,
saying
that drought was one reason and looking for wives was another. His
Honour rejected a submission by the respondents that recent migration
into the
claim area defeated the claim, because, according to the Full Court
([46]):
substance, he accepted that
territorial shifts and population movements, together with associated changes to
traditional laws and
customs, had occurred as part of the acknowledgment and
observance of pre-sovereignty and post sovereignty traditional laws and customs
of the peoples who formed part of the [WDCB]. Relevantly for present
purposes, his Honour also accepted that the Pitjantjatjara, Yankunytjatjara and
Antikirinya peoples were
part of that
Bloc’..
That is to say, the movements were from and to places within the Western
Desert.
- That
has been virtually entirely so in the present case too. The migration with
which his Honour was concerned was, however, different
from the migration that
has occurred from the desert in the north, north-east and east, to centres of
European presence within the
Goldfields. The migration issue is discussed at
3.6(a)(b) and will arise from time to time in my discussion of the
individual Claims. In my view, it is not established that where, as has
occurred, indigenous people came out of the desert to live on the fringes of
European towns and settlements or near ration stations,
because of the benefits,
notably food and water, available to them there, they acquired rights and
interests in the new area. It
does not matter that drought was also a factor,
or that the centre of European settlement and the place that they had left were
both
within the Western Desert.
- O’Loughlin J
accepted ([316]) that it was not necessary for native title claimants to
establish strict biological descent
back to sovereignty. He also accepted
([345]), in a finding which the Full Court described ([54]) as
‘important’, that
the traditional laws and customs that once applied
to the claim area were essentially the same as those of the Western Desert
region.
His Honour did not accept, however, that the applicants had only to
show descent from Western Desert people who followed traditional
laws and
customs. He said ([345]) that although the claimants did not have to prove
biological descent from the pre-sovereignty
occupiers, there had to be
‘some continuity – even though it might be through migration,
marriage or even tribal dispute
– between those who formerly occupied the
land at sovereignty and the present claimants’. His Honour found ([346])
that
the requisite degree of continuity existed, because the connection between
the claimants and the pre-sovereignty (Western Desert)
occupants was
‘achieved through a process of incorporation that reflected the pattern of
migratory movements’. He concluded
that a large majority of the claimants
were either recent migrants to the claim area from the west or were descended
from migrants
from the west ([376]).
- The
Full Court emphasised ([230]) that the traditional (pre-sovereignty) laws and
customs on which the appellants had relied before
his Honour were those of the
WDCB, and at [236] that there had been no suggestion that the WDCB
‘society’ had ceased
to exist between European settlement and the
trial; or that the appellants, ‘whether or not they constituted a discrete
social,
communal or political group, were not members of that society’;
and there had been no challenge to the primary judge’s
finding at [102]
that the traditional laws and customs asserted by the appellants were
essentially the same as those that existed
throughout the Western Desert
region.
- The
Full Court also noted at [236] that it was not necessary for the appellants to
show that they had biological or other links with
the particular group who held
native title over the claim area at sovereignty, other than those links required
by traditional laws
and customs to establish that a person had acquired the
status of Nguraritja for the claim area.
- Their
Honours then posed what they described as the ‘critical question’
([237]):
the appellants possessed rights and
interests in the claim area under the traditional laws acknowledged and customs
observed of the
Western Desert Bloc. If by those traditional laws and customs
the appellants had sufficient links to the original native title holders
as to
acquire the status of Nguraritja for the claim area, that would be enough,
provided that they retained, by those laws and customs,
a connection with the
claim area.’
- In
relation to the issue of population shifts, the Full Court concluded ([240])
that on a fair reading, although not explicitly, his
Honour had found ‘the
population shifts that occurred in the early to mid-twentieth century [into
the claim area] were
recognised by, or were in accordance with, the traditional
laws and customs of the [WDCB], in the sense that newcomers could become
Nguraritja for the claim area, depending on the circumstances’.
Their Honours found support for this finding in the testimony of Aboriginal
witnesses (discussed at [255]–[259]).
- The
ground on which the appellants succeeded was that his Honour had erred in
deciding that they failed because they had not proved
that they retained a
connection to the claim area by traditional laws and customs acknowledged and
observed by them, sufficient to
satisfy s 223(1)(b) of the NTA. Their
Honours referred to ([273]) the primary judge’s emphasis on ‘the
absence
of evidence pointing to the presence, at least in recent times, of what
he described (at [901]) as a social, communal or political
organisation on or
near the claim area or (at [913]) as a cohesive community or group’. In
this regard, the Full Court stated
([275]-[276]):
was no part of the present
appellants’ case, as ultimately presented, that they, or any other persons
who might be Nguraritja
for the claim area, constituted a discrete cohesive
society or community at any given time. As the primary judge recognised, their
claim was that they possessed native title rights and interests by virtue of
their status as Nguraritja for the claim area under the system of laws
and customs they shared with other Aboriginal people of the Western Desert Bloc.
The normative
system on which they relied was that acknowledged and observed
throughout the Western Desert region.
order to succeed, the appellants had to show, among
other things, that at sovereignty the traditional laws and customs of the
Western
Desert Bloc provided for those who were Nguraritja to possess
rights and interests in relation to land. They also had to show that Western
Desert Bloc society has had a “continuous
existence and vitality since
sovereignty”: Yorta Yorta (HC) at
[47].’
- The
Full Court ([277]) distinguished Yorta Yorta HCA on the basis
that, on the primary judge’s findings, the traditional laws and customs of
the Yorta Yorta community had not
been acknowledged and observed
substantially uninterrupted since sovereignty ([277]). The primary judge in
that case (Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community
v Victoria [1998] FCA 1606) had found that the claimants and their
ancestors had not continued to acknowledge and observe traditional laws and
customs in relation
to the land of their forebears, and that before the end of
the nineteenth century their ancestors had ceased to occupy
their traditional lands in accordance with their traditional laws and customs.
In contrast,
and as noted above at [522], their Honours observed ([278]) that in
De Rose, it did not appear that the respondents had contended
at trial:
- that the WDCB
society had not existed at sovereignty;
- that the WDCB
society did not provide for persons recognised as Nguraritja to possess
rights and interests in relation to land;
- that the WDCB
society had ceased to exist; or
- that members of
the WDCB society had ceased to observe traditional laws and customs at any time
between sovereignty and the trial
and as noted above at
[522].
The importance of these matters not being in issue
is obvious.
- After
quoting the observations which the Full Court made at [278] (referred to at
[527] above), the State, submits that in these proceedings,
virtually all of the
factual premises advanced by the Claim groups are disputed. It submits that the
evidence has failed to establish
that the WDCB laws and customs constitute a
‘normative system’ under which rights and interests of the kind
described
in the various Forms 1 are possessed in the respective Claim
areas. As well, it submits that no Claim group has established
that as a group
it acknowledges and observes such laws and customs, even if the latter
constitute a normative system.
- The
Full Court in De Rose FCAFC further stated
([279]):
it were necessary to go back to the
evidence, there is ample support for the proposition that, whatever the degree
of acknowledgment
or observance of traditional laws and customs by the
appellants themselves, Western Desert society has continued to exist since
sovereignty
and the traditional laws and customs of that society have continued
substantially uninterrupted throughout that period. [Their Honours referred
to anthropological evidence in
support.]’
- Their
Honours said ([281]) that this conclusion did not mean that the appellants were
relieved of the obligation to prove that they had continued to
acknowledge and observe the traditional laws and customs of the WDCB, and that
they possessed rights and interests under those laws and customs. It did
mean, however, that ‘the appellants’ claim [did]
not encounter the
obstacle upon which the claim of the Yorta Yorta people
foundered’.
- The
Full Court stated ([283]) that the primary judge’s finding to the effect
that the appellants did not constitute, or were
not part of, a social, communal
or political organisation on or near the claim area, could not properly
adversely affect their claim,
and that to the extent that his Honour had thought
otherwise, he had erred.
De Rose (No 2) FCAFC
- Having
allowed the appeal, the same Full Court, subsequently in De Rose
(No 2) FCAFC, determined that native title existed in the claim
area.
- Of
present interest in De Rose (No 2) FCAFC is their
Honours’ discussion ([27]–[44]) of the meaning of the expression
‘communal, group or individual rights
and interests’, as that
expression appears in s 223(1) of the NTA.
- It
will be recalled that in Yorta Yorta HCA, the joint judgment stated
([49]) that in the present context:
is to be
understood as a body of persons united in and by its acknowledgment and
observance of a body of law and
customs.’
and in a footnote to this passage, their Honours said they had chosen the
word ‘society’ rather than ‘community’,
in order to
emphasise the close relationship between the identification of the group and the
identification of its laws and customs.
The implication is that, otherwise,
‘community’ would have done as well.
- All
eight Claims before the Court are claims by groups to hold group rights and
interests. They are claims of rights and interests
which inhere in a group of
fluctuating membership. In my opinion, enjoyment of those rights and interests,
by an individual depends
upon that individual’s being a member of the
group.
- In
my view, which is consistent with [27]-[44] of the Full Court’s judgment
in De Rose (No 2) FCAFC, the expression ‘communal, group
or individual rights or interests’ reflects a taxonomy. The
‘community’
is the ‘society’ which sustains the
traditional laws and customs in question, and is therefore the largest possible
right
or interest owning entity (eg the Meriam People in
Mabo (No 2)). At the other extreme is the individual. Any right
or interest owning entity lying between the individual and the community is
a
‘group’. A group may be numerically small, as in
De Rose, or numerically large, as in the case of the Wongatha Claim
group. On the other hand, a numerically small or large number of individuals
may all hold only individual rights and interests. Everything depends on the
content of the traditional laws and customs. Many,
perhaps most, or even all,
groups will have a fluctuating membership. Again, all depends on how the group
is identified by the traditional
laws and customs. In the case of group rights
and interests, the individual members of the group (claimants) have rights and
interests
by reason of that membership. Their rights and interests will
not, however, necessarily be identical. A member may have ‘active’
or ‘productive’
rights and interests only in a particular area, and
his or her rights and interests in the remainder will then be only
‘nominal’,
‘residual’ or ‘theoretical’. As
ever, the governing consideration is the traditional laws and customs.
But the
individual’s rights and interests will always arise from his or her
membership of the group; they will not arise directly
and without group
mediation, from the laws and customs of the society.
- In
De Rose (No 2) FCAFC, their Honours stated the position ([39]-[40],
[44]) in a manner which, I believe, is consistent with what I have said in the
preceding
paragraph:
The distinction between
group and individual rights and interests (to the extent it matters) is perhaps
more difficult to identify.
An example of group rights and interests may be
those held by a subset of a wider community, the traditional laws and customs of
which determine who has interests in particular sites or areas. The members of
the subset may or may not themselves be an identifiable
community, but their
rights and interests are determined by the traditional laws and customs observed
by the wider community. The
members of the subset might be expected, under the
traditional laws and customs, to share common characteristics in relation to
certain
land or waters, such as rights and responsibilities as the custodians of
particular sites. Ordinarily, it might be expected that
the “group”
holding native title rights and interests would have a fluctuating membership,
the composition of which would
be determined by the relevant body of traditional
laws acknowledged and customs observed.
A person holding individual native title rights and
interests, by contrast, may not necessarily share common characteristics, in
relation
to land or waters, with other members of that community under the
relevant body of traditional laws and customs. Unless the traditional
laws and
customs provide for the individual rights and interests to be transmitted to
other community members, they presumably will
terminate upon the death of the
holder.
...
If it is
necessary to classify the rights and interests claimed by the appellants in the
present case, they are best regarded as
group rights and interests, rather than
individual rights and interests. It is true that the appellants do not claim to
be a discrete
or functioning community and that the normative system on which
they rely for their rights and interests is that of the wider Western
Desert
Bloc. But the appellants claim to be Nguraritja for the claim area and, by
virtue of that status, they have common rights
and responsibilities under the
laws and customs of the Western Desert Bloc in relation to the claim area
(although not necessarily
in relation to precisely the same sites or tracks).
Moreover, the appellants claim on behalf of all people who are Nguraritja for
the claim area. The composition of that class will vary from time to time
depending upon who can satisfy the rules identified by
the primary judge for
identifying Nguraritja (De Rose (FC) at [37]-[40], [58]-[61]). On the
appellants’ case, native title rights and interests over the claim area
will not cease on
the death of the last survivor among
them.’
The present Claims are also group claims advanced by the respective
applicants on behalf of groups having the memberships identified
in the
respective Forms 1 on the basis of the membership criteria identified in
the respective POCs.
- The
question is whether it is established that traditional laws and customs of the
WDCB society provide for group rights and interests
to be possessed by the
various groups of claimants in the respective Claim areas. As will appear, I
think, it has not been.
- I
accept that the WDCB existed at sovereignty and that it still exists. The joint
report of the anthropologists who participated
in the conference appears to have
assumed as much. But virtually everything else touching the WDCB is in issue:
whether it is a
society united by the acknowledgment and observance of laws and
customs; its characteristics; its geographical extent; and whether
the
respective Claim groups continue to acknowledge its body of traditional laws and
customs.
(a)(b) Geographical extent and migration/Geographical coincidence; Claim areas
and the WDCB
(1) Introduction
- There
has been a lively issue as to the western extent of the WDCB. The point of the
debate is that if any of the Claim areas or
parts of any of them lie west of the
WDCB area, the Claims, or the Claims insofar as they relate to overlaps, must
fail to that extent, since all Claims are put as dependent on the WDCB
‘society’. The onus of establishing how far west that area extends,
or, more accurately, that the Claim areas are within it, rests on the respective
Claim groups.
- On
any reckoning, the Wongatha Claim area is at the western periphery of the
Western Desert. The report on the anthropologists’
conference expressed
the agreement of the participants that the Western and South Western boundaries
of the Western Desert are ‘not
definable based on the historical
ethnographic sources’. So be it, but everyone agrees that it does not
extend west to the
coast.
- It
is also agreed that there are cultural continuities and that the WDCB is not
distinguished by sharp boundaries. The anthropologists’
joint report
states that ‘[t]he relations between people who might be claimed as
Western Desert or non Western Desert were
not necessarily qualitatively
different from relations that are intra-Western Desert or intra-non-Western
Desert, as there are likely
to have been cultural continuities between those who
appear on both sides of Berndt’s line in the 1959 article’. I
discuss
the Berndt line at [630] ff – it is one possible line that has
been suggested as the western boundary of the WDCB.
- The
difficulty of the present question is obvious. I am proceeding on the basis
that the WDCB is a ‘society’ that existed
in 1829 and continues to
exist. A society is not a territory. However, the name WDCB suggests a
relationship with the Western Desert.
It is difficult enough to know precisely
where the Western Desert begins and ends. It is even more difficult to know
precisely
where the geographical area occupied by the ‘body of persons
united in and by its acknowledgment and observance of a body of
law and
customs’ (Yorta Yorta HCA at [49]) known as the WDCB, begins and
ends. Finally, it is most difficult of all to know precisely where that area
began and ended
in 1829 and at various times since then. There have been
population shifts since first contact, and, in particular, since settlement.
Did the ‘migrants’ take the western boundary of the WDCB to the west
with them? Or, did they leave the area of the
WDCB for places west of it?
Again, did they simply move from one place within the WDCB area to another place
within that area?
- Such
questions may provide the subject of endless anthropological debate. Before me,
the anthropologists have seized upon various
parts of the historical record,
including the field notes and other writings of earlier anthropologists who
studied the Aboriginal
people of Western Australia, South Australia and the
Northern Territory, with a view to showing that the western boundary of the
WDCB
was further to the west or to the east, that is to say, that indigenous people
at one place or another were or were not part
of the WDCB society.
- It
is not in dispute that that part of the Wongatha Claim area east of a line
running roughly north-south incorporating the western
boundary of the Cosmo
Claim area is within the area of the WDCB. That line would place the eastern
one half to two thirds of the
Wongatha Claim area within the area of the WDCB.
It would include within the area of the WDCB the whole of the Cosmo Claim area
and such further places within the Wongatha Claim area as Empress Spring, Lake
Wells, Burtville, Coglia Well, Lake Minigwal and Lake
Rason.
- It
is the area west of that north-south line over which there has been controversy.
The first major centre to be encountered west
of that line is Laverton. In
controversy, therefore, are nearly all of the pastoral stations and mining areas
within the Wongatha
Claim area, and, in addition to Laverton itself, such places
as Mount Margaret, Leonora, Menzies, and Lakes Carey, Raeside and Marmion
and
most of Lake Rebecca.
- My
task is to determine whether the various Claim groups have discharged the onus
of proving the ingredients of their claims according
to the civil standard of
the balance of probabilities. The present ingredient is that traditional laws
and customs of the WDCB society
gave group rights and interests in the area in
dispute to the present Claim groups.
- I
will not refer to all of the evidence on the western extent of the WDCB area.
Obviously, the boundary will not be a bright line.
The present question is one
of almost intractable difficulty. The conclusion that I have reached is that
the WDCB progressively
dissipates commencing at about the line running roughly
north-south along and incorporating the western boundary of the Cosmo Claim
area
(the Berndt line, which I discuss at [630] below, is not very different), and
finishing at a line which may be described as
the ‘Menzies-Lake Darlot
line’. Accordingly, my conclusion is that the part of the Wongatha Claim
area west of the Menzies-Lake
Darlot line is, and at all material times was,
outside the WDCB area.
- The
result is that the Wongatha Claim, and all the Claims that overlap it, fail to
the extent, if at all, that they claim land and
waters west of the Menzies-Lake
Darlot line.
(2) The impact of migration on the western boundary of the WDCB
- The
issue of ‘migration’ or ‘progressive population shift’
arises in various contexts. The first, referred
to above, concerns the question
of any consequential westward shifting of the western boundary of the WDCB since
first contact.
- A
second issue as to migration is whether the movement of the claimants or their
ancestors into the Wongatha Claim area from the Spinifex
to the north,
north-east and east, has the consequence that the Claim groups cannot establish
rights and interests in the Wongatha
Claim area founded on pre-sovereignty laws
and customs.
- A
third issue, which is really an aspect of the second, concerns intra-Western
Desert migration. Did the traditional laws and customs
of the WDCB allow for
intra-Western Desert migration, so that Western Desert people could acquire
rights and interests in their new
location? If so, in what circumstances was
this allowed under those traditional laws and customs, and does an adaptation of
the
rule apply where the migration is to a centre of European settlement, such
as Laverton or Mount Margaret?
- I
will address, in chronological sequence, the published writings of
anthropologists generally on the topic of the extent of the WDCB
and migration,
before turning to the reports and testimony of the anthropologists in this case.
For convenience and chronological
sequencing purposes, however, I will begin
with a non-anthropologist, David Sanderson McDonald (it is also convenient to
include
his comments not strictly relevant to the present issue of geographical
extent). Moreover, I will take the liberty of giving background
information
introducing the various anthropologists whose writings on the Western Desert
have featured in the case.
(3) Geographical extent/migration – anthropological writings
(i) David
Sanderson McDonald
- David
Sanderson McDonald was born in New South Wales in 1881 of Scottish parents whom
he followed to the Western Australian Goldfields
in 1895. In his old age, this
Murrin Murrin resident, wrote of his first contact with the indigenous people in
the Goldfields, in
a typed ‘autobiography’ or collection of
‘reminiscences’. He wrote that through ‘Basil’ as
interpreter
he learnt much about the ‘Wongi’, who, he said, were not
as nomadic as some writers would have one believe. He
continued:
various tribes such as roamed
the goldfields areas, Kabul of the Coolgardie area, Mulba of
Norseman, Wongi of Pindinni and Edjudina each had their own section of
country mapped out and their home ground would be at the most permanent water
supply. These would be gnamma holes, soaks or rockholes. After rains,
when creeks, otherwise dry, would have plenty of water, they’d
move to the
chosen place and hunt for whatever game that would be in that area and in
season collect various seeds such as grass, mulga and Murrin-Murrin.’
(my emphasis)
Pindinni (or ‘Pindinnie’) and Edjudina are both in the Wongatha
Claim area, Pindinni near Yundamindra and Edjudina south
of Laverton, just north
of Lake Rebecca (near the old Yarri Battery), in the southern part of the
Wongatha Claim area. In fact,
‘Pindinni Soak’ is just west of
Yundamindra Station, and the Yundamindra homestead was about 84 km from Edjudina
homestead.
- According
to Mr McDonald, ‘Wongi’ was ‘the name of the native tribe who
roamed [the Murrin Murrin] area, their home
ground being Pindinnie, meaning flat
country. They were referred to as the Pindinnie tribe...’. A literal
interpretation
is that the same ‘tribe’ bears both the name
‘Wongi’ and the name ‘Pindinnie’.
- Mr McDonald
wrote:
Wongi were split into four tribes,
one at Pindinni with a type of auxiliary out east in Spinifex country,
...another at Edjadoo, also
with an auxiliary in the
Spinifex.’
is little difference in the language or lingo of
these friendly tribes.’
Mr McDonald also wrote of the initiation of boys into manhood (see
3.6(c)(2) [817] below). Male initiation took place within the Western
Desert, but we do not know that it did not take place immediately to
the west of
its western boundary.
- Again,
Mr McDonald associates the ‘Wongi’ with the place Pindinni, but also
with the place Edjadoo (cf Edjudina mentioned
above). In stating that he was
writing exclusively of the Wongi, Mr McDonald seems to have been anxious to
distinguish between
the Wongi and other Aboriginal people.
- In
an interview for the Kalgoorlie Miner in 1959, Mr McDonald stated that,
although the missionaries referred to everyone as ‘Wongi’, there
were six ‘distinct’
tribes in the eastern and North-Eastern
Goldfields, including the ‘Lindi Wongi’ of the Pindinnie region, the
Edjudoo
Wongi of the Edjudina district, the Yilda of Darlot-Wiluna, and the
‘Wongudda’ from the east and northeast of Laverton.
As to the
additional two tribes, Mr McDonald may have had in mind the two auxiliaries or
the Kabul and the Mulba.
- While
Mr McDonald’s description of Aboriginal practices are important, I do not
place much weight on his understanding of the
Aboriginal terms that he mentions,
such as ‘Wongi’. Mr McDonald was not an anthropologist or linguist,
and did not use
anthropological or linguistic terms in technical senses. I have
encountered enough meanings of such words as ‘Wongatha’,
‘Wangkayi’, ‘Wongaii’, ‘Wongi’, and
‘Wongudda’, to make me cautious before being
confident that I
understand the meaning they are being used to convey, even when I am fully
seized of the context in which they are
used. Finally, as will be noted
elsewhere, the nomenclature by which groups of Aboriginal people identified each
other presents
a confused picture, which remained confused when put into written
form by the early recorders.
- Perhaps
Mr McDonald was using the word ‘Wongi’ with the meaning that a
number of the indigenous witnesses said ‘Wongatha’
and
‘Wangkayi’ bore: ‘Aboriginal person’ (see 4.6(a) [1331]
ff. In favour of this view is the distinction
he drew between the
‘Wongi’ and the ‘Wongudda’ whom he placed east and
north-east of Laverton. Against it
is the fact that he deprecated the
missionaries’ labelling of everyone as ‘Wongi’ and emphasised
that he was writing
exclusively of the Wongi.
- As
noted above, Mr McDonald placed east and north-east of Laverton a
‘distinct tribe’, ‘the Wongudda’. It
is noteworthy that
when the missionary Rod Schenk went to Laverton in 1921, he found that the
Aboriginal people there called themselves
‘Wongatha’ or
‘Wongutha’ (see [1116] below).
(ii) Daisy Bates
- Daisy
Bates worked for the Western Australian Government from 1904 to 1912. Her
knowledge of Aboriginal laws and customs in the Goldfields
was acquired in part
from two informants: Kenneth Young at Duketon, and Constable John Dodd,
stationed at Kookynie. From 1905 to
1906, she corresponded with the
surveyor-anthropologist, RH Mathews, about the material she had received
from Young and others.
- Kenneth
Young, who lived around Duketon, reported to both RH Mathews and Daisy Bates in
about 1905 that the people there had no tribal
name for themselves, and only say
that they are ‘Wongada’, which, he said, was the generic term for
‘mankind’
or ‘all blackfellows’. Young placed the
people around Duketon as occupying an area from Lake Darlot in the west, north
of Laverton (25 miles to around Cox’s Find) to north of Duketon (40-50
miles), across to east of Lake Wells.
- Constable
John Dodd, who was stationed at the Kookynie police station, provided
information to Daisy Bates in 1910, in which he referred
to
‘Magging’, the ‘King of the Pindinnie tribe’ being
‘at Leonora with the greater portion of his tribe’,
and to his later
being at Menzies. In his correspondence in 1910 with Daisy Bates, Constable
Dodd identified ‘tribal districts’,
but Pannell/Vachon state, and
the contrary does not seem to be suggested, that the names he provided were in
fact ‘section
terms’.
- Daisy
Bates visited the Goldfields in August 1908 and recorded genealogies and some
vocabulary. In September 1908 she spent a week
interviewing inmates of Rottnest
Island prison, which she had previously visited in 1906. After the Government
terminated her employment
and returned her manuscript to her, Daisy Bates lived
for a time on Rottnest Island.
- In
1911 or 1912, while on Rottnest, Bates interviewed Tjurada (there are other
spellings, including Turata and Thurada) a 30-35 five
year old man who came from
north-east of Laverton. Daisy Bates recorded much information provided by him,
including a detailed vocabulary,
a site map, a pedigree for him and his wife
Wanda, and details he gave relating to initiation, totems, kinship terminology,
and the
names of neighbouring groups. Tjurada told Daisy Bates that he belonged
to the Barduwonga (sometimes Bardu wonga).
- Daisy
Bates’s voluminous papers were acquired by the National Library of
Australia in 1941. Daisy Bates wrote the manuscript
of the book, The Native
Tribes of Western Australia, but it was not published prior to her death in
1951. In 1985, this work, edited by Isobel White, was published by the National
Library of Australia, Canberra (‘Bates, Native Tribes’).
Daisy Bates had seen her more ‘popular’ work, The Passing of the
Aborigines: A Lifetime Spent Among the Natives of Australia (Murray,
London), published in 1938.
- In
evidence are certain extracts from Daisy Bates’s typed and handwritten
material. Her notes are often chaotic. The Cosmo
applicant traces links from
certain Cosmo claimants back to Tjurada’s brother (see Ch 8).
- Bates
referred to other ‘tribes’ adjoining the Barduwonga, such as, the
Mardia Wonga the Manjinji Wonga and the Ditu Wonga.
However, sometimes
different names are applied to the same people. For example, Bates twice
referred to the Barduwonga as Marduwonga.
According to Dr Sackett, in another
instance she wrote ‘Barduwonga, Ngooyumburrong or Munjinja wonga’,
as alternative
names for the same people.
- Of
the Barduwonga, Daisy Bates’s notes
state:
Barduwonga are the
southeastern neighbours of the Ngaiawonga and are located in the spinifex
country north and northeast of Laverton.
....
principal springs, soaks, etc., on Turada’s
father’s country were Mardailga, Yilurn, Yinolu, and Burduradda, all of
which
were in spinifex country and were permanent waters. The names of 70 other
pools and camping places of the Barduwonga were supplied
by Turada.’
(my emphasis)
Bates then gave the names and locations, by reference to compass directions,
of ‘[t]he tribes adjoining the Barduwonga and with
whom they held friendly
intercourse’.
- In
handwriting, Daisy Bates listed ten Aboriginal names under the
heading:
Points radiating from Yinolu,
Turada’s Tribal Territory’
Following this, she wrote:
points form a semi-circle round the district of the
Barduwonga. No names for any western points appear to be known.
Communication is held with the tribes in the above directions, but not
apparently with tribes to the westward.’ (my
emphasis)
Much is sought to be made of this statement by the non-indigenous
respondents, who submit that it shows that the western boundary
of the WDCB area
does not lie west of the present Cosmo Claim area.
- The
Cosmo Claim area is north-east of Laverton, and some of the sites identified by
Daisy Bates are within it, such as Yilurn, which
is site 4.2 on the Cosmo Site
Map.
- The
passage quoted suggests that Tjurada showed no interest in, or knowledge of,
places to the west of his country. Communication
was held with
‘tribes’ north-east, east and south of Laverton, but apparently not
west of it. In Daisy Bates’s
list of the tribes adjoining the Barduwonga,
none lay in a westerly direction but ranged in an arc from north-east to
south.
- The
non-indigenous respondents suggest that the lack of communication between the
Barduwonga and people to their west is an early
indication that the WDCB may not
have extended west of the Barduwonga area, being ‘the spinifex country
north and north-east
of Laverton’, to quote Bates (see [570] above).
(iii) Professor AP Elkin
- Professor
A P Elkin’s concept of the ‘Aluridja’ was discussed at
3.6(a)(a) [497].
- In
November of 1930, Professor Elkin travelled to the Goldfields region and spent
nearly three weeks at the Mount Margaret Mission.
The visit was spurred by
observations he had made during his research in the far south-west of South
Australia beginning in February
1930, into the social organisation of the
remaining ‘tribes’ of South Australia. His research took him to
many Aboriginal
camps, including the camp at Ooldea. He discovered that the
small local Aboriginal population there had originated from the north,
in the
direction of the Everard Ranges. From what he was told, he thought it likely
that indigenous people were migrating westwards
from the far west of South
Australia and adjacent parts of Western Australia, and would be found in the
Mount Margaret and Laverton
district.
- Professor
Elkin described his research and conclusions in Elkin 1931, ‘Cult Totemism
and Mythology in Northern South Australia,’
Oceania, vol 5, no 2,
1934, pp 171-192 (‘Elkin 1934’) and other writings, including
Elkin’s book. In ‘Kinship in
South Australia,’ Oceania, vol
10, no 3, 1940, pp 295-349 (‘Elkin 1940’), Elkin produced the
following map (p 295):

As can be seen, Professor Elkin placed the MANDJINDJA where Bates had placed
the Barduwonga: northeast of Laverton, broadly speaking
between Laverton and
Warburton. As a result of the explanation Elkin gave of his use of parentheses,
Dr Sackett accepts that the
name [BARDU] on the map, was not a local alternative
for MANDJINDJA.
- In
Elkin 1931, Professor Elkin concluded that his ‘inferences’ as to
migration were correct. He recorded that of more
than
200 ‘blacks’ he saw in the Mount Margaret and Laverton
district, only one, ‘Melbourne Jack’, belonged
to ‘the
original local tribe’, all the others having ‘come in from the east
and north-east, that is, from about
the South Australian border and the
Warburton and other ranges’ (Elkin 1931 p 48).
- In
Elkin’s book, Professor Elkin wrote to a similar effect (p 25):
natives of the Warburton Ranges ... are
making in towards the Laverton-Mount Margaret district, taking the place of
the local tribes which have almost ceased to exist. In this way, through
migration and separation, differences of dialects and social organization arise
such as we find characterizing
the various groups speaking similar dialects in
western South Australia.’ (my emphasis)
In the later fully revised edition of Elkin’s book in the 1970s, the
author substituted the words ‘have moved in’
for ‘are making
in’, as if to imply that the migration was complete. Accordingly,
Professor Elkin was saying, not only
that migration had occurred, but that the
Aboriginal people from the Warburton Ranges had displaced the previous
‘local tribe’
of the Laverton/Mount Margaret District.
- The
non-indigenous respondents rely on what Elkin wrote in Elkin 1931 and
Elkin’s book, for the proposition that there was migration
from the desert
in the east, which displaced the original inhabitants and made it impossible to
say whether they had been of the
WDCB. To express the point differently, the
fact that the new arrivals at Mount Margaret and Laverton acknowledged and
observed
Western Desert laws and customs tells us nothing as to whether those
whom they displaced had done so, let alone whether those who
were in the area in
1829 had done so.
- Pannell/Vachon
attack Professor Elkin’s conclusions. They show that, according to his
own field notes, which they have subjected
to close critical scrutiny, he was
incorrect in saying that Melbourne Jack was the last survivor of the Laverton
mob left in the
Mount Margaret district. A second person they identify is Peter
Tindardee (Meredith), father of a Wongatha claimant, Edith Meredith.
Dr Brunton
accepts that Pannell/Vachon are correct in this respect.
- Pannell/Vachon
also suggest that since Elkin was present at the Mission at ‘the onset of
the Christmas period’ when corroborees
were held, ‘possibly’
people had come in from the east for this purpose. Dr Brunton contends that
Pannell/Vachon draw
too much from this.
- Of
course, the earlier anthropologists were fallible and no doubt made mistakes.
However, it should not be assumed that they overlooked
anything they failed to
mention. They had the benefit, which the expert witnesses did not have, of
having met and spoken to the
indigenous people.
- Pannell/Vachon
gave as one reason for resisting production under subpoena of their own
notebooks that others reading their notes would
be liable to misunderstand them
and be led into error. Yet, Dr Pannell would not agree that a trained
anthropologist, Professor
Elkin, making his own observations face to face with
the Aboriginal people in 1930, would be in a better position to draw inferences
and conclusions from what he was told than she was, reading his notebooks 70
years later.
- Dr
Pannell was cross-examined about an omission from her own field notes, which she
was able to explain and on which she elaborated
in the witness box. She then
agreed with the cross-examiner that the episode showed the danger of trying to
draw conclusions simply
from an anthropologist’s field notes.
- Dr
Pannell agreed that she and Mr Vachon, in their report, embraced certain aspects
of Professor Elkin’s work and rejected others.
It was put to her that the
aspects accepted were those consistent with ‘the Wongatha case’ that
she wished to present,
and that those rejected were inconsistent with it. Dr
Pannell disagreed, and gave as an example ‘Elkin’s reference to
conception Dreamings or totems’. This would lead one to expect that she
was somehow acknowledging that Professor Elkin’s
reference to them was
inconsistent with the Wongatha claimants’ case. She said that conception
Dreamings were not widespread
among the claimants. However, when asked if she
accepted that there had been a cessation among the Wongatha claimants of
traditional
belief involving conception totems, she
answered:
that there’s some regional
variation throughout the Western Desert. And what we find is that, while Elkin
identifies some of
the key elements of the Western Desert, there are other
elements that are practised or not
practised.’
Shortly afterwards she
said:
Wongatha material seems to be inconsistent with
Elkin, but that also can be explained in terms of the kind of regional variation
we
get through the Western Desert.’
So, Dr
Pannell’s reference to conception Dreamings proves not useful in
countering the proposition that she accepted favourable
aspects and rejected
unfavourable aspects of Elkin.
- The
cross-examiner pressed Dr Pannell as to whether she saw inconsistency between
the account of the Wongatha society in the present
respect that she and
Mr Vachon gave in their report, and Professor Elkin’s conclusions
about the existence of conception
Dreamings in the Western Desert. She referred
to three different meanings of the word ‘inconsistent’. Ultimately,
Dr
Pannell would only say that there was a ‘difference’ between what
Elkin recorded for the Western Desert, and what she
and Mr Vachon recorded for
the Wongatha claimants in respect of the topic of conception Dreamings or
totems.
- I
have described this part of the cross-examination of Dr Pannell at some length
to illustrate a problem I had with her evidence.
It seems to be impossible, on
her view, ever to find inconsistency or cessation, because the notion of
regional variation will always
come to the rescue. That is to say, Dr Pannell
does not seem to be able to countenance a position in which traditional laws and
customs, allowing for any independently proved regional variations, are first
defined without reference to the statements and behaviour
of the Wongatha
claimants, and then the question is asked whether their statements and behaviour
are consistent with acknowledgement
and observance of those laws and
customs.
- If
Dr Pannell’s position is that it is impossible to know what laws and
customs were being acknowledged and observed in the
Wongatha Claim area at
sovereignty, so be it. That would pose problems of a different kind for the
various Claim groups –
a failure to discharge the onus of proof in
relation to an essential element of their claims.
- Professor
Elkin recorded that the ‘homes’ of some of the people in the Mount
Margaret and Laverton district were 21 camps
(or waterholes) away, that is,
three weeks’ walking, which he explained might be anything from 250-350
miles. He continued
(Elkin 1931
p 49):
kind of country in which they
live and travel can be estimated from the fact that one never asks the name of a
person’s camp
or nura, but of his water, kapi. Man is tied from his birth
to his death to the rockholes and soaks, and to the tracks between them,
and so
too were the heroes of mythology.
few of the natives of Mt. Margaret had any
knowledge of English. They belonged to the Mandjindja tribe from the Warburton
Range
district, and also to some hordes more to the east and south east (Kagara)
of the Mission, whose language is almost the same as the
dialects met with at
Ooldea, namely, the Mula, Wongaii and Ngalia.
...
conversations with natives at Karonie and Ooldea on
the return journey [from the Laverton/Mt Margaret district to Ooldea via
Karonie] confirmed my inference that as the natives on the fringe of white
settlement die out, others from further in come to take their places,
and, in
time, lose the desire to return to their own comparatively inhospitable desert
country.’
- Professor
Elkin’s field work in 1930 convinced him that depopulation of the
north-western corner of South Australia in favour
of areas of European
settlement was far advanced. He identified the causes as being ‘on the
one hand, the low rainfall and
poverty of the country, and on the other hand,
the comparative attractiveness of life in proximity to white settlement’
(Elkin
1931 p 46). Elkin also stated (Elkin 1939 p 203) that the people of
western South Australia ‘have been in a continuous state
of migration
southwards for some decades; a movement which I believe was in progress before
the coming of the white man. This explains
the similarities of dialects,
kinship systems and mythology over such a vast area, and also the difficulty of
fixing definite tribal
boundaries and names’. Noticeably, he did not say
that he believed that migration to the Laverton/Mount Margaret area had
also
been in progress before the coming of the Europeans.
- Elkin
maintained his view in relation to migration, from the writing of Elkin 1931
until the last revised edition of Elkin’s
book in the 1970s. Of course,
‘migration’, in the sense in which the word is used by Elkin and
later anthropologists,
does not signify a systematic relocation of a large
number of people at the one time. The relocation referred to is progressive
-
by families or groups of families over time. What is important is that it was
from the desert to the fringes of European settlement,
and, at least in some
cases, displaced the local Aboriginal population. The migration was, in one
sense, permanent. It is true
that for a time the people returned to the desert
whence they had come, but over time they ceased doing so. The word
‘migration’,
so understood, seems to be as appropriate as the
expression ‘population shift’ to describe what happened.
- Dr
Brunton’s view is that Elkin included Laverton and Mount Margaret within
his Aluridja group or bloc on the basis of his understanding
that virtually all
the inhabitants had come from the desert or Spinifex country in the north-east,
east and south-east, and replaced
nearly all of the original inhabitants.
- Dr Sackett
shared this understanding of Elkin. Dr Sackett quotes from Elkin 1940
(p 298):
interesting point about these
tribes is that for the most part their totemism, mythology, initiation
ceremonies, poor material culture
and kinship terminology and dialects put them
into the western South Australian tribal groups.’
- Pannell/Vachon
seem to accept that Elkin’s view was that there was substantial migration
from the east and north-east into the
Laverton-Mount Margaret-Linden-Kalgoorlie
districts, and that the migrants had, to a large extent, usurped the place of
the existing
local Aborigines.
- Dr Pannell
did not deny that there was ‘a movement from the east to the west [which]
did result in some people living in
the pastoral mining zone’. However,
Pannell/Vachon’s point is, first, that Elkin understates the number of
local people
who remained, and, second, that he does not allow for the
possibility that, in any event, the latter were not distinct from the
‘spinifex’
people ‘in terms of their range of occupation,
movement and land-use’.
- I
agree with both Dr Brunton and Pannell/Vachon: Professor Elkin placed
Laverton and Mount Margaret within the area of the WDCB
on a post-migration
assessment. This does not, however, exclude the possibility that the
pre-migration inhabitants were also of
the WDCB. If they were, the migration
was intra-WDCB.
- Working
from Elkin’s field notes of his interview of ‘Melbourne Jack’,
whom Elkin described as an ‘original
occupier’ and as the last
survivor of ‘the local Laverton tribes’, Pannell/Vachon conclude
that he had much in
common with the ‘incoming Aluridja groups’.
There is, however, a difference between Pannell/Vachon and Dr Brunton as
to the
significance to be attached to Melbourne Jack. Citing John Stanton, ‘Old
Business, New Owners: Succession and “the
Law” on the Fringe of the
Western Desert’, in Peterson and Langton (eds), Aborigines, Land and
Land Rights (Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra, 1983)
p 166, Dr Brunton refers to the fact that visitors to Mount
Margaret
from the Central Reserves were not resisted, not because they were culturally
similar, but because they brought with them
new ceremonies (although their
tendency to occupy the Mission on an increasingly permanent basis from the 1940s
was the source of
discontent and even violence expressed by the existing
inhabitants).
- While
Dr Stanton seems to distinguish the ‘Eastern Goldfields’ (he
does not define the area but seems to include
Mount Margaret and Laverton) from
‘the central Aboriginal Reserve’, he states in ‘The Mt
Margaret Community’
in RM and CM Berndt (eds), Aborigines of the West:
Their Past and Their Present (University of WA Press, Nedlands, 1979) pp
119-125 (‘Berndts, Aborigines of the West’) (a collection of
essays edited by Professor and Dr Berndt), that Mount Margaret is in the area
that anthropologists call
the Western Desert, and that people there have
‘close, traditionally-based affiliations’ with those living in parts
of
the Central Reserve (p 124). The title of his 1983 essay (see [598] above)
implies that Mount Margaret was ‘on the fringe
of the Western
Desert’. He there states (p 167) that the reason why the Ngaatjatjarra
chose the North Eastern Goldfields as
their new home is precisely because of
ritual links, kin based bonds, and shared totemic affiliations. I do not think
that Stanton
can be cited to support the idea that Mount Margaret was not within
the area of the WDCB. If anything, he tends to support the view
that it
was.
- Dr
Brunton acknowledges one particular trait of Melbourne Jack that may be of
substance, namely, that he had a ‘dream or conception
totem’. Dr
Brunton states that while dream totems and conception totems were widespread in
Aboriginal Australia, Elkin indicated
that the conjunction of the two (a person
being represented in dreams by his or her conception totem rather than say a
local group
totem) was found in the Great Victoria Desert. But as
Pannell/Vachon themselves observe in relation to Professor Tindale’s
delineation of the ‘Wa:lyen tribe’, ‘there is great potential
for error when making large inferences from ... small
(and ambiguous) linguistic
and personal data’.
- Dr
Brunton concludes:
least on the basis of the
evidence they [Pannell/Vachon] have presented from Elkin’s
fieldnotes, it is drawing a long bow to state that the indigenous people of the
Goldfields should
be seen as part of his [Professor Elkin’s]
“Aluridja group”. Indeed, irrespective of whether his model of
migration is correct or not, Elkin himself does not seem
to have regarded the
people identified with country from the Laverton area and to the west as part of
this [Aluridja]
group.’
In
referring to ‘the indigenous people of the Goldfields’, Dr Brunton
is referring to the pre-migration indigenous people.
(iv) Professor Tindale
- Pannell/Vachon
observe:
with nearly every other region of
Australia, the land and indigenous people connected to what is now the Wongatha
claim area came
under the scrutiny of Norman Tindale and the various colleagues
with whom he conducted field research over several
decades.’
- Pannell/Vachon
give the following summary of Professor Tindale’s work: Professor Tindale
was with the South Australian Museum.
Throughout his career, he made numerous
trips to various regions in the Claim area. In 1934 (and again in 1951) he made
a trip
to Ooldea, the site of Daisy Bates’s old camp, a stop on Professor
Elkin’s survey in 1930, and the site of Professor
RM and Dr CH
Berndt’s initial research in 1941 (see below at [622]). In 1935 he
researched in the Warburton Ranges, where
the missionaries from Mount Margaret
had recently established a ration station. In 1939, he led the first of the
joint Harvard and
Adelaide Universities anthropological expeditions, in the
course of which he and his close associate Joseph Birdsell spent over two
weeks
interviewing Aboriginal people at the Mount Margaret Mission, Laverton and
Kalgoorlie. In 1951, Tindale made a second trip
to Ooldea, again to work with
Western Desert people. In 1952-4, his associates, Joseph Birdsell and EP
Epling, collected ethnographic
details in the Goldfields. In 1965 Tindale made
a brief trip to Yalata in South Australia, and in the following year he spent a
further eight days in the Goldfields with his colleague, John Greenway,
collecting ethnographic data.
- Many
of Professor Tindale’s papers and journals are held in the Tindale
Collection in the South Australian Museum, Adelaide. His work Tindale,
Aboriginal Tribes, was noted at 2.3(a) [160] above.
- Although
Pannell/Vachon state that Professor Tindale ‘strove to produce as
comprehensive a record as possible of local cultural
traits and practices’
of Australian Aborigines, the focus of his work appears to have been on
‘tribal’ classifications
and territories throughout the continent,
rather than on the distinguishing cultural features of tribes or groups of
tribes. With
his research team, he collected archaeological data; objects of
stone and wood; body measurements and other anthropomorphic details;
word lists
and other linguistic data; information on the collection, preparation and names
of bush foods; and details of myths and
ritual and other practices.
Pannell/Vachon note:
amassed an enormous
amount of genealogical material, far exceeding what was required to determine
the local structure of kinship terms
(his “social frameworks”) and
formal marriage rules. Throughout Australia, he recorded the details of
thousands of Aboriginal
people. He assigned each with a unique identification
number and took their photographs.’
- Professor
Tindale’s emphasis on ‘the tribe’ has fallen into disfavour,
although anthropologists continue to use
the term. Tindale said that he first
became aware of the importance of ‘tribes’ in his work on Groote
Eylandte and in
adjacent areas of Arnhem Land. The criticism that is made of
Tindale is that he assumed that the tribal model to which he was introduced
there was transferable to all parts of Australia, the only difference being that
in some areas people were semi sedentary and had
small tribal areas, whereas in
the deserts they travelled extensively and had large tribal areas. Moreover,
for Tindale, tribes
were more than simply territorial units: he saw them as
being also social, cultural and political entities.
- Dr Pannell
accepted that many of Tindale’s informants in the 1930s would have been
able to provide him with first hand
accounts of what had been occurring in the
region at the turn of the century. In Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes,
Professor Tindale stated (p 144) that in 1939 in Laverton, he and Birdsell
saw many of the Ngadadjara, who had moved to the
Warburton Ranges and down to
Mount Margaret and Laverton.
- In
a map that Tindale drew in 1940, he showed the present Wongatha Claim area as
comprising parts of large tribal territories of the
Tjalkadjara, the Pini, the
Nan:a, the Nangatadjara, the Mandjindja, the Murunitja, the Tjeraridja:l, the
Wa:ljen, the Ko:ara, the
Ngurlu, and the
Maduwongga:

In a second map, the one included in Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes, the
position was essentially the same as on his first map of 1940.
- Although
the notion of tribal organisation and tribal territorial boundaries is no longer
accepted by anthropologists in respect of
Western Desert Aboriginal people,
Professor Tindale’s work in the Goldfields in the 1930s, including his
recording of Aboriginal
genealogical information, remains important.
- Professor
Tindale stated on one of his genealogies that people came into Burtville from
the eastern Spinifex country when Burtville
became a gold rush town, and on
another genealogy, that he was told that the Maduwongga came from the Spinifex
country east of their
‘present location’. These events would have
occurred in the middle to latter half of the 1890s or the early years of
the
twentieth century (pp 83–84). Dr Pannell accepted that
Professor Tindale would have based his statements as to where
Aboriginal
people had come from on what he was told by the Aboriginal people in the 1930s.
- Professor
Tindale’s statements again show, at least, that the post-migration
position cannot be relied on as establishing that
the areas mentioned were
within the WDCB prior to migration, let alone at sovereignty.
- In
Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes, Professor Tindale wrote (p
144):
the 1940 map a tribe by the name of
Wongaii was shown as occupying the country north of the Nullarbor Plain. Better
acquaintance
with them has shown that they object to the term as applied to
themselves and prefer the name Pindiini which appears on the present
map.’
At p 255, Tindale wrote:
name Pindiini was first heard at Ooldea in 1934; its
definitive character was only learned after 1940 when some men objected to the
term Wonggai. According to the Pitjandjara, who name them
(‘Wonggai:’ wati), the term has the implication of
“thievery”.’
However, Dr Pannell said that Pindinni, as noted at [554] above, was the
name of a place on Yundamindra Station. David McDonald
and Constable Dodd knew
of ‘Pindinni’ in the Goldfields area, decades prior to 1934. As
noted at [555], David McDonald
said that ‘Pindinnie’ meant
‘flat country’, and was the ‘home ground’ of the tribe
called ‘Wongi’
and ‘Pindinnie’. Thus, from both the
early Goldfields resident, Mr McDonald, and from Professor Tindale writing
of the position as at 1934, there seems to have been a relationship of some kind
between the ‘Wonggai’ or ‘Wongi’
(I am assuming they are
the same word) and the ‘Pindinni’ (or ‘Pindiini’ or
‘Pindinnie’). Perhaps
there were ‘flat countries’
called ‘Pindinni’ elsewhere than on Yundamindra Station, and even
‘north
of the Nullarbor Plain’. No one has suggested that Mr
McDonald’s ‘Wongi’ at Pindinni on Yundamindra Station
migrated
south-east to ‘north of the Nullarbor Plain’.
- In
the same book, Professor Tindale referred to the ‘Koara’ as a group
that occupied an area ‘[f]rom Morgans and
Leonora west to Mount Ida, Lake
Barlee, and Sandstone ...’.
- Pannell/Vachon
state that they examined all of Tindale’s genealogical material
thoroughly, and found that his 1939 genealogies
show that they contain
‘many Aboriginal people associated with named places throughout the
[Wongatha] claim area’. They
state that ‘[t]he only exception is
the country roughly west of a line running through Menzies and Lake Darlot [the
Menzies-Lake
Darlot line] - the area of Tindale’s Ngurlu and Koara
tribes’. Pannell/Vachon state of the people on Tindale’s
genealogies:
of these Aboriginal people are
known to the claimants and most of them are their relatives and forebears.
There are many correspondences
between Tindale’s findings and information
received from the claimants.’
- Dr
Brunton agrees with two criticisms made by Pannell/Vachon of Tindale. First, he
agrees that the system by which indigenous people
occupied the land in the
Wongatha Claim area was not tribal. Second, he agrees that Tindale may not have
been justified in portraying
the indigenous migration that occurred as
uni-directional, at least by not acknowledging the possibility of return trips
to the original
country, of the kind indicated by Professor Elkin. However, he
agrees with Tindale that with European settlement came a westward
movement. Dr
Brunton states of the Pannell/Vachon criticisms of Tindale:
in themselves, such criticisms do not
necessarily mean that groups or collections of individuals which held the
“core rights”
to country in particular parts of the claim area did
not become extinct, or alternatively, that their relationships to their country
and to other Aborigines were not seriously or calamitously disrupted. Nor does
accepting that an account of migration might be unduly
simplistic necessarily
imply that the net effect of a complex series of movements over the years could
not result in a situation
that ends up looking something like a
“uni-directional migration”.’
- In
relation to Tindale’s genealogies, Dr Brunton first notes that
Pannell/Vachon’s exception of the area west of the Menzies-Lake
Darlot
line is consistent with thinking that the people associated with that western
section of the Wongatha Claim area ‘had
effectively disappeared, if not
through death, then as a consequence of migration’.
- Dr Brunton
analyses Tindale’s genealogies associated with the area west of Burtville,
and concludes that ‘very few
of the already small number of individuals
associated with the area west of Laverton’s longitude seem to have
maintained links
that might be thought of as ongoing or traditional with this
area’.
- Pannell/Vachon
respond in their supplementary report. They point out that Tindale
‘confined his recording of genealogies in
the Wongatha Claim Area to Mt
Margaret Mission’, with the result that they are not comprehensive.
Second, they point out that
Tindale and his colleague, Epling, recorded further
genealogical connection information in the period 1952–4 and in 1996,
which,
they say, Dr Brunton appears to have ignored. Third, they assert
that Dr Brunton does not explain what he means by ‘links’
that
‘he regards as “ongoing or traditional with this area”’.
Fourth, they say that Tindale’s genealogies
provide limited information on
the laws and customs of the individuals featured in them. Fifth, they say that
they provide a limited
temporal and spatial view.
- Dr
Brunton responds in his supplementary report. He gives additional information
about Larry Robertson, who supposedly told Tindale
that all the Kookynie people
had died out and that he spoke a different language from the Burtville people.
Given how people express
their dialectal differences, I do not find this
persuasive in the absence of other evidence. And even if Larry Robertson was
correct
in saying that he was the last of the Kookynie people, he has
descendants who are Wongatha claimants.
- Tindale
states (Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes p 256) that the Pini and the
Tjalkadjara ‘speak allied dialects of the Western Desert type’. At
p 257, under ‘Tjalkadjara’,
Tindale says that these people were
driven north-westward to Darlot after 1900 by pressure from the Nangatadjara.
Tindale also says
(p 252) that the Ngurlu were overwhelmed after 1890 by a
westward movement of Waljen and Nangatadjara.
- I
think it necessary to attempt to take a broad view, as follows:
- I
accept that a significant number of ancestors of the GLSC claimants can be found
on Tindale’s genealogies as having associations
of one kind or another
with places within the Wongatha Claim area;
- I
do not think that this is inconsistent with a general post-settlement migration
from the desert in the north, north-east and east
into the Wongatha Claim area
following European settlement beginning in, say, the 1890s;
- There
is an anthropological blank west of the Menzies–Lake Darlot line;
- Although
for a time migrants returned to the desert, the return trips petered out, so
that, on a long term view, the migration was
uni-directional, in the sense of
‘out of the desert to the centres of settlement’ (I leave out of
account the small numbers
of Aboriginal people who have, in the last two to
three decades, established communities as part of the so called ‘homelands
movement’ or ‘outstation movement’.)
- As
a result of the migration, there was a significant displacement of various local
Aboriginal people in and after the 1890s, or at
least an overwhelming of them by
people who had arrived from the desert, accompanied by the culture of the
latter, that makes it
difficult, if not impossible, to see the position as
recorded by Tindale as necessarily bearing any similarity to the position prior
to European settlement, let alone, the position in 1829.
- The
immediately preceding paragraph does not, however, conclude the question whether
the displaced local Aboriginal people had been
people of the WDCB: it leaves the
question open.
(v) Professor Berndt
- Professor
Ronald M Berndt was Professor of Anthropology at the University of Western
Australia. Throughout his life, he maintained
an interest in the Aboriginal
people of the Western Desert. His contact with Aboriginal people in the
Goldfields was largely confined
to two surveys (1957 and 1959). However, he had
researched with his colleague and wife, Dr Catherine H Berndt, among
Elkin’s
Aluridja at Ooldea siding in 1941.
- Berndt’s
two surveys were carried out 18-20 years after Tindale’s second visit to
the Laverton-Mount Margaret area. Like
Elkin, he rejected Tindale’s model
of tribal groups occupying discrete areas. Rather, he held that there were no
strict boundaries,
that movement was relatively frequent, and that what existed
was ‘the Western Desert cultural bloc’.
- Professor Berndt
identified the Western Desert for present purposes in the following terms
(Berndt 1959 p 84):
region in question
extends eastward from Kalgoorlie, Laverton and Leonora as far as
Oodnadatta; and south from the central mountainous core (including the
Everard, Musgrave, Mann, Tomkinson, Petermann, Warburton and Rawlinson Ranges)
to the Trans-continental Railway Line, including Lake Phillipson, Ooldea,
Cundeelee and so on. This part has been called the Great Victoria Desert.
In addition there is a further stretch extending from the Rawlinsons north-west
past Lakes Gregory, Nabberu and Carnegie to Wiluna, and to Jigalong near the
Great Northern Highway, and bounded on the north (beyond
the Canning Stock
Route) by the southern and eastern Kimberleys. For convenience, I am labelling
these two areas A and B respectively.
However, while the population of the
greater part of this whole region could be referred to broadly in terms of a
“culture
bloc”, divergences stand out more sharply on the western
side of area B. Linguistic and possibly other cultural differences
become more
obtrusive, for example in the Wiluna-Lake Disappointment-Jigalong zone.’
(my emphasis)
- According
to this passage, ‘Kalgoorlie, Laverton and Leonora’ are at the
western edge of Professor Berndt’s ‘area
A’, either just
inside or just outside, depending on what Professor Berndt meant by
‘from’. However, at p 86,
Professor Berndt referred to his
description of ‘Leonora, Laverton and the Warburtons’ as having
relation to the position
in 1957, and this reference to them may suggest that he
regarded them as being within area A. The article referred to Cosmo
as
falling within area A. In footnote 51 on p 93, Professor Berndt
referred to Mulga Queen and Wiluna as being ‘fringe
areas’ where
‘differences ... became more apparent’. He also referred to Leonora
as ‘possibly’ a fringe
area. The fringe area status of the places
mentioned is consistent with a progressive ‘fading out’ beginning at
the
Berndt line (see [630] below) a little east of Laverton.
- Professor
Berndt’s reference to the ‘Trans-continental Railway Line’
perhaps also suggests a southern boundary extending
across to Kalgoorlie. In
the context of the Railway Line, he mentions Cundeelee (Coonana, right on the
line, would have been more
appropriate), but not Kalgoorlie. However, as
appears in the passage set out above, he had already mentioned Kalgoorlie, and
when
he said ‘Ooldea, Cundeelee and so on’, it is on the cards that
he meant ‘and so on to Kalgoorlie’.
- At
pp 86–87 of Berndt 1959, Professor Berndt referred to a
‘“tribal” map’ which he and his wife
had published in
1942. He included a simplified version of it in Berndt 1959, showing
‘only those groups which can more or
less definitely be said to belong to
the Western Desert cultural bloc’ (p 86), and he listed them. They
included Ngalia, Mandjindji
[Mandjindja] and Wongaii. I will not
reproduce that map (‘Map 1’ in Berndt 1959), but note that the
word WONGAII appears on it about half way between Laverton and the
Western Australia/South Australia border, and almost due north of Rawlinna.
The
eastern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area is also almost due north of
Rawlinna. A further group, the MURNIDJA, appears between the
WONGAII and Kalgoorlie, near Cundeelee. The placing of the
‘Wongaii’ at the very eastern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area,
cannot be regarded as associating as at that time whoever this Wongaii group was
with the present Wongatha Claim group, or with the
entire Wongatha Claim area.
On the other hand, it places those people squarely within the WDCB.
- Professor
Berndt stated that in 1957, the western section of ‘this region’
could be clearly marked out in accordance with
a second map
(‘Map 2’ in Berndt 1959) in his article which is as
follows:

- Professor
Berndt acknowledged that some names that had appeared on Map 1 did not
re-appear on Map 2, while some additional
names did.
“WONGAII” is an example. He said that, with the inclusion of
two further names (Madjilijuwa and Mandjilu), the names set out in Map
1 and Map
2 east of a certain line drawn on Map 2 probably included all
‘groups’ which rightly belonged to the WDCB.
However, he added that
it was:
possible to draw a hard and fast
boundary between them and those to the west, although each of the following
[was] said to be linguistically “different” [ie,
different from those within the WDCB]: Go:ara [the Koara of Tindale],
Go:la, Nara, Djuban [Tjupan; cf the Wutha Claim group], Wanudjara,
Wiljara, Badu, Madu [the Mardo of Tindale, a reference to Tindale of 1940,
but Tindale’s 1974 map in Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes, does not include
the
Mardo, and appears to call the same people by an alternative name, the
Wirdinja], Biniridjara.’
- In
a passage which attracted much debate among the anthropologists who testified,
Professor Berndt continued (at 89):
the two
maps [Map 1 and Map 2] included here no territorial boundaries are given,
since in a number of cases the noting of location is more or less arbitrary.
This
will be obvious when, for instance, these maps are compared with those
given by Elkin and Tindale. Inconsistencies and lack of correspondence
are
quite noticeable, even though there is some measure of agreement as regards
general positioning. This is because (a) each name
is associated with a
constellation of groups which are, or were, territorially based; (b) members of
these groups are leaving their
traditional anchorages and moving across to
others, or have been halted in the process; (c) local groups using such
names, in converging on points of “white” settlement, are forcing
those in their way to move; they become estranged from their traditional
territories, and may or may not establish new bonds with others; (d) where
such groups have become dispersed through alien impact, as is the case
with the whole area west of the possible cultural and linguistic break, the
location of these names represents the position as remembered, not the current
“reality”. The actual positioning,
then, is inexact, although based
on native information. In any case, members of these named units have been in
the habit of moving
fairly freely across the Western Desert within area A, a
little further west than the line shown on Map 2. It is possible that
such movements occurred prior to European contact; but most certainly, as
already noted, constant shifts have
taken place since. [Professor
Berndt then referred to Professor Elkin’s observations made in Elkin 1931
of particular population shifts that had
occurred].’ (my
emphasis)
Professor Berndt indicated his ‘possible cultural and linguistic
break’ on Map 2 by the heavy line there shown (‘the
Berndt
line’). As can be seen, it begins east of Laverton and
Mount Margaret, travels north, with Cosmo to the east of
it, then veers
east in an arc, before resuming its northerly direction.
- There
has been much debate before me as to whether the Berndt line represents what
Professor Berndt conceived of as the western boundary
of the WDCB. If it does,
it is further east than ‘Kalgoorlie, Laverton and Leonora’
‘from’ which, it will
be recalled, he had said the Western Desert
extended eastward. Of the Claim areas, only the Cosmo Claim area, part of the
Wongatha
Claim area, and part of the Wongatha/MN overlap are east of the Berndt
line. Dr Sackett agreed that although the Berndt line appears
as a hard line on
his Map 2, Professor Berndt’s position was that it was not possible
confidently to draw a hard line representing
the westernmost extremity of the
WDCB. I agree. I will address this question after noting further passages from
Berndt 1959.
- At
93, Professor Berndt noted:
further
demonstration, we can say: (1) that an area may be distinguished linguistically,
as embracing the whole Western Desert to
the dividing line set out on Map 2
[the Berndt line]; the possibility of pushing this line further west
must await further data.’
In a footnote to the word ‘linguistically’ in this passage,
Professor Berndt noted:
could be said, speaking broadly, to be culturally and
socially homogeneous [citing AP Elkin and RM and CH Berndt]. Some
use was made of Ooldea material in the 1957 University of W.A. survey of the
western sector, to see how far it was broadly applicable:
with certain
modifications and elaborations ..., it could be said to be relevant for the
whole region: differences, however, became
more apparent in fringe areas like
Mulga Queen and Wiluna and possibly at
Leonora.’
Professor Berndt thus considered that the area east of the Berndt line was
‘linguistically’ and ‘culturally and
socially’
homogeneous, but that west of it differences became more apparent.
- At
pp 90–92, Professor Berndt discussed the group units known by the
various names which he had listed, expressing agreement
with Professor Elkin
that they were not tribes; that there were no strict boundaries; that movements
were relatively frequent; and
that ‘what we are faced with is, rather, a
cultural and social bloc’, which, he said, Elkin had referred to as the
‘Aluridja’
or the ‘Aluridja community of Western South
Australia’. Professor Berndt discussed linguistic information he obtained
from indigenous camps at Giles (Rawlinson Range), the Warburton Range Mission,
Laverton, Mulga Queen, Mount Margaret, Leonora
and Wiluna, in respect of
each of which he listed the names of groups there represented. Of these camps,
he said, ‘These settlements
should not be thought of as entirely static;
their inhabitants have retained a fair degree of mobility’ (p 91).
Professor Berndt
stated (92):
names
used for those people to the western side of the dividing line, because we have
not enough linguistic and cultural material
concerning them (and it is doubtful
that this could now be obtained in sufficient detail to be really satisfactory),
it seems that
these [the group names] have little more than
linguistic significance. Certain words, however (in slightly varying
forms), do appear to be quite frequently used as labels to distinguish one
speech community
from another. That is to say, there is relative consistency;
not just any word is used to point to this classification, but the
selection is
made within a particular range. This infers the recognition of a common
language, with dialectal variation. In other
words, we might legitimately
assume that there is a common awareness of belonging to a cultural and
linguistic unit, over and above
the smaller groups signified by these names,
even though the actual span of that wider unit is not specified.’ (my
emphasis)
- Professor
Berndt also noted (p 86, fn 21) that, apart from isolated movements on an
individual basis:
north-eastern people were
drifting into Laverton as far back as 1890–1900, into Ooldea and on to the
Transcontinental Line by
about 1916, and into the station country between
Ernabella and Oodnadatta by about 1919.’
- The
GLSC applicants have suggested that population shifts may have been part of the
Western Desert before sovereignty. In fact, the
anthropologists agreed that
long distance movement resulting in permanent alteration in one’s range
may have occurred in the
Wongatha Claim area before sovereignty. The question,
however, is whether, pursuant to pre-sovereignty laws and customs, the
post-sovereignty,
and, in particular, post-settlement population shifts to areas
of European settlement that definitely did occur, gave rise to rights
and
interests in the land or waters to which those shifts occurred.
- The
post-settlement migration was heavily influenced by European settlement. The
attractions of food, water and rations, and later
jobs, money, medical services,
education and shelter, progressively, and to varying degrees at different times
and places, drew people
from the desert. This migration was not
‘traditional’ and was not an adaptation of traditional migration.
- Let
it be assumed that there was a pre-sovereignty rule of the WDCB society
according to which migration arising from drought could
lead to the
migrants’ having rights and interests in an area to which they migrated.
I am not satisfied that that rule has
anything to say about migration to areas
of European settlement, heavily influenced by the attractions just mentioned,
even though
drought and other inhospitable features of the land from which the
people came may also have been a factor.
- The
dispute as to the significance of the Berndt line directs attention, first, to
what its creator said. Professor Berndt said of
it:
(a) ‘local groups’ to the west of it had (by the
time of his writing in the late 1950s) become ‘dispersed through
alien
impact’;
(b) the location of names to the west of the line represented ‘the
position as remembered, not the current [late 1950s]
“reality”’;
and
(c) it marked a ‘possible cultural and linguistic break’.
- There
are uncertainties touching Professor Berndt’s meaning. First, it is not
clear, whether, when he spoke of the dispersal
of the local groups west of the
Berndt line, he was referring to (i) groups that were present there before
contact, or (ii) groups
that came there from the desert in the east, or (iii)
both. All that Professor Berndt clearly stated is that dispersal had occurred
west of that line, by the time of his writing in the late 1950s.
- A
second source of uncertainty is Professor Berndt’s reference to
‘alien impact’. Did he mean European impact or
alien Aboriginal
impact from the desert?
- A
third source of uncertainty is the obvious one in his reference to a
‘possible cultural and linguistic break’ (my emphasis).
- Professor
Berndt stated in footnote 46 (p
92):
cultural and social traits from the
east – i.e., from the Western Desert bloc properly – are gradually
being superimposed
in these areas; [a reference to the area west of the
Berndt line]; what appears to be similar to –day, then, may not have
been so before the establishment of European
settlement.’
- This
footnote suggests that Professor Berndt, writing in 1959, saw migration as in
the process of moving the western boundary of the
WDCB westwards to Laverton and
Mount Margaret, whereas at sovereignty it would have been further east. For
present purposes, he
is cautioning: we must not assume that Western Desert
cultural features observable today were present as far west prior to the
post-settlement
migration.
- Professor
Berndt is also saying that by the late 1950s, the time of his two surveys in the
Goldfields, two things had happened west
of the Berndt line: first, the culture
from the WDCB ‘proper’ in the east had been gradually superimposing
itself on
the existing Aboriginal culture; and, second, the superimposed WDCB
culture itself had been yielding to the dominant European culture
of European
settlement. Apparently, Professor Berndt considered that the WDCB did not
intrude at all west of Kalgoorlie, Leonora
and Laverton. No party has suggested
that it did not extend at least as far west as the Berndt line. I regard the
intervening area
as ‘mixed’ or ‘blended’ or
‘fringe’. I accept that this view can be questioned: for example,
on Berndt’s Map 2, he has the MANDJILU and MANDJILIJUA west
of the line, but seems to state that they ‘rightly belong to the Western
Desert bloc’ (p 87). The question arises,
however, whether they had moved
to those places from locations hundreds of kilometers to the east following
European settlement,
or were already there.
- Professor
Berndt was writing of the position in the late 1950s. His work does not enable
me to determine with any confidence, the
westernmost extent of the WDCB at
sovereignty, when the influence of European settlement was a thing of the
future.
- It
is convenient to note here that Professor Berndt produced two other maps of
present relevance. He produced a map captioned
‘Patterns of Local and
Social Organisation in WA’ in Neil Jarvis (ed), Western Australia: An
Atlas of Human Endeavour (2nd ed, Dept of Lands and Surveys/Education
Dept of WA, Perth, 1986). This map was based on Tindale’s map of
‘tribal’ territories. It did not bear European place
names.
According to this map, the ‘Walyen’ are to the east of the western
boundary of the WDCB, but the Goara (Koara),
Ngurlu and Maduwongga areas are
west of it. According to the map, it appears that Laverton and
Mount Margaret would be barely
within the WDCB, while Leonora, Menzies and
Darlot would be outside it. The anthropologists who testified agreed that
caution should
be exercised in relying on Tindale’s map, and I presume
that the warning has some application to this map based on it.
- The
other map produced by Dr Berndt comes from an essay written by him,
‘Traditional Aboriginal Life in Western Australia:
As It Was and
Is’, in Berndts Aborigines of the West (p 6), and is as
follows:

- As
can be seen, again Laverton and Mount Margaret are barely inside the
‘Western Desert Culture and Dialectal Units’
area, and Leonora and
Kalgoorlie are barely outside it. Professor Maddock concluded in relation to
this map:
the map was intended to show the
situation prevailing at the time [apparently 1979], it should not be
taken uncritically as a guide to pre-contact divisions. It does suggest,
however, that the [Wongatha] claim area is at the southwestern extreme of
the Western Desert and that it is so located as to have been (at least on its
western
and southern sides) marginal between Western Desert and some other
culture.’ (my emphasis)
- In
the text accompanying this map, Berndt refers (p 7) to ‘Wonggai’ as
being ‘a very general label for people of
the southern section of the
Western Desert’. He places the label ‘WONGGAI’ largely
south-west of the boundary,
and in fact largely on the present Maduwongga Claim
area.
- According
to Professor Maddock, Berndts, Aborigines of the West divided the State
of Western Australia into Aboriginal ‘cultural zones’. Those of
present relevance are the ‘South-West’
and the ‘Eastern
Goldfields’. Professor Maddock noted that according to Professor Berndt,
‘the more easterly of
his South-West tribes ... had features of social
organisation “similar to the Western Desert type” (pp 83-4)’,
which suggested to Professor Maddock that ‘one zone faded into
another’.
- Some
groups Professor Berndt placed west of his ‘possible cultural and
linguistic break’ (Berndt 1959 p 89) (my emphasis) seem to have been
acknowledged by him and other anthropologists
to belong to the WDCB, but whether
their ancestors were there in 1829 or at any other time before European
settlement, no one knows.
I accept that the Berndt line marks no more than what
its author claimed for it: a possible cultural and linguistic break as of
the late 1950s. I do not accept, as Professor Berndt did not, that it is a
bright line western
boundary of the WDCB.
(vi) Professor Robert Tonkinson
- Professor
Robert Tonkinson is an anthropologist who recently retired from the University
of Western Australia, having lectured there
from the 1960s. He conducted
fieldwork in the Jigalong area with the Martu (Mardu) people. (I will refer to
him as ‘Professor’
although, when he wrote the work with which we
are concerned, Dr Tonkinson had not been appointed to the Chair in Anthropology
at
the University of Western Australia). One of his areas of specialisation is
the people of the Western Desert. Dr Pannell said
that Professor Tonkinson
worked for almost 40 years with Western Desert people, including those who
had had little or no contact
with Europeans. He is the author of two books, the
editor of others, and the author of several influential papers. Much of his
published writing arose out of his work with the Western Desert people.
- Professor
Tonkinson researched in the 1960s at what was then a Protestant Mission station
at Jigalong (in the Western Desert, but
well north of the Wongatha Claim area).
Between April 1963 and February 1970, he made six trips to the settlement,
spending
from two weeks to six months each time. In addition, between 1963 and
1969, he made five brief trips into Western Desert areas as
an
interpreter-adviser for the Western Australian Native Welfare Department.
- In
Tonkinson, The Jigalong Mob, Tonkinson stated (pp 23-24) concerning the
migration of desert Aborigines:
the early
years of this century [twentieth century], small outposts –
pastoral stations, mining settlements, rail heads, and missions – were
founded along the desert periphery.
Subsequently, these settlements attracted
groups of Aboriginal immigrants from the desert. This outward movement continued
until
the present time when only a handful of Aborigines remain in the interior
away from contact with whites. ...
moving into settlements for the first time usually
had no intention of remaining there permanently, and certainly had no conception
of the longterm consequences of their action. ... In the early stages, only
those local Aborigines who had lost control of their
home territory congregated
around the settlements as indigents or casual laborers [sic]. Aborigines
from further afield began to visit, but they initially only stayed long enough
to see their relatives and obtain food
until rains brought about fresh plant
growth in their home areas. Many seemed content to continue this sporadic
pattern of contact
indefinitely; it enabled them to maintain their independence
yet allowed them to obtain useful material goods which they had come
to
value.
poor seasons, visiting groups prolonged their stay in
the settlements. As they became more accustomed to the contact milieu, they
were less inclined to return to the more arduous desert life, until finally they
found themselves unwilling to make the break and
return to their home
territories. As the desert population dwindled, the number of Aborigines
remaining eventually became too small
for the proper enactment of rituals
– especially initiations – and for the continuance of customary
marriage arrangements.
For many Aborigines, though, it was perhaps the
combination of severe droughts and an increasing desire for tea, sugar, and
other
Western goods that led them eventually to become permanent fringe
dwellers.
the settlements, the immigrants were usually assured
of a supply of foreign foods and goods in exchange for doing odd jobs such as
woodchopping and laundry work. Many Aboriginal men were trained as ranch-hands
and became skilled workers, while some women became
cooks and
domestics.’
- Dr
Pannell was cross-examined with reference to this passage. She was asked
whether it was her understanding from reading Professor
Tonkinson and other
anthropologists to whom she was referred, that that thrust of their views was
‘that there had been migration
out of the arid interior of the Western
Desert towards the fringes of white settlement’, and she replied:
‘That seems
to be the view he’s expressing there.’ She was
asked whether it was a consistent theme that appeared throughout the
anthropologists from Elkin to Tonkinson, that ‘the deserts have been
depopulated as people have left their traditional territories,
because of
drought, but also because of the attraction of Western settlements’, and
she responded ‘That seems to be one
of the themes they’re
expressing, yes.’
- Dr Pannell
did refer to one qualification: the ‘homelands movement’ or
‘outstation movement’ of recent
decades, a reference to the fact
that there are people who have established communities in the desert. She gave
as an example, the
‘Punmu’ community out from Jigalong.
- Dr
Pannell’s reluctance to accept the obvious is unfortunate. The passage
from Tonkinson, The Jigalong Mob set out above should be accepted without
hesitation as reflective of anthropological and historical
orthodoxy.
(vii) Dr John Stanton
- John
Stanton conducted the main part of his doctoral research at Mount Margaret
Mission in the period June 1974 to March 1976. He
obtained his doctorate in
1984 and published articles on the ‘Mount Margaret Community’.
- Dr Stanton
held a view consistent with the general theme of migration from the Central
Desert area westward to the Mount Margaret
Mission/township. In his
unpublished PhD thesis, ‘Conflict, Change and Stability at Mt Margaret: An
Aboriginal Community in
Transition’, Uni of WA, 1984, he set out a map (pp
51-52) of the ‘Western Desert region’ showing, by arrows, numerous
population shifts that had occurred. The map was adapted from the map in
Tonkinson, The Jigalong Mob (p 14).
- Pannell/Vachon
state:
is apparent from Stanton’s
material that the Aboriginal population at Mt Margaret in the late 1970s
consisted almost entirely
of people from the Central Reserves area. Thus, much
of Stanton’s writing applies to these people and not necessarily to the
Wongatha claimants who formerly resided at and around the Mission. As Stanton
points out, “(i)n December 1979 the remaining
leader of the ‘old
Mob’ left Mt Margaret” [citing JE Stanton, Old business,
new owners: succession and “the law” on the fringe of the Western
Desert, Aborigines, land and land rights, eds N Peterson and
M Langton, Canberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies,
1983, pp
160-171, at, 171]. From our research, we believe this “leader”
to be either Reggie Johnson (deceased) or [RM], both antecedents of a
number of Wongatha claimants ... .’
- Dr Brunton
makes the point that it is not clear that Dr Stanton was referring to the
pre-settlement position, and that Dr
Stanton does not give the south-western
boundaries of the WDCB.
- The
treatment of Dr Stanton’s unpublished PhD thesis affords a further
illustration of a pattern that has characterised the
expert anthropological
evidence in the case. Pannell/Vachon attack Stanton’s ‘seriously
flawed’ conclusions on
migration, saying that he should have
‘interrogat[ed]’ some of the findings and conclusions of the earlier
anthropologists,
Bates, Elkin and Tindale, by reference, in particular, to their
field notes. They readily adopt, however, his description of the
Aboriginal
people at Mount Margaret and the region around the Mission as part of the WDCB.
Dr Brunton, on the other hand, seeks
to modify the effect of the latter position
taken by Dr Stanton, while leaving his conclusions on migration untouched. The
different
positions taken by Pannell/Vachon and Dr Brunton reflect the different
interests of the parties who retained them.
(viii) Dr W Christensen
- In
‘The Wangkayi Way: Tradition and Change in a Reserve Setting’, PhD
thesis, Uni of WA, 1981, Dr Christensen included
a map of the Western Desert
region, also adapted from that of Dr Tonkinson, which included Leonora and Mount
Margaret just inside
south-western boundary of the Western Desert
region.
(ix) David Horton
- In
the Encyclopaedia of Aboriginal Australia, vol 1 (Aboriginal Studies
Press, Canberra, 1994) general editor David Horton, the following map of the
‘Desert Region’
appears on p 274:

The map includes Central Australian groups that are not, on any reckoning,
part of the WDCB, although, according to Dr Brunton, the
western portion of the
map appears to represent the editors’ view of the groups which should be
included in the WDCB. Dr Brunton
states: ‘both the “Kuwarra”
[Koara], said to have traditionally occupied the Yeelirrie-Leonora area, and the
“Wangkathaa”
[Wongatha], said to have occupied the area
“around Kalgoorlie and the WA goldfields” are included in this
region’.
The Encyclopaedia states that the boundaries are not intended to
be exact and describes them as ‘inevitably a little fuzzy’.
According to the map, it would appear that the whole of the Wongatha Claim is
within the ‘Desert Region’.
(x) Phillip Toyne and Daniel Vachon
- In
Toyne and Vachon, the authors state (p 7), perhaps relying on Berndt
1959, that the cultural influence of the desert’s people extended
‘eastward
from Kalgoorlie, Laverton and Leonora’. They referred (p
25) to the ‘trend towards a more sedentary life’ as being
‘the
result of five phases of migration away from peoples’ homeland’. At
p 26, they identified the second of the
five phases as having occurred,
apparently in the late 1920s, and ‘involved Ngaanyatjara speakers of the
Warburton Ranges and
others living in the Gibson Desert of Western Australia
resulting in settlement at Laverton, Mount Margaret, Kalgoorlie and
Wiluna’.
- While
thus addressing migration, Toyne and Vachon do not deal with the question
of the western boundary of the WDCB.
(xi) Dr Lee Sackett
- In
his doctoral thesis of June 1975, ‘The Wiluna Mob: Kinship and Marriage in
a Changing Cultural Context’, Univ of Oregon,
pp 5–6, based on
research that he carried out at Wiluna (north of the Wongatha Claim area), Dr
Sackett also accepted that desert
Aborigines migrated to the settlements and
towns, initially not intending to stay, but ultimately doing so rather than
returning
to the harsh desert.
- In
cross examination, he said that Western Desert people moved into Wiluna, where
the ‘original inhabitants’, the Bardu,
had either died out or moved
west to such towns as Mount Magnet and Cue. He agreed that the people at Wiluna
with whom he spoke
in the 1970s acknowledged that Wiluna had not been their
traditional country. He agreed that there had been ‘widespread movement
in the desert’. He said that there had been some movement in both
directions, rather than a one-way flow, but that in the
case of Wiluna, it had
been a one-way flow (although he said that this conclusion was based on a small
time frame). Dr Sackett said
that the original inhabitants of Wiluna had not
returned, but that they ‘were Western Desert marginal, to begin
with’.
By ‘Western Desert marginal’ he meant that from the
work of Professor Berndt, who was at Wiluna in the 1950s, and his
own work there
in the 1970s, it was ‘unclear’ whether the original inhabitants were
of the Western Desert, although a
reading of Daisy Bates suggested that they had
‘a lot of the same laws and customs as Western Desert people’.
- Dr
Sackett said that when he did his research at Wiluna in the 1970s, the older
people there had come from the north and north-east.
He agreed that many
Western Desert people have by now moved away from their countries. However, he
said that as part of the ‘outstation’
or ‘homeland’
movement, which, he agreed, had been going on for about the last 30 years,
some have now returned
to live in communities proximate to their countries. He
referred to the communities at Patjarr, Tjirrkarli and Kanpa (all outside
the
Wongatha Claim area).
(4) Geographical extent/migration - the anthropological testimony
- The
anthropological writings discussed above were not written for the purpose of
this litigation. It remains for me to refer to both
the anthropological and
indigenous testimony.
- The
anthropologists who gave evidence, relied upon the writings of the earlier
anthropologists, on historical and other ethnographic
information, and on what
the indigenous witnesses have said. The indigenous witnesses, while they could
give some evidence relevant
to migration, were not able to assist in relation to
the issue of the western boundary of the WDCB as an anthropological construct.
They could give evidence of the acknowledgment and observance of laws and
customs which an anthropologist may be able to say are
those of people of the
WDCB, and not of people to the west of it. In fact, however, an
evidentiary gap in the case has been the general lack of evidence that different
laws and customs were acknowledged
and observed by Aboriginal people to the west
of the WDCB area. This, of course, is associated with the problematic location
of
the western boundary of the WDCB.
- Pannell/Vachon,
in their supplementary report, after referring to anthropologists Berndt,
Christensen, Horton, Tonkinson and Stanton,
say that the literature appears to
support the view that most, if not all, of the Wongatha Claim area is within the
Western Desert.
It is common ground that at least the eastern half is, but the
questions are, first, whether the remainder to the west is, and,
second, where
the western boundary of the WDCB was at the time of sovereignty. Pannell/Vachon
seize on the fact that the late Professor
Kenneth Maddock, the anthropologist
retained by the State, observed in his
report:
the descriptions of the Western
Desert by Berndt and Tonkinson it is clear that the [Wongatha] claim
area is in the southwest of it [the Western Desert]. There is
some evidence, however, that the claim area may abut or (if that is not too
strong a word) shade into a different cultural
region.’
emphasis)
- Pannell/Vachon
draw too much from the first words emphasised by me in this passage. Professor
Maddock was noting, in very general
terms, what he understood to be the effect
of the Berndt and Tonkinson descriptions, then sounding a cautionary note.
Pannell/Vachon
imply that the words ‘in the southwest of it’ signify
an opinion of Professor Maddock that the Wongatha Claim area
lies within
the WDCB area. But ‘shading’ is all important, as I think
Pannell/Vachon may agree (they note that there
is little agreement between
anthropologists as to the south western boundary of the WDCB). I see no
inconsistency between Professor Maddock’s
statement and the
proposition that the westernmost part, less than one half, of the Wongatha Claim
area, was not WDCB strictly so
called, but included, as from the Berndt line, a
mixture of WDCB and other cultural characteristics, with the WDCB
characteristics
having disappeared by the Menzies-Lake Darlot line.
- Dr Pannell
agreed, if reluctantly, that it has been a common theme in the writings
of the anthropologists from Elkin to Tonkinson, that ‘the deserts
have
been depopulated as people have left their traditional territories, not only
because of drought, but also because of the attraction
of western
settlements’. However, in their principal report, Pannell/Vachon seem to
challenge this view. I say ‘seem
to challenge’, because they
concede that there was some migration, but would assess its impact as less than
has been stated
by others, and, in particular, contend that the pre-existing
Aboriginal population in the mining and pastoral zone survived the impact
of it.
They say that the evidence ‘strongly suggests that the Aboriginal
occupiers of what became the mining and pastoral zone
of the claim area survived
contact’, explaining:
did not migrate
permanently out of the claim area, and instead continued to subsist by applying
their own technologies as well as
devising novel strategies that incorporated
Europeans and their goods. Their numbers were not enhanced significantly by
groups of
Aborigines permanently shifting their pattern of occupation, movement
and land-use from either within or outside of the claim area
to the north and
east, at least not until about 1911.’
- The
1911 date is based on reports of population increases in the historical record.
Pannell/Vachon note that as far as they can ascertain,
the Annual Report by
Laverton police in 1912 is the first report of a large influx.
- There
are two ideas expressed in the passage quoted above. The first sentence states
that the pre-settlement occupants of the mining
and pastoral zone continued
living there after settlement. The second sentence states that it was not until
after 1911 that there
was a significant influx into that zone of people from the
north and east, whether from within or outside the Wongatha Claim area.
- Dr Brunton
says that the indications from Elkin and Berndt and perhaps Daisy Bates, are
that while there are good grounds for
thinking that the people east of Laverton
were of the WDCB, there are strong grounds for doubting that those west of it
were. He
concludes:
do not consider that
Pannell and Vachon are justified in saying that there was a single Aboriginal
society, or a single body of laws
and customs which covered the whole of the
Wongatha claim area in traditional
times.’
I agree with this view, but the
question is where to draw the line.
- It
should be remembered that Mr Vachon and Dr Brunton (and Dr Sackett and Mr
Barber) participated in the anthropologists’ conference
and in the
resulting joint report, which stated ‘that the Western and South Western
boundaries of the Western Desert are not
definable based on the historical
ethnographic sources.’ Similarly, Dr Brunton said that he did not think
it possible for
any anthropologist to specify hard and fast boundaries for the
WDCB. He said that Daisy Bates’s Karatjibbin people to the
west seemed to
differ in few respects from the people of the WDCB. He also said that the
attempts by anthropologists who have tried
to delineate boundaries remain
‘equivocal’, and that perhaps the most that can be said is that not
all of the Wongatha
Claim area is within the area of the WDCB. I think this is
a fair assessment. However, below, I venture to be a little more precise.
- In
both his report and his oral testimony, Dr McDonald said, in conformity
with the earlier anthropologists already discussed,
that from the time of the
first gold rush in the Eastern Goldfields, Aboriginal people moved there from
the interior desert country,
and ‘replaced the original inhabitants who
had been decimated by the European influx’. He understood that this put
him
at odds with Pannell/Vachon. Dr McDonald was asked in cross-examination
how, if as he stated in his supplementary report, the Maduwongga
social system
had undergone greater changes than had other Aboriginal people in the region,
‘the Maduwongga could survive within
almost the precise borders identified
by Dr [sic-Professor] Tindale’. He replied that while populations were
disseminated,
not all of the Aboriginal people ceased to exist, and that his
clients, the Maduwongga claimants, assert that, so far as they know,
they are
‘the only remaining Maduwongga people’.
- I
will address the Maduwongga Claim in Ch 9. I treat Dr McDonald’s
reference to ‘replaced’ as signifying ‘substantially
replaced’ or ‘almost entirely replaced’ or ‘numerically
overwhelmed’.
- Dr Sackett
described it as an ‘undeniable fact’ that the Aboriginal people came
from the desert to the first points
of European settlement, at that stage not
intending to stay, but as time went on, finding themselves becoming sedentary
and in fact
staying. He accepted that the initial causes may have been drought,
curiosity (‘going to see the bright lights’), and
the fact that the
population of the desert around them was draining away.
- In
their supplementary report, Pannell/Vachon say that Professor Berndt makes two
key points with regard to the Berndt line: first,
that groups west of it exhibit
a degree of linguistic variation when compared with the groups east of it; and,
second, that Berndt
did not have sufficient linguistic and cultural data for the
groups west of the line to make any further conclusive statement. They
correctly point out that according to Berndt 1959, the Mandjilu belong to the
WDCB, yet on Map 2 they are shown as being west
of the Berndt line.
Moreover, they state that on his Map 1, Professor Berndt showed the Wongaii
as ‘more or less definitely’
belonging to the WDCB. The reference
is to the appearance of the word ‘WONGAII’ above Rawlinna on
Berndt’s Map
1 discussed earlier.
- In
their primary report Pannell/Vachon
state:
recorded little ethnographic
information in the far western claim area, ie west of a line running through
Lake Darlot and Menzies...’
They conducted no field trips in that area. They reported:
have examined all of Tindale’s genealogical
material thoroughly and have found that his 1939 genealogies show that there are
many Aboriginal people associated with named places throughout the
[Wongatha] claim area. The only exception is the country roughly west of
a line running through Menzies and Lake Darlot – the area of
Tindale’s Ngurlu and Koara
Tribes.’
- The
only other reference by Pannell/Vachon to the section of the Wongatha Claim area
west of their Menzies-Lake Darlot line is where
they refer to the explorer John
Forrest having encountered on 31 May 1869 ‘“certainly not less
than 100” natives
engaged in a corroboree’. Forrest recorded the
place as about 120º 10’ longitude and 29º latitude. That point
is virtually right on the western boundary of the Wongatha Claim area, perhaps
five kilometres outside it, near Perinvale Outcamp.
Forrest does not record
anything from which we can say whether the people he saw exhibited Western
Desert cultural features.
- Dr
Pannell said that she had inadequate material on which to express an opinion
that the WDCB extended further west than her Menzies-Lake
Darlot line. She
agreed that she would have preferred to have recorded far more ethnographic
information in the far west of the
Wongatha Claim area in order to be able to
express a view.
- It
will be noted that we have three ‘lines’ to consider. Moving from
east to west they are: the Berndt line; Professor
Berndt’s reference in
Berndt 1959 to Kalgoorlie, Leonora and Laverton; and the Menzies-Lake Darlot
line.
- The
anthropologists called by the GLSC applicants attempted to extend the western
boundary of the WDCB further west on the basis that
Tjukurr tracks within
the Wongatha Claim area continue out of it to the west. Kim Barber, the
anthropologist called by the Koara and Wutha
applicants, made such an attempt.
(The Koara and Wutha Claim areas seem to be entirely or almost entirely west of
the Berndt line,
and Professor Berndt said that the ‘Go:ara’ were
‘said to be’ linguistically different from Aborigines to
the east of
the Berndt line: Berndt 1959 pp 87-89).
- In
my view, the attempt fails because the evidence is that Aboriginal groups all
over Australia acknowledge the Dreaming (whether
by the name Tjukurrpa or
otherwise) (see Toyne and Vachon p 8). The Wati Kutjarra and
Seven Sisters stories, for example, extend beyond the Western Desert. Professor
Berndt identified eleven main Dreaming tracks
that criss-cross the Western
Desert, mostly, though not invariably, following the known permanent and
impermanent waterhole routes
(Berndt 1959 p 97). Pannell/Vachon rely on the
fact that some of these travel west of the Menzies-Lake Darlot line, to suggest
that
the western boundary of the WDCB lies somewhere west of that line. They
state that four of Berndt’s eleven main Dreaming tracks
are found in the
Wongatha Claim area. They also state:
fact
that some tracks extend outside of the Western Desert could have contributed to
friendly relations with other people, such as
the Arrente. In the region of the
claim area, at least one Western Desert track “comes from” the west
and north-west,
and two of them cross the Nullarbor towards the Southern
Ocean.’
- The
evidence does not establish that there is a suite of distinctively Western
Desert Dreaming tracks, the presence of which, west
of the Menzies-Lake Darlot
line, would establish that the Western boundary of the WDCB lies west of that
line.
- Dr Lee
Sackett stated that while Berndt may be correct when he observed, ‘it is
not possible to draw a hard and fast boundary’
between groups that rightly
belong to the WDCB and those to the west, nonetheless the Berndt line runs
longitudinally between Cosmo
and Laverton, putting Cosmo east of that line. As
discussed earlier, Dr Sackett also reminds us that Daisy Bates’s
informant,
Tjurada, led her to conclude that while there was communication
between his people and people to the north-east, east and south-east,
apparently
there was none with people to the west. Even on the basis of the Berndt line,
Cosmo is within the area of the WDCB.
- Dr Sackett
said that Wiluna, where he researched for his PhD degree in the 1970s, was
‘on the margins’ of the WDCB,
and one of the problematic areas that
Berndt 1959 referred to. Importantly, he agreed that it had been inhabited by
people called
the ‘Bardu’ or ‘Barduwonga’, but that by
the time he went there, Western Desert people or people with Western
Desert
characteristics had moved in. He said that he has returned to Wiluna from time
to time over the years, and, based on his
not having encountered the Bardu
people, concludes that they remain absent. Wiluna, however, is north-west of
Lake Darlot, and therefore
of the Menzies-Lake Darlot line. Dr Sackett’s
evidence in the present respect says nothing about the whereabouts of the
western
boundary of the WDCB at sovereignty and in relation to the Wongatha
Claim area. It is, however, an illustration of the possibility
of migration
from the desert in the east displacing a local population.
- Dr McDonald
included in his primary report the following map captioned ‘The Western
Desert Language Area’, which
he attributed to P Everard, C Goddard, and AC
Kalotas, Punu: Yankunytjatjara Plant Use (Institute for Aboriginal
Development Press, Alice Springs, 1985):

Dr McDonald initially said that the Wongatha Claim area was within the
area of the WDCB, but later conceded that it was possible
that the limit of the
WDCB had moved westwards to include the Wongatha Claim area as a result of
migration of Western Desert people
from the east to areas of European
settlement. He pointed out, however, that Daisy Bates had concluded in 1907-8
that Aboriginal
people ‘somewhere south and east [sic – west]
of’ Coolgardie/Kalgoorlie where she was at the time were different
from
those she identified in the Eastern Goldfields. She said that the people she
encountered in Coolgardie/Kalgoorlie were part
of her ‘Central Areas
Nation’ group, and were ‘similar to the Western Desert in tradition
and culture’.
Dr McDonald said that it seems that Western Desert culture
was already expanding to the west at the time Bates was in the area.
It will be
recalled that gold had been discovered in Coolgardie and then Kalgoorlie some
fifteen years earlier.
Indigenous testimony
- Annexures F4 (f)-(i)
to the GLSC submissions were a series of maps purporting to reflect the
connections between the members
of the four GLSC Claim groups and
‘country’, by identifying places of birth or growing up of claimants
and their ancestors.
On that map, very few places are identified west of a line
running from Kalgoorlie north through Menzies to Leonora, and then north-east
to
Laverton and on to Cosmo. There are so few places of birth and growing up noted
at all on the other maps (which purport to show
places of birth and growing up
for the MN, Koara, and Wutha claimants), that is difficult to know what to make
of those Annexures.
Notwithstanding the reference to ‘claimants’ in
the captions, the maps do not appear to show the places of birth and
growing up
of all claimants, or even of all witnesses.
- Perhaps
the most that can be said is that, generally speaking (the Koara map being the
exception), the maps contain few notations
west of a Menzies-Lake Darlot
line.
- The
evidence of many indigenous witnesses in relation to the geographical provenance
of their ancestors, supports the notion of migration
from the east, north-east
and north of the Wongatha Claim area: see, for example, May O’Brien,
Janice Scott, Thelma O’Loughlin,
and Cyril Barnes. Many more examples
could be given, including claimants from Claim groups other than the Wongatha
Claim group,
some of whom migrated from such places as Wongawal, Carnegie,
Mangkili, Tjintjira, and Tjirrkarli, to the north and north-east, including
ancestors of MN, Koara and Wutha claimants.
- There
was some indigenous evidence of a cultural demarcation at Laverton. Garry
Sullivan, a Wongatha claimant, said that his father’s
country was on the
western side of Laverton, being Kookynie, Morgans, Murrin, Linden, Edjudina,
Pinjin, Menzies and Leonora. He
said that the mob on his father’s side
break the legs of a kangaroo, but those on the Laverton side do not. Celia
Sullivan,
another Wongatha claimant, the wife of the Ngaanyatjarra man, Jackie
McLean, also said that to the east of Laverton, the legs are
not broken, whereas
to the west of it, they are. Thus, she said that if her husband cooks a
kangaroo, he does not break the legs,
but if she cooks it, she does. This
difference in relation to the breaking of the legs of the kangaroo may suggest a
cultural division
generally in conformity with the Berndt line.
- Ralph
Ashwin, a Wutha claimant, testified that the country of his mother, Sarah Ashwin
Brown, a Badimaya woman, used to extend ‘from
Sandstone right back to
Leonora, down to Menzies, and back to Sandstone again’. He later referred
to the Badimaya as a separate
tribe and language with its own Native Title
claims. This testimony raises the possibility that the area west of Menzies and
Leonora
is non-WDCB, and is consistent with a Menzies-Lake Darlot boundary. He
said that Badimaya country ‘used to stretch right to
Laverton, years ago
... [t]ill they got pushed back’. He said that they were pushed back by
‘the Warrmala people’.
This evidence suggests that anything west of
Laverton was once non-WDCB, and would generally conform to the Berndt line.
- None
of Ralph Ashwin’s siblings said anything about Badimaya country, or about
their mother’s country once extending to
Laverton, or about her country
being Badimaya country, although they seem to think that she was a Badimaya
person. Except for a
reference to Chain of Waterholes, her country seems to
have been all west of the Goldfields Highway. Other sources identify the
area
that Ralph Ashwin described, as Koara or Ngurlu. The Badimaya Claim is around
the Mount Magnet area, a long way west of Leonora.
Ralph Ashwin also refers to
‘east of Leonora’ as some kind of boundary ‘for other
Wangkayi’. He said that
he spoke to Dolly Walker and her husband Peter
Muir about setting up a community to the east of Leonora, but said that their
response
was ‘our mob won’t go and live on the east side of
Leonora’. I am not sure that this is evidence of a WDCB/non
WDCB
boundary. Dolly Walker, incidentally, is an MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant, not a
Wutha claimant.
(5) Conclusions on geographical extent/migration
- Obviously,
any boundary of a vast area where nomadic or semi-nomadic people who had
cultural features in common live or lived, will
not be sharply defined, at least
not in a situation, such as the Western Desert, where stark geographic divisions
are absent.
- Migration
from the central desert is a consistent theme of the Western Desert researchers,
including Professors Elkin, Tindale, Berndt
and Tonkinson, and their
observations were based on information provided by Aboriginal people who had
first-hand knowledge of the
initial impact of European settlement. Professor
Elkin, for example, worked in the Goldfields in 1930 – only forty years
after
European settlement in the area. He would have spoken to indigenous
people who had experienced the initial impact of the European
presence. He
remained of the view throughout his career that there had been a population
shift from the Warburton Ranges into the
Laverton/Mount Margaret district.
Professor Berndt made generally similar observations based on his interviews in
1957 and 1959
of Aboriginal men and women living in settlements on the fringes
of the Western Desert, saying that very few of them had returned
to their
‘countries’ for even a brief visit: Berndt 1959 p 101.
Professor Tonkinson also concluded that there was
an increasingly permanent
relocation from the desert to communities, even though the original intention
may not have been to stay
there permanently: Tonkinson, The Jigalong Mob
pp 23-24.
- I
accept that there has been a post-settlement migration from the desert to the
fringes of European settlement, with, over time, a
numerical dominance or
overwhelming, if not a total displacement, of the local population. But where
was the western ‘boundary’
of the WDCB at sovereignty? I do not
know. No one does. As already noted, Pannell/Vachon could not express an
opinion on the area
west of the Menzies-Lake Darlot line, given the lack of
ethnographic and anthropological material. Professor Berndt seems to have
accepted that the original people in the Laverton/Mount Margaret district
were non-Western Desert (see [642]-[643] above).
However, he does not
elaborate, and there are other indications, with various degrees of precision,
to which I have referred above,
that the WDCB extended to such places as
Kalgoorlie, Menzies, Leonora and Lake Darlot.
- I
find that at sovereignty the culture of the WDCB extended to the Berndt line,
and then faded out gradually west of it in a zone
that came to an end at the
Menzies-Lake Darlot line.
- In
relation to the migration/displacement issue, I do not think that there was a
total displacement or forcing out of the existing
population, although I accept
that the people who migrated from the desert came to outnumber greatly the local
people. The measure
seems to be appropriately indicated by the words
‘overwhelm’ or ‘dominate’. The precise cause does not
matter.
What matters is that over time, the families and small groups who came
out of the desert and congregated on the fringes of European
settlements, came
to overwhelm or dominate the local population.
- Further,
to the extent that the migration was intra-Western Desert, I am not satisfied
that under traditional laws and customs, those
from the desert acquired rights
and interests in the new locales. The reason is that whatever traditional laws
and customs may have
provided in relation to the acquisition of rights and
interests by migration in the area to which intra-Western Desert migration
occurred, the choice of the fringes of European settlement was not traditional.
It might be different if it could be proved that
if the Europeans had never
come, the same migration would have occurred, that is to say, that drought or
other pre-European causes
would have brought about the migration that occurred.
However, no attempt was made to establish that this was the case, and perhaps
it
would be impossible to establish it. The evidence that European activities,
townships and settlements had a strong drawing power
is incontrovertible.
- The
Wongatha and other applicants have not established on the balance of
probabilities that at sovereignty the western boundary of
the WDCB was further
west than the Menzies-Lake Darlot line. Any Claim that seeks a determination in
respect of any part of the
Wongatha Claim area west of that line fails to that
extent. I do not think that the evidence of Professor Veth is inconsistent with
these conclusions (see 3.5(c) [469] ff).
(c) Characteristics of the WDCB
- Unfortunately,
the parties’ submissions on this topic were confusing because they
addressed matters outside the topic and were
poorly structured. They have
therefore not been as helpful as they should have been.
- In
particular, the submissions frequently drifted into questions of whether the
claimants still acknowledge and observe Western Desert
laws and customs. This
question should have been left to Chs 4–10 where the individual Claims are
dealt with. Another problem
has been that some submissions have begun by
adopting a structure dealing, anthropologist by anthropologist, with the
anthropological
writings on the WDCB, but have then departed from it. For
example, under the ‘Professor Elkin’ heading, the State deals
with
the writings of Berndt on topics addressed by Elkin.
- I
have found it necessary to adopt my own structure. Consistently with the
present chapter’s concern with ‘general issues
pertaining to all
claims’, I will confine the discussion accordingly, avoiding issues of
current acknowledgment and observance.
- My
structure is as follows:
- Is
the WDCB a single society with regional variations or does it consist of
regional societies with cultural similarities?
- Laws,
customs, beliefs and practices of the WDCB
- Traditional
groupings within the WDCB
- The
aggregation or pooling of ‘my country’ areas in the present
case
- General
issues relating to acknowledgment and
observance.
(1) Is the WDCB a single society with regional variations or does it consist of
regional societies with cultural similarities?
General
- By
using of the term ‘culture bloc’ or ‘cultural and social
bloc’, Professor Berndt, intended to point to
cultural similarities among
groups of the Western Desert, while emphasising that they did not possess the
features said by anthropologists
to be those of ‘tribes’ occupying
discrete territories. Similarly, Professor Tonkinson refers to the Western
Desert
‘culture area’ in The Mardu Aborigines: Living the Dream
in Australia’s Desert (2nd ed, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Fort Worth,
1991) (‘Tonkinson, The Mardu Aborigines’), explaining it (p
35) as follows:
Western Desert people speak
mutually intelligible dialects of the same
language....
Desert forms of social
organisation are basically similar, too, and in the structure and operation of
the kinship systems and marriage
rules, the range of variation is not great. ...
Significantly, it is in the realm of the religious life that the most striking
continuities
exist throughout the desert. For many millennia, the diffusion of
religious and other lore among constituent groups, sometimes even
beyond the
culture area, has ensured the retention of homogenous sociocultural forms. Most
of the major rituals performed by the
Mardu are also part of the ritual life of
groups elsewhere in the desert and show remarkable similarities in structure
over time
and space.’
- Tonkinson
noted (ibid) that the way of life, like the desert climate and landforms,
exhibited ‘more homogeneity than contrast’, without complete
uniformity. It seems to be accepted, as the Cosmo applicant submits that,
despite the homogeneity, ‘many ethnographers have
noted the high incidence
of regional variation in various laws and customs’.
- No
serious attempt was made, however, to identify those variations that apply in
the area within which the Wongatha Claim area falls,
or in any particular part
of that area, against which current acknowledgment and observance by the Claim
groups can be assessed.
- Pannell/Vachon
have frequently referred to ‘societies’ (in the plural) within the
Western Desert. Is the WDCB a single
society with regional variations, or does
it comprise different regional societies? I have had difficulty at times in
being sure
that I understood the position taken by Pannell/Vachon (and
Dr Sackett) on the single society/multiple societies issue.
- It
is clear that the Claims are formulated, in the light of De Rose, as
based on a single WDCB society. It is not clear to me, however, that, absent
De Rose, the anthropologists are comfortable with this notion, and do not
prefer a model of regional societies with cultural similarities,
as the language
‘cultural bloc’ might more naturally suggest.
- The
issue of regional variation within the WDCB assumed importance when a particular
law, custom or practice was shown not to be acknowledged
or observed.
Dr Pannell, in particular, would respond by suggesting that this did not
necessarily demonstrate a cessation of
acknowledgment and observance, but rather
demonstrated a regional variation. One illustration concerned
‘conception’
or ‘Dream’ totems (see 3.6(c)(2)
[779] ff below). As already discussed at 3.6(a)(b) [585],
Dr Pannell acknowledged that Professor Elkin had suggested that this was an
element of the Western Desert, and she said:
‘it’s not a law and
custom that we found was widely prevalent among the claimants.’ However,
as also noted, when
asked whether she accepted, then, that there had been a loss
of that traditional practice or belief among the Wongatha claimants,
Dr Pannell replied:
there’s some
regional variation throughout the Western Desert. And what we find is that,
while Elkin identifies some of the
key elements of the Western Desert, there are
other elements that are practised or not practised ... The Wongatha material
seems
to be inconsistent with Elkin, but that can also be explained in terms of
the kind of regional variation we get through the Western
Desert.’
- According
to this approach, it is never possible to demonstrate cessation of
acknowledgment or observance, because it is not possible
to come up with a
satisfactory account of the body of system of laws and customs that operated in
the Wongatha Claim area at sovereignty.
- It
is the claimants, however, who bear the onus of proving that they continue to
acknowledge and observe pre-sovereignty laws and
customs, subject to any
permissible adaptations. Each Claim group must prove:
- the
content of the applicable pre-sovereignty laws and customs, allowing for any
proved pre-sovereignty regional variations;
- any
modern adaptations permissible under (1);
- that
the Claim group, on a fair overall assessment, continues to acknowledge and
observe (1) subject to (2).
The
Cosmo Claim and Dr Sackett
- The
Cosmo applicant submits that under WDCB laws and customs, in order to acquire
rights and interests in land, or at least ‘front
row’ rights and
interests, one must reside on and care for the land. The other Claim groups do
not propound this requirement
- It
was not suggested, and I am not satisfied, that in 1829 there was a regional
variation in WDCB laws and customs as between the
Cosmo Claim area and the rest
of the Wongatha Claim area. It is not a criticism of the Cosmo Claim group, but
I think that the true
explanation for the Cosmo Claim group’s insistence
on the ‘residence and caring’ requirement may be found in the
recent
events. Those recent events must be recounted in these reasons because they
provide the background to the sharp division
that exists between the Cosmo and
Wongatha Claim groups.
- In
1989 there was strife between the Murrays and the Sullivans (Cosmo and Wongatha
claimants, respectively) in relation to the Wongatha
Wonganarra Aboriginal
organisation at Laverton. Various members of the Murray family were employed
there and at the Mount Margaret
Aboriginal Community. Apparently some of them
lived at each place. Two of the Murrays were employed as general manager and
store
manager at Wongatha Wonganarra.
- The
Murrays understood that the Sullivans were intent on removing the family member
who was general manager of Wongatha Wonganarra
from that position. They decided
to leave Laverton and Mount Margaret, and to move to Cosmo to live. No one was
living there at
the time.
- Two
members of the family moved there with their belongings on 3 December 1989.
Shortly afterwards, other members of the Murray
and Westlake families followed,
and an Aboriginal Community was re-established at Cosmo. We can therefore date
the beginning of
the present Cosmo Aboriginal Community as
‘1989/1990’.
- It
is a question whether the Murray and Westlake families would have relocated to
Cosmo but for the bitterness between the Murrays
and the Sullivans at Laverton
in 1989.
- As
noted at 2.5 [200], the Cosmo Claim was made in response to the three
claims there mentioned, all of which were later combined with others to form
the
present Wongatha Claim.
- In
and since 1989/1990, the Cosmo claimants have constituted the Cosmo Aboriginal
Community and have resided there. The Cosmo community
seems to be well run,
perhaps due largely to the managerial ability of the Cosmo applicant, Harvey
Murray. In my opinion, it has
been easy for the Cosmo claimants to convince
themselves that residence on country is an essential element in the holding of
rights
and interests: it excludes their only overlapping competitor, the
Wongatha Claim group (in fact the position is not so straightforward,
because
the Cosmo claimants themselves have not always resided there, while Wongatha
claimants, Mervyn Sullivan and Rhys Winter,
reside there).
- Dr Sackett
said that there were similarities between the laws, customs, rights and
interests that he reported on in relation
to the Cosmo Claim, and those reported
on by Pannell/Vachon in relation to the Wongatha Claim, although he said that
there were differences.
Like Pannell/Vachon, however, he said that there were
multiple pathways of connection by which an individual might have rights and
interest in country, and that there were similarities as to the sorts of
pathways that are recognised.
- Dr
Sackett was asked whether the Cosmo claimants could not properly be said to form
a ‘society’ with at least some members
of the Wongatha Claim group,
namely, those resident in and around Laverton. He answered only that while it
was true that the Cosmo
people did have social interaction with some of the
Wongatha claimants (and some of the MN claimants), they also had social
interaction
with Ngaanyatjarra and other people. Asked whether his position was
that it was an open question as to what society (other than
the broad WDCB) the
Cosmo Claim group was a part of, Dr Sackett
said:
I think they’re much more finely
honed than that, but it just seems to me the society that they’re part of
is not the
Wongatha society as it’s been described. It includes part of
that, but others, as well.’
A longer
passage from the transcript is set out at 3.6(d) [999] below.
- Dr Sackett’s
evidence seems to be to the effect that the Cosmo Claim group is part of a
sub-society of the WDCB society,
that is ‘more finely honed’ than
the latter is; that that sub-society is ‘not the Wongatha society’;
and
that it includes, apparently, all the members of the Cosmo Claim
group, some Wongatha claimants, and some other people. I do not
have a clear understanding of what Dr Sackett or any other anthropologist
who used the expression ‘the
Wongatha society’ meant by it.
- Dr
Sackett was cross-examined in an effort to show that the Cosmo Claim group is
not a separate group from the Wongatha Claim group,
or that, if it is, its
members share rights and interests with Wongatha claimants. He agreed with
Mr Walker, counsel for the
Wongatha applicants, that Cosmo claimants Nowie
Westlake, Frances Murray and Estelle Ross, had ‘worked extensively and for
many years on stations in the Wongatha Claim area’, and that the Cosmo
applicant, Harvey Murray, had ‘long connections
with Wongatha Wonganarra
in Laverton and with Mount Margaret’. Dr Sackett agreed that there
was ‘overlap’
and pointed out that the people named also had
‘inner links to the Warburton area, to the Westlakes [at Warburton],
marriage
links, family’. He agreed, however, that in terms of numbers,
the Cosmo claimants have fewer links to ‘people like the
Westlakes’,
than they have to members of the Wongatha Claim
group.
Pannell/Vachon
- In
their supplementary report, Pannell/Vachon complain that throughout his report,
Dr Brunton misrepresents them on the single society/multiple
societies
issue:
Brunton misquotes Pannell and Vachon
as stating that there is a single Aboriginal society, or a single body of laws
and customs observed
and acknowledged by people occupying an enormous region in
the arid zone of Western and Southern Australia. Dr Brunton confuses
Pannell
and Vachon’s summary of Elkin’s findings to this effect, with their
own observations about the nature of Western
Desert laws and
customs.’
At this point, Pannell/Vachon
seek to distinguish between Elkin’s concept of the WDCB and their own
concept of it. They state:
are “common”, “similar” and
“shared” laws and customs acknowledged by the Wongatha claimants and
other Western Desert Aboriginal people (...). Contrary to Dr Brunton’s
assertions, Pannell and Vachon point to instances of
heterogeneity and local
variation noted within the Western Desert, for example, the practice of
cicatrisation, the use of section
systems, and forms of dream
totemism.’
It is true, consistent with
this passage, that in their primary report, Pannell/Vachon had stated:
‘Notwithstanding the social
and cultural unity of the Aluridja, Elkin
notes some local variations in the section system and forms of dream
totemism.’
A statement at that level of generality, however, leaves
unanswered the question: What was the body of WDCB laws and customs that
was
acknowledged and observed in the Wongatha Claim area at sovereignty?
- In
their supplementary report, Pannell/Vachon say that at no time in their primary
report did they explicitly state, as Dr Brunton
suggests, that ‘the
indigenous system by which the claimants and their forebears occupied the claim
area is located on ...
[the level of the ‘Aluridja’ or] the Western
Desert cultural bloc’. This is a surprising statement because, whether
they did or did not state this, the fact is that the case advanced by all the
Claim groups is that they have group rights and interests
under the laws and
customs of the WDCB society – a single society. The statement suggests
that Pannell/Vachon disown the basis
of the Wongatha Claim, and, indeed, of all
the Claims before the Court.
- Dr Brunton
had attributed that statement to pp 163-164 of the Pannell/Vachon primary
report, but Pannell/Vachon say that
their propositions are more complex. They
draw attention to the fact that at those pages, they argue the inappropriateness
of Tindale’s
tribal model in the Western Desert (Dr Brunton agrees with
them as to its inappropriateness), and state that their argument is that
‘the indigenous system by which the claimants and their forebears occupied
the claim area is located on another level’
that has been variously
referred to by anthropologists as ‘the Aluridja’, ‘the Great
Western Desert’ and
the WDCB. At this point, Pannell/Vachon seem to
embrace the WDCB society’s laws and customs as the source of any rights
and
interests of the Wongatha claimants.
- The
State submits that the WDCB is an anthropological construct, not an indigenous
one, and that regional variation among the various
Western Desert communities
indicates that they do not share the same system of laws and customs. A related
submission made by the
State is that the WDCB is not a normative system (see
3.6(d) below).
- Pannell/Vachon
state:
our report, we clearly state that the
[WDCB] is an anthropological construct, however, we concur with and
emphasise the sentiment of Berndt’s observation that “there
is a
common awareness of belonging to a cultural and linguistic unit, over and above
the smaller groups...” .’
In oral evidence, Dr Pannell distinguished between a rigidly structured
society with hereditary officers like chiefs, and what we
have in the Western
Desert. She stated of the Western Desert:
society didn’t seem to have those sort of
public rigid structures that are hierarchically organised in that respect. So
we
approached this material in terms of it being a cultural system and not just
predicated on social structures per se in that line
of structural
functionalism.
we looked at this system as a cultural system of, as
I’ve said many times before, of particular concepts and constructs that
were integral and key to the system, and we identified that one of the key
symbols to this system, key constructs, was the concept
of Tjukurr or
Dreaming.’
- In
sum, the anthropological evidence as to regional variations and sub-societies
within the WDCB was generally unsatisfactory. Far
from satisfying (1) in [717]
above, it did not go beyond acknowledging regional variation in general, and did
not attempt to identify
any particular regional variations, with a view to my
inferring that they existed in 1829.
- It
may be that some or all of the requirements which are listed at [717] are no
longer susceptible of proof in a case, such as the
present one, in which various
factors combine to make it difficult to prove the body of laws and customs that
were acknowledged and
observed in the Wongatha Claim area in 1829. Yet the NTA,
as explained in Yorta Yorta HCA, requires that they be
proved.
Indigenous testimony
- Indigenous
witnesses testified in relation to rules and practices which are in fact also
those of people at places outside the Wongatha
Claim area, and which are
considered by anthropologists to be part of the Western Desert. This testimony
included references to places
such as Wiluna, Jigalong, Warburton, Coonana,
Cundeelee, Tjuntjuntjarra, Blackstone, Alice Springs and Ooldea.
Conclusion
- With
considerable doubt, in light of the evidence before me, I proceed on the basis
that the WDCB is, and was at sovereignty, a ‘society’
in the sense
described in Yorta Yorta HCA at [49] – ‘a body of
persons united in and by its acknowledgment and observance of a body of law and
customs’.
This leaves outstanding, however, the following questions:
- What
were the distinguishing laws, customs, beliefs and practices features of the
WDCB?
- Was
the WDCB a normative system (as distinct from simply common practices and
behaviours dictated by the harsh, arid environment of the Western Desert)?
The first question is addressed next, and the second
later at 3.6(d).
(2) Laws, customs, beliefs and practices of the WDCB
- It
is necessary to identify the body of laws and customs of the WDCB, in order that
the inquiry whether a Claim group continues to
acknowledge and observe that body
of laws and customs can be pursued.
- I
begin with anthropological writings (excluding the reports prepared for this
case).
(i) Professor AP Elkin
- In
Elkin 1931 at p 64, Professor Elkin said that the tribes of his ‘Western
Group’ (or ‘Western Group of South Australian
tribes’ or
‘Aluridja’) were characterised by a number of common features which
linked them together and marked
them off from his ‘Eastern’ or
‘Lakes’ Group.
- Professor
Elkin listed the ‘common features’ of this Western Group as
follows:
absence of dual
organisation.
kinship
system.variety of local totemism, in which a
person’s totem is determined by his place of
birth.mythological
theme.totemism.beliefs.pattern
of cicatrization which marks the fully initiated
man.’
- The
various Claim groups have adopted their own lists, although they cover broadly
the same range. The GLSC list was set out at [372]
and the Cosmo and Maduwongga
lists appear in Chs 8 and 9, respectively. The most comprehensive list is that
of groups 5B/5F. This
does not necessarily signify, however, that Groups 5B/5F
addressed more features than other parties did; it may indicate only that
its
categories were smaller and more specific.
- I
will address, in turn, the features that Professor Elkin
listed.
1. ‘The absence of
dual organisation’
- ‘Dual
organisation’ refers to ‘moiety divisions’. Since it is not
suggested that any Claim group possesses
this feature, I will say nothing
further of
it.
2. ‘The
kinship system’
- Professor
Elkin addressed the Western Group’s kinship system at some length in Elkin
1931. A kinship system has been defined
as the ‘system of relationships
traditionally accepted by a particular culture and the rights and obligations
which they involve’:
Macquarie Dictionary, rev 3rd ed. Professor
Elkin states (p 66):
the tribes of the
Western Group have practically the same kinship system, and, indeed use much the
same terms. ... It is marked by
a paucity of terms as compared with the systems
of the Eastern Group or of the Aranda. Only two terms are used for all persons
of
the second ascending generation, and in some of the southern hordes only one
term for own son and sister’s son, and one term
for own daughter and
sister’s daughter, and as already stated, cross-cousins are called brother
and sister.’
- Pannell/Vachon
observe that only two terms are used for all persons of the second ascending
generation, one for males and the other
for females: thamu/tjamu and
kaparli, respectively. Another illustration is the grouping together of
father and uncle under the rubric of the single word, mama. It follows
that although the term mama is sometimes said to ‘mean’
‘father’, this is only one of its meanings.
- Western
Desert kinship terms do not formally distinguish between ‘real’
(biological) and ‘classificatory’
kin. In other words, the kinship
terms are used to refer to people who are not necessarily biologically related
to oneself, although
they may be. In addition, kin classifications are
‘worked out from the perspective of a particular ego’ and are not
absolute, and so thamu and karparli can also refer to persons in
the second descending generation from ego. That is to say, thamu
can mean grandson as well as grandfather, and kaparli can mean
granddaughter as well as grandmother.
- The
paucity of kinship terms betokens a distinctive conceptualisation of
‘kin’. Father and father’s brothers are
conceived of in the
same way. I have more ‘brothers’ than just the male offspring of my
parents. The male offspring
of my parents’ brothers and sisters are my
brothers too.
- Where
this conceptualisation of kin is at work, the Western Desert kinship system is
operating. On the other hand, to the extent
that kin are conceived of as aunts,
uncles, nieces and nephews, it is not operating.
- Distinct
from, but related to, the kinship system is the ‘section’ or
‘skin system’. Elkin deals with it
also under his heading:
‘The kinship system’. This system plays an important role in
marriage. Pannell/Vachon state:
kinship
terms, which are egocentrically applied, skin names order individuals into
socio-centric categories. They are not relative
in respect of a person, such as
is the case with kinship, but are absolute divisions-in theoretical terms, that
is. Sections are
not social groups, but are rather conceptual categories. The
terms used and the section system itself is not unique to the claimants,
although one of the particular variations of this system (ie the six section
system) appears to be distinctive of Aboriginal people
in this region of the
Western Desert cultural bloc.’
- Professor
Elkin describes (Elkin 1931 pp 67-69) two four-section systems, one belonging to
the district east of Laverton, the other
belonging to the Mandjinda to the
north-east of Laverton. With respect to the distinctive six section system,
Pannell/Vachon assert
that ‘[s]enior Wongatha claimants use and are
familiar with’ its principles. The six skins are Purungu,
Karimarra (or Karimara), Tharuru (or Tjarurru),
Panaka, Yiparrka and Milangka (one encounters different
spellings). According to Pannell/Vachon, this is not a four-section system with
two additional terms but
‘six distinctive pairings, the operation of which
produces six different section affiliation outcomes’.
- Pannell/Vachon
state that the section terms recorded by Elkin correspond with those previously
recorded by Kenneth Young in 1905 for
the Erlistoun District, and by Daisy Bates
in 1908 for the Eastern Goldfields. In one letter, Young described three
Dreamings (Emu,
Kangaroo and Dingo) which travelled through the Duketon
district, and said that the Emu and Kangaroo Dreaming beings each introduced
the
two father/son section couplets.
- In
cross-examination, Mr Vachon said that there was no evidence of any of
those Dreamings travelling through the old town site
of Duketon, and that Young
had been speaking of a four-section system, not of the six-section system that
Pannell/Vachon report on
as operating in the Wongatha Claim area. Mr Vachon
also agreed that Young appeared to be suggesting that there was both a
terminological
and mythological difference between the section system around
Duketon and that which was observed further to the east and to the
north.
- Both
the egocentric classificatory kin system and the absolute conceptual skin
system, and the relationship between the two, are complex
– at least to my
mind.
- Both
the kinship and section systems are related to forms of behaviour.
- In
The World of the First Australians – Aboriginal Traditional Life: Past
and Present (Aboriginal Studies Press, Canberra, 1992) (‘Berndts,
World’), first published in 1964, Professor Berndt and
Dr Catherine Berndt state
(p 68):
is the basis of social
relations, indicating the general range of behaviour expected in any given case.
Everyone must be identified
in this way. A person coming into a strange group
for trading or ceremonial purposes is always allocated a kinship position. The
section and subsection systems offer a short-cut to this. If the visitor
belongs to a certain subsection, or is allocated one on
the basis of what is
already known about him, that simplifies matters a great
deal.
Aboriginal Australia kinship is bilateral, which
means that there is acknowledgement of both matrilineal and patrilineal descent,
although social units such as clan, local descent group, or moiety, emphasise
one rather than the other.’
- Dr Pannell
agreed that kinship is one of the bases of social relatedness. She agreed that
Berndt’s view that kinship also
indicates the general range of behaviour
expected in any situation, and requires that everyone be identified in that way,
is a view
that is common to anthropologists. She further agreed with a
statement in Berndts, World (p 68) that ‘in classificatory
systems, such as we find in Aboriginal Australia, a limited number of kinship
terms is
used and extended to cover all known persons’.
- Dr
Pannell agreed that, in effect, what distinguishes the Aboriginal kinship system
is that ‘the limited number of terms which,
in a non-Aboriginal system,
might simply be referred to biological relatives, are in fact, extended to cover
all known persons’.
She said that the word ngunytju can refer to
one’s biological mother or, depending on the context, ‘someone in
that first descending [sic – ascending]
generation ... who is a
female’, and that the kinship system being considered is ‘a way of
categorising a number of individuals
into a ... limited number of
classes’.
- Importantly,
Dr Pannell and Mr Vachon agreed that if one wished to prove the
existence of a kinship system, one would need
evidence that as well as knowing
terms, the people knew of and observed the associated rules of behaviour.
Similarly, Professor
and Dr Berndt state (Berndts, World
p 80):
terms are only part of any
kinship system. Just as important is the behaviour associated with them. Being
related to a given person
in a particular way means more than simply using the
appropriate labels or terms; it means (to repeat) conforming, in greater or
lesser degree, to what is regarded as the proper line of conduct in respect of
him or her. This may entail complete avoidance, or
restraint and
circumspection, a speech tabu, or special duties or rights. It may involve a
joking or bantering relationship, or
one in which the person concerned can act
with comparative freedom. In addition, there are relationships where mutual
cooperation
is more than usually significant, either in ordinary affairs or in
the sphere of ritual.’
- Perhaps
the avoidance relationship that has been most noted is that between son-in-law
and mother-in-law. Of this particular relationship,
Berndts, World
states (p 81):
are forbidden to utter
each other’s names. In some cases there is a complete ban on speech
between them; or a third person
may serve as an intermediary. In others a
special vocabulary must be used; in others again, sign language. A woman may
turn in
her track and face the other way, or hide, if people shout to her that a
man she calls daughter’s husband is approaching; ...
. The main thing is
that two persons who stand in this relationship should avoid face to face
contact, or any prolonged or familiar
association.’
- Other
forms of behaviour governed by a Western Desert kinship system which can be
found in the literature are:
- the
responsibility of in-laws for arranging funerals;
- identification
by reference to skin group, for ceremonial and trading purposes;
- distribution of
kangaroo meat;
- deference to
older kin;
- bestowing of
names of forebears (thamu or kaparli) on
grandchildren.
- Dr Sackett
stated that in the ‘classical’ Aboriginal kinship system, everyone
in a person’s social universe
was one or other type of kin. He explained
that people were able to relate to a potentially infinite number of persons
through a
relatively limited number of kin terms, because each term applied, not
just to one or a few other people, but to a relatively large
number, who, within
the logic of the system, were deemed to be ‘alike’.
- Like
Pannell/Vachon (see [747] above), Dr Sackett illustrated by reference to the kin
term ‘mama’. He said that mama means not only a
person’s biological father, but all the males whom the person’s
father calls kurta or marlanypa (older brother or younger brother)
in part because, from the speaker’s perspective, they ‘would all be
structurally “the
same”.’ That is, any one of them might have
married the speaker’s mother, and if the person’s biological
father
were to pass away, might actually do so.
3. ‘A variety of
local totemism, in which a person’s totem is determined by his place of
birth’
- Pannell/Vachon
and Dr Sackett discuss two classes of totem in the Western Desert
identified by Professor Elkin (Elkin 1931 pp 69-70).
The first is a birth
(or local) totem which depended on the person’s place of birth and the
Tjukurr (Dreaming) totem associated with that place. The second is a
dream (not ‘Dreaming’ or Tjukurrpa) totem, which, in parts of
the Western Desert, takes the form of a species of animal or plant associated
with a person’s conception
(discussed at [779] ff below). Dr Sackett
suggests that he had also heard of a moon conception totem, but not, to his
recollection,
among any of the claimants before the Court).
- Elkin
wrote in relation to the birth totem (Elkin 1931
p 69):
totemism which is common to all
the tribes of this area north of the East-West Line [apparently the
Trans-Australian Railway line] both in South and Western Australia, is a
variety of local totemism. A person’s totem depends on his place of birth
and the
totem associated with that place. Further, this totemism is ceremonial;
the totemite, being a fully initiated male, is taught the
myths and ceremonies
which enshrine the story of the culture-hero or heroes associated with the
totem, and in some cases also, when
such exists, the talu or increase
ceremony which ensures the increase of the totem. The talu ceremonies do
not seem to exist south of a line drawn west of Oodnadatta. These are, of
course, associated with definite sacred
sites. The southern hordes merely sing
to make the species increase, but the explanation of this may be that having
migrated from
the homes of their fathers, where the talu sanctuaries are
situated, they are not disposed to travel back over the desert for the
ceremonies. Females know the name of their
totem, but neither the myth nor the
ceremony.
person does not eat his totem, and he
feels grieved when he sees another man kill
it.’
- Apparently,
then, the ‘local’ or ‘birth’ totem was an animal.
- In
their primary report, Pannell/Vachon state that Elkin’s field notes made
at Mount Margaret in 1930 identified more than 20
individuals, eight of whom
they list, noting that these eight appear to have been his key informants. All
eight had totems, although
this is not to say that the remaining 12 did not.
They state that Elkin recorded that Bert Thomas (the father of several Wongatha
claimants) had both a birth totem (karlaya or emu) and a dream or
conception totem (woma, a sweet white substance found on the back of
leaves).
- Pannell/Vachon
note that for one of Elkin’s informants, his local/birth totem and his
dream/conception totem were the same,
while for others they were different. For
example, Elkin’s notebook states that Jack Angaru had two totems:
Karlaya (they spell it Kalaia) (Emu), being his local totem based
on his place of birth, and wonangura (wild radish), being his dream
‘conceptional’ totem.
- Importantly,
according to Professor Elkin, it was the birth totem which provided a person
with a connection to one of the Dreaming
tracks or paths, and so to the land.
By contrast, Pannell/Vachon explain that a person’s dream totem is not
necessarily connected
with a Tjukurr being or track, but will be if it is
also the person’s local totem. They observe that in a later article,
Elkin referred to
place of birth as ‘fortuitous’ and as a
‘local principle’, adding: ‘It is this principle which seems
to underlie individual connection to “country” in the Aluridja
region.’ Importantly, Professor Elkin stated that
it is ‘birth or
conception on the mythological path ... which really makes or constitutes a
person’s “country”,
the “ancestral estate” as it
has been well described’ (Elkin’s book p 137). Thus, whatever
may be the
nature and extent of the ‘country’ or ‘ancestral
estate’, it derives from the individual person’s having
been born or
conceived on a Tjukurrpa (Dreaming) track or site there.
- Dr
Sackett said it seems that when Professor Tindale went to Warburton, he found
that most people there had a dreaming/conception
totem. He thought that
Professor Elkin recorded much the same kind of totem. He said he had been able
to identify only six of the
approximately 128 Cosmo claimants who had
dreaming/conception totems, and none who had a birth totem. However, he said
that as far
as he could recall, Elkin did not find birth totems on the western
side of the desert, although he said that they were a characteristic
of the
Aluridja region generally. Dr Sackett stated, however, that Elkin’s
Laverton/Mount Margaret Mission data indicate
that at least a few people, some
of whom identified themselves as Mandjindja, had both kinds of totems
(birth and conception) characteristic of the region. Dr Sackett also noted
that the two could be
the same or different.
- In
his Reply submissions, the Cosmo applicant seeks to emphasise that Dr
Sackett’s interpretation of Elkin is that Elkin accepted
that both types
of totem were not necessarily found everywhere in the Western Desert, and that
Dr Sackett recorded in his report
that Elkin found that the people visiting
Mount Margaret and Laverton acknowledged both types of totem.
- Dr Sackett
agreed that a birth totem is associated with the Tjukurrpa or the
Dreaming and its sites and/or tracks, and that because a person is born in the
area of a particular site or track, the person’s
birth totem provides a
very intimate connection between the person and country. He agreed that the
conception totem was different,
and was associated with a species.
Dr Sackett said that although the conception totem is not site specific,
some people may
refer to place, when explaining how they got their conception
totem. Dr Sackett was anxious to point out that birth totems do not
exist
everywhere. He said that where they exist, they link the individual more to a
particular place than to a Dreaming as such.
- Dr Sackett
agreed that in the past, ‘not necessarily everyone, certainly, but many,
most’ people would have had a
Dreaming, and that ‘the practice is
not as prevalent today as it was in the past’. As will be seen in Chs
4-10 dealing
with the individual Claims, the position is vastly different today,
at least, as it is represented in the Claim
groups.
4. ‘The
mythological theme’
- In
Elkin 1931, Professor Elkin wrote that the ‘tribes’ north of what
appears to be a reference to the Trans-Australian
Railway line (he refers to the
‘East-West Line’), possessed ‘a mythology which is marked
everywhere by a common
theme’ (p 69). He continued (pp
69–70):
[the mythology] is associated
with the totemism of the area and enshrines the exploits of the totemic heroes
of the time long past. The one term,
djugur [Tjukurr] (in the
Everard Ranges, wabar) denotes a person’s totem and the myth of his
particular totemic hero. Thus, when asked for his djugur, a man gives in
reply the name of some animal, plant or object, or, very occasionally, merely
the personal name of an old-time hero,
and then, in order to complete his
answer, goes on to recount the myth of the hero who also bore the name of the
same totem, travelled
about his (the speaker’s) horde country, and
probably performed some exploit or other at or near the spot where he was born.
A man’s djugur is frequently the same as his father’s, seeing
that each horde has its own waters and country, and that a man and his children
are very likely to be born somewhere along the route of the same totemic
hero.
variety of local totemism is similar to the
conceptional variety of local totemism of the Aranda tribe at Alice Springs, in
that a
person’s totem depends somewhat on chance, and that the members of
any one totem tend to belong to the one local horde. But
here, the
fortuitousness lies in the accident of birth and not of conception. There is no
doubt about this in any part of the western
area.’
- In
their primary report, Pannell/Vachon discuss aspects of Elkin’s
‘mythological theme’. Elkin’s view was
that the
Aluridja’s concept of ‘country’ derived from the location of
the sites and tracks of the Tjukurr ancestors. According to
Pannell/Vachon, Tjukurr referred, not only to the mythological beings and
the sites and tracks associated with them, but also to the personal totem
described
above, although, they acknowledge, not the dream/conception totem if
it is different from the local/birth totem.
- According
to Pannell/Vachon, Elkin believed that people sharing ‘the same
“local totem” or Tjukurr, which he also translates as
“cult-totem” or inma purlka, represent “branches of the
one cult” [citing Elkin 1934 p 174]’. For example, individuals born
at or near a marlu (Kangaroo) site or track can be grouped together to
form the marlu cult. Pannell/Vachon report that Elkin said that cult
members:
“normally friendly to each
other” [and] extend “hospitality” and
“protection” to each other, and are free to travel along the track
of their cult.
The track associated with a cult often extends over hundreds of
kilometres, and thus Aboriginal people who may be large distances
apart are
united by their common cult status. [Elkin observed that] these cults or
“cult lodges” ... operate across both “local groups” and
tribes’: ibid.
- Pannell/Vachon
state that while later researchers questioned the very existence of cult lodges,
‘Elkin’s discussion of
Aluridja totemism, with its emphasis upon
birthplace, highlights the importance of the Tjukurr as an unifying
social and cultural theme among the people making up the Aluridja’.
Pannell/Vachon observe that, according
to Elkin (in Elkin 1934 p 171), the
‘Tjukurr and the ritual activities associated with it, “binds
together local groups even of different
tribes”’.
5. ‘Dream
totemism’
- I
discussed the distinction between birth or local Dreaming (Tjukurr)
totems and conception or Dream totems at [765] above.
- Professor
Elkin wrote (Elkin 1931 p70):
dream totem in
all the tribes of the Western Group in South Australia is the djugur
[Tjukurr]; that is, if a person dreams of djugur or local
totem, a person belonging to that totem will soon come along to the dreamer.
But just west of the north-western corner
of [South Australia], the dream
totem is the species associated with a person’s conception ...
.’
- Dr Sackett
said that from Tindale’s recording of people’s conception totems
when Tindale went to Warburton, we can
say that while not everyone necessarily
had a conception totem, it seems that in the past most people did.
- I
referred to Dr Pannell’s discussion of Dream totems at 3.6(c)
[715] above in the context of the single society/multiple societies and regional
variation issues.
- An
initial approach to identifying the laws and customs of WDCB in 1829 is to have
regard to what the earliest anthropologists said
they were at the time of their
observations. Pannell/Vachon, however, appear to pay primary regard to what
they have learned from
the claimants, and, in the light of this, seek to
interpret what the earlier anthropologists said. To take conception/dream
totems
as an illustration, Professor Elkin identified the possession of such
totems as a characteristic of the WDCB. They are not, however,
a characteristic
of any of the GLSC or other Claim groups. Dr Pannell responds by seeking
to emphasise the possibility of regional
variation. Thus, the fact that
claimants do not have conception/dream totems may merely indicate that the
Wongatha Claim area is
a region within the Western Desert where they were never
a feature, rather than a loss of traditional belief.
- The
general absence of a WDCB characteristic from claimants may be attributable to
loss or to regional variation. If claimants fail
to prove regional variation at
an earlier time, I would find loss to be the explanation. The reason is that
the onus of proving
continuous acknowledgement and observance of the body of
pre-sovereignty laws and customs rests on a claim group, and this involves,
as
its starting point, proof of the content of the body of laws and customs that
were being acknowledged and observed in the claim
area at sovereignty.
- The
Pannell/Vachon interpretation of the earlier anthropologists in the light of
what Pannell/Vachon know of the Wongatha claimants’
practices, is endemic.
This is not to say that statements made by the earlier anthropologists should
not be questioned. Perhaps
their statements should have been qualified. The
challenge is to distinguish between three things:
- identification
of what the laws and customs of the WDCB were in 1829, taking into account
proved regional variations at that time;
- subsequent
permissible adaptations of those laws and customs to change;
- cessation of
acknowledgment and observance of those laws and customs, even after taking into
account proved regional variations, and
incorporating permissible
adaptations.
- It
was not only Pannell/Vachon who relied on regional variation to escape a
conclusion of loss; Dr Sackett and the Cosmo applicant
did so too (see
[771] ff
above).
6. ‘Spirit-child
beliefs’
- According
to Elkin (Elkin 1931 p 70), all the western tribes of South Australia believe
that a definite place (or perhaps a few places)
called ‘Yualanya’ is
the abode of pre-existent spirit children. This belief has nothing to do with
the totem of a child.
Children of different totems may all come from the one
Yualanya. Having left the Yualanya, some spirit children are believed to
play
about on the flowers of the mulga tree. The spirit children inhabit ‘a
rock hole, possibly a cave, containing water,
with a sandhill near by.’
Women must be careful how they approach and obtain water at such a place, or
else a spirit-child
may enter them.
- Reports
of spirit-children can also be found in Kenneth Young’s writings (it will
be recalled that Young worked in the Duketon
area in 1905-1906). According to
Pannell/Vachon, Young wrote to the anthropologist, RH Mathews, informing
him that the Duketon
Aborigines believed that the spirits of children inhabit
trees near springs or waterholes. He wrote that when a husband and wife
are
camped in the vicinity of such a ‘spirit tree’, a woman’s
husband may dream that he hears the spirit-child
sing out shortly before it
enters the woman’s body. Mathews concluded that the ‘Mount Margaret
tribes’ did not
believe that sexual intercourse was the ‘cause of
the birth of children’.
- Elkin
also recorded that the tribes of south-east central Western Australia who
visited Laverton and Mount Margaret believed that
spirit-children entered women
in the guise of food. He said (Elkin 1931
p 71):
after having eaten something a
woman is sick, and later on dreams of a spirit-child, she realizes that when she
thought she was eating
food a spirit-baby had entered her. Some years after
birth the child is informed of its mode of entry into the mother’s womb,
that is, of the particular article of food (some animal or plant) associated
with the mother’s first sickness of pregnancy.
This animal or plant then
becomes the child’s dream totem, that is, his symbol in another
person’s dream.’
Professor Elkin
said that his informants told him that conception could not take place apart
from eating ‘child-food’.
He said that djugur
(Tjukurr) myths explain the association of spirit-children with the foods
concerned.
- There
is no evidence that any of the claimants before the Court still hold
spirit-children beliefs. Where, as in the case of spirit-children
beliefs, the
GLSC applicants do not suggest a continuation of laws and customs, I will not
refer to such laws and customs in
Chs 4–10.
7. ‘The
pattern of cicatrization which marks the fully initiated man’
- Professor
Elkin wrote (Elkin 1931 p71):
pattern of
cicatrization on the backs of all fully initiated men of all tribes in this area
is the same. It consists of two sets
of six or eight slightly curved parallel
scars made in an upright position down from each shoulder; the convex aspect of
the curve
is set towards the centre of the back. Two horizontal scars are
raised under each of these two series. This pattern is called yileri in
the south-western corner of the state [South Australia], and is a sign of
complete initiation.’
- According
to Pannell/Vachon’s primary report, Daisy Bates described the practice of
cicatrisation of both men and women, the
men on the shoulder area and chest, and
the women on the back and upper arms.
- Cicatrisation
is no longer practised in the Wongatha Claim area.
(ii) Professor and Dr Berndt
- The
remaining anthropological writings to be discussed have less to say on the
distinguishing features of the WDCB.
- I
have referred earlier ([622]) to Professor Berndt and his wife, Dr Berndt,
and their work. They referred to Tjukurrpa in their 1942 work, ‘A
preliminary report on the field work in the Ooldea Region, Western South
Australia’, Oceania, vol 12, no 4, pp 305-330, as ‘the
axis upon which the culture of these desert people revolves’ (p 29).
- Professor
Berndt stated (Berndt 1959 p 97) that ‘[t]he whole Western Desert is
criss-crossed with the meandering tracks
of ancestral beings, mostly though not
invariably following the known permanent and impermanent waterhole
routes.’ He stated
(p 97) that there were not many ‘major totemic
or ancestral beings’; he named several, concluding ‘and so on’
(adding that there were many others that had smaller tracks and whose ritual
significance was therefore not so pronounced).
(iii) Toyne and Vachon
- In
Toyne and Vachon, first published in 1984, and written, or at least
completed, in that year, the authors described the requirements for members of
the WDCB to learn the Aboriginal names of places and to learn about the
Tjukurrpa through participating in ceremonies (pp
13-14):
a person to become a socially
responsible human being, the named places and tjukurpa must be
learnt. With such knowledge, these desert people know not only where
they are, without maps and compasses, but also what the desert can
be expected
to offer when the quandong and wild fig ripen and the dingoes
pup.
is the combined knowledge of all people, but it is so
vast that no single person could hope to master it. The task of learning and
teaching tjukurpa is a social responsibility, borne by all adults and as
important and necessary as making a daily living. This knowledge is gained
on a constant and repetitive basis through the song and dance of ceremonies
often called corroborees. The
processes are reinforced by visiting the places
on the land, often in large ceremonial parties, to identify physically the path
of
the creation ancestors across the country. The transmission of knowledge
is a collective act, a check and balance against incorrect information or false
claims to knowledge
being given.’ (my
emphasis)
- Mr
Vachon agreed that the responsibility to learn and to teach the Tjukurrpa
through constant and repetitive involvement in song, dance and ceremonies is
‘at the very core of the body of traditional laws
and customs of the
Western Desert people’. He also agreed that practices of the sort
described in the following paragraph
from Toyne and Vachon (p 14)
are at the ‘central core of Western Desert laws and customs’, as he
understands them:
ceremonial life, the
separate ritual activities unique to women emphasise childbirth and
relationships. All major ceremonial cycles,
however, such as the ceremonies to
maintain the number of species of plants and animals and initiations, are set by
anangu [Western Desert people] to be the “business” of
both men and women; each performs different kinds of essential and complementary
activities.
Important ritual sites on the land had to be known by all adults,
if only so that they could be avoided; the “secret”
knowledge of
these places, however, was often the exclusive preserve of one sex or the
other.’
(iv) The participating anthropologists’ joint report
- As
noted at [411], the joint report on the anthropologists’ conference states
at para (a)(ii) that while none of the following
characteristics are unique
to the Western Desert, yet ‘taken together and given regional variation,
it is possible to identify
traditional Western Desert cultures and
societies’:
Tjukurrpa – the
overarching concept of the dreaming.
- Particular
Mythological sites, Dreamings, Tracks and associated Rituals. Some of these
rituals are regional in character such as
male initiation.
- Social
structure wherein there are multiple pathways of connection. Despite some
ethnographic accounts, the model of land owning
patrilineal clans does not apply
to the Western Desert.
No tribal
organisation in the sense of Tindale’s
usage.
Particular marriage rules and marriage
practices.
- No
patrimoieties. Paucity of kinship terms. Stress on generational divisions.
Section system widespread though not
universal.
Widespread movement by the
indigenous occupiers.’
Paragraph (a)(ii)’s reference to ‘traditional Western Desert
cultures and societies’ is problematical, because of
the plural form.
Paragraph (a)(ii) speaks in the present tense, but uses the word
‘traditional’. There is a question
whether the authors were
directing their attention to the position at sovereignty. I will discuss this
question later.
- Some
of the characteristics identified in the joint report call for
comment.
1. ‘Tjukurrpa
– the overarching concept of the dreaming’
- I
have already referred to the Tjukurr at [775] ff and [797] ff above. I
understand the expression ‘the overarching concept of the dreaming’
to be intended
to refer to the fact that the Dreaming underlay all aspects of
Aboriginal life. I refer, for example, to the extracts from Toyne and
Vachon set out at [797]-[798] above. Toyne and Vachon also states
(p 8):
from being a great,
undifferentiated vastness, the land is modified conceptually into thousands of
separately named ngurra. These places are often sources of water -
claypans, rockholes, springs, creeks and soaks - but include other features such
as trees,
caves, mountains, ridges and sandhills. Taken together, this myriad
of names is an enormous bundle of signs for localised features
on the
land.’
- Mr
Vachon agreed that men and women performed different kinds of essential and
complementary ceremonies, and that important ritual
sites had to be known by all
adults, if only so that they could be avoided, although the secret knowledge of
those places was often
the exclusive preserve of one sex or the other.
2. ‘Particular
Mythological sites, Dreamings, Tracks and associated Rituals. Some of these
rituals are regional in character
such as male initiation.’
- I
need say nothing further on these matters
here.
3. ‘Social
structure wherein there are multiple pathways of connection. Despite some
ethnographic accounts, the model of land
owning patrilineal clans does not apply
to the Western Desert’
- This
passage is consistent on its face with both a finite and an infinite number of
pathways of connection, but the case, as put,
appears to be that the number was
limited only by the necessity a having the claim advanced by a person
‘accepted’ or
‘recognised’. The word
‘connection’ itself does not necessarily point to rights and
interests, but in fact
the evidence made clear that this is what was meant
– multiple pathways by which an individual might have a ‘my
country’
area.
- Dr Pannell
frequently referred to the assertion or claim of a pathway of
connection by an individual, as if there was nothing against which its
conformity to traditional law and culture
was to be tested. As the State
submits:
is one thing to acknowledge the
idiosyncratic nature of the reasons advanced by particular witnesses as to why
they assert an interest
in a particular area, but it is quite another to accept
that each of those bases of claim are sanctioned pursuant to a normative
system
acknowledged and observed by all, or any, of the various claimant
groups.’
If it is indeed not possible to identify a limited number of pathways of
connection which will of themselves make a person a member,
then recognition of
a claimed connection by the present members from time to time of a Claim group
becomes all important. Indeed,
the group than takes on the appearance of a
self-defining voluntary association.
- In
De Rose/O’Loughlin J ([349]), there were four ways of becoming
Nguraritja for the claim area and having a connection to it through
traditional law and custom: birth on it; a long-term physical association
with
it; birth of the person’s ancestors on it; geographical and religious
knowledge of it. To these was to be added the additional
requirement that the
claimant be recognised as Nguraritja for the area by other
Nguraritja. The evidence before me, on the other hand, does not
establish a finite number of criteria to be applied to all claimants within
the
eight Claim groups. There is disagreement between, for example, the Wongatha
and Cosmo claimants, as to what the pathways
are.
4. ‘No
tribal organisation in the sense of Tindale’s usage’
- Elkin
and Berndt rejected Tindale’s tribal model, and none of the expert
witnesses supported it, although, from time to time,
some have used
‘tribal’ terminology.
5. ‘Particular
marriage rules and marriage practices’
- There
was a system of permissible and impermissible marriage relationships identified
by reference to the skin or section system (see
[751] ff above). I need not
attempt here to identify what were the ‘right way’ and ‘wrong
way’ marriages.
Polygamy was practised. There was also the practice of
infant betrothal: parents of a young girl would promise her as the wife
of an
older man. Vachon and de Gand’s report notes that Kenneth Young of
Duketon referred to this practice in letters
of 1905 and 1997 to the
surveyor-anthropologist RH Matthews. The practice was also referred to in
Margaret Morgan, Mt Margaret: A Drop in a Bucket (Mission Publications of
Australia, Lawson, 1991) (‘Morgan, A Drop in a Bucket’) at
pp 107–8, where it is said that baby girls were betrothed to men who,
in general, already had one or two wives;
that when the girl was
5–10 years old, she was given to a man of 40 years or older; and
that when she was 10–14 years
old, she would be married to him as an
extra wife. That part of the book may be taken to have been referring to the
position in
the 1930s and
1940s.
6. ‘No
patrimoieties. Paucity of kinship terms. Stress on generational divisions.
Section
system widespread though not universal.’
- I
dealt with these topics above at [745] and [746]
ff.
7. ‘Widespread
movement by the indigenous occupiers’
- The
participating anthropologists apparently intended by this expression, to refer
to widespread roaming for water, food and ceremonial
purposes. The
anthropological evidence was at one on this: rights and interests were not
possessed in the large area that was exploited
for these purposes (the range).
- The
GLSC, Maduwongga and NK 1 and NK 2 claimants appear to live basically sedentary
lifestyles in towns and cities: Perth, Kalgoorlie,
Leonora, Laverton and
elsewhere. Some of the MN claimants live in a community established in the
early 1980s at Mulga Queen. Nearly
half of the Cosmo claimants now live at the
Cosmo Aboriginal community, established in 1989/1990.
- If
‘widespread movement’ is put as a defining characteristic of
‘traditional Western Desert cultures and societies’,
the members of
the Claim groups do not exemplify a Western Desert culture or society. However,
I doubt that this is what the authors
of the joint report meant. My doubt
suggests the danger of attaching too much weight to the joint
report.
(v) Other matters
- In
Chs 4–10, addressing the individual Claims, additional laws, customs,
beliefs and practices are raised by the various
Claim groups. Each Claim group
prepared its own list, ie, the content of the list did not form part of the
agreed topics for submissions.
There is overlap between the lists of the
respective Claim groups.
- I
found the most helpful discussion of the early records of laws, customs, beliefs
and practices of the WDCB in the supplementary
report on laws and customs
prepared by Dr Lee Sackett. In that report, Dr Sackett provided a
wealth of detailed references
to the following:
The Western Desert
Cultural Bloc
Tjukurr/Dreaming and Dreaming Law
Personal Dreamings
Ritual
Dealing with death
Names and naming
Infanticide
Adoption
Siblings and cousins
Sections and the section system
Claims to country
Knowledge of country
Looking after country
Gaining and extending access to country
Preparing, cooking, butchering and sharing kangaroo
Language
In addition, there were many helpful references in Appendix 2 to the
Cosmo submissions.
- I
will not address here all of the additional laws, customs, beliefs and practices
that have been raised but will mention two: male
initiation and burial and other
practices associated with death.
1. Male initiation
- Kado
Muir said that he imagined that in times past, the expectation was that all
males would go through the law. Initiation is the
process by which a boy
becomes a wati or ‘man’. It seems to be common ground that
only initiated males were permitted to have children. Moreover, only they
could
be told about sacred sites and stories, which they had a responsibility to keep
secret and to safeguard.
- The
early Murrin Murrin resident, David Sanderson McDonald, referred to male
initiation in the Goldfields in the 1890s in these
terms (reminiscences
p 23):
a boy reached a certain age, he
would be taken to a chosen spot and made Bundoo; this means man, after which he
would be allowed to
marry. I am writing exclusively of the Wongi. This
ceremony is performed by Ginkin or doctor. This word is not sounded as with
a
‘J’, the emphasis being on the ‘G’. Tribal marks are
gashed in their respective places and these are healed
by the application of
powdered charcoal. A surgical operation is performed, not as a prevention to
birth, as is widely believed,
but as a control. This is too wierd [sic]
a subject for me to detail. These operations were performed with sharp edged
stone, mostly jasper. When the whites arrived, these
were discarded for broken
glass, later for knives and still later safety razor blades. One front upper
tooth would be broken off
and the boy would now be ready and after healing,
returned to the tribe to take up his responsibilities as a man and he would have
to hunt for himself.’
- Daisy
Bates, writing of the position in the very early years of the twentieth century,
described in detail the various customs in
Western Australia for initiating boys
into manhood. There was a difference between Aboriginal people to the north and
east, where
initiation included circumcision and subincision, nose piercing,
cicatrisation and tooth avulsion, and those of the south-west, where
the
physical marks of initiation were confined to nose piercing and cicatrisation.
Tindale’s map bears a ‘circumcision
line’ and a
‘subincision line’, and it sufficies to say that the entire area
with which we are concerned is in
the area where both rites were practised.
- Dr Sackett
agreed that it was traditional Western Desert law, not only that males must be
initiated, but also that a male could
not marry and have a family unless he was
first initiated. He also agreed that this traditional rule was still today
being observed
in much of the Western Desert.
- I
infer, retrospectively, that the pre-sovereignty law and custom was that all
males must be initiated and so become watis or ‘men’, and
must not marry or raise a family
otherwise.
2. Burial/reburial and
other practices associated with death
- I
turn now to burial and reburial practices. The former Murrin Murrin
resident, David Sanderson Mr McDonald (see 3.6(a)(b) [554] ff),
writing of the position in the 1890s,
stated:
burial grounds or cemeteries existed
[illegible – ‘and the people would choose a place’?]
where the ground was soft and pliable. Here a shallow grave would be
scooped out, the corpse would then be placed in a sitting position
with legs
bent at the knees, the left hand placed as though holding the leg in position
and fastened with kangaroo sinews or from
strings made from their own hair. The
right hand is left free to chase away the dingoes. Sticks are placed in
position and the
body is covered with bushes, leaving the face clear so they can
see if any dingoes approach. Only certain members of the family
attend the
burial, daughters and neices [sic] and other members of the tribe are not
allowed. After the burial, the mourners walk away in file, in the direction the
corpse is
facing, keeping up a mournful howl until they reach camp. In the
meantime, those left in camp prostrate themselves in a row and
keep up a
mournful howl until the return of the burial party. They immediately cease the
mourning and move to another place a good
distance away. Should one die away
from camp, the same applied, even though the ground was suitable, they were
never buried where
they died. ... At the completion of a year, this seems
remarkable but is timed by the number of moons, Bera, the same burial party
return to the grave in single file. As they are nearing the grave, they make a
complete circle, watching closely for any evil spirit
that may be lurking in the
vicinity. Satisfied that all is well, they approach from the same direction
they had by a year before,
this in order to let the corpse see them as they
approach. Being only a skeleton a post-mortem is held by a very close
examination
among the bones. If nothing foreign is located, the bones are
spread in the bottom and completely covered with fresh bushes. They
move off in
single file, as previously, breaking into a mournful howl, which is continued
until they reach camp. On approaching
camp, those awaiting their return
[illegible] widow or widows of a deceased native must jump four times
each way across the grave, at the same time waving the arms and screeching
in
imitation of the call of the crow, after which they must prostrate themselves
along side the corpse and set up the howl described.
If more than one widow,
they follow in turn and should either step or place a foot in the grave, she
must die. This is repeated
during the post-mortem, after which they are free to
remarry, the spirit having been released. On the way to post-mortem, the widow
or widows keep up a continuous long drawn out cry like “poo-o-o”
this is meant to warn the deceased of their coming.
The mournful howl is
accompanied by drenching tears at all times, by every member of the
tribe.’
- In
Morgan, A Drop in a Bucket (p 126), the burial practices in the
Laverton/Mount Margaret area as in the 1920s and 1930s were described as appears
in the
following passage (footnote
omitted):
was now over two years since
Wiljal had died. His funeral had taken place in the bush with the full honours
conferred on a significant
man of the tribe. The time had arrived for the
second part of the funeral: the lifting of the
bones.
are two phases to the burial ritual. In the first
phase the body is placed in a shallow grave in a sitting position with the
spearing
arm tied back so that the spirit will not attack a passer-by. The hair
is cut off and kept. Logs are placed over the open grave
to protect it from
wild dogs, and the area all round is swept so that any tracks can be seen.
Boughs are hung in the surrounding
trees umbrella style to warn people to keep
away.
second phase takes place one to two years later in
the lifting-of-the-bones ritual and complete burial. Only then is everything
finished.
Only then can a man have another woman after the death of his wife.
As the party set out for the complete burial they stop as they
approach the
vicinity of the grave. They then call out to the spirit of the dead and wait
for an answer. Only when they hear the
spirit answer do they approach the grave
and inspect the bones for any evidence of injury or malpractice – a bone
down the
throat, or other objects, then the bones are lifted and completely
buried.’
- I
infer, retrospectively, that at sovereignty, the two-stage burial process,
generally as described in these passages, was followed
in the Western Desert,
and in the Murrin Murrin and Mount Margaret areas, in particular.
- There
is also evidence of a traditional practice of leaving the place where a person
died and disposing of the deceased belongings.
In ‘Death, Burial and
Associated Ritual at Ooldea, South Australia’, Oceania,
vol 12, no 3, 1942, pp 189-208, Berndt and Johnston observed in
relation to the camp at Ooldea (p
192):
deceased’s hut and belongings
are burnt or left and the camp moved after the body has been removed and the
first burial terminated.’
John E Stanton refers to an incident at the Mount Margaret Mission
where the missionaries brought a dying woman whom they
had found on the track to
Morgans, into the Mission, and for whom they cared there in the final stages of
her life. Other Aboriginal
people, however, requested that she be moved away to
die elsewhere, because, they said, if she were to die at the Mission, they would
have to depart, yet they were dependent on the Mission for rations. In the
event, the missionaries cared for her and only the close
relatives moved away
following her death, and even they returned after only a short absence:
John E Stanton, ‘Mt Margaret:
Missionaries and the
Aftermath’ in T Swain and D Rose (eds), Aboriginal
Australians and Christian Missions (Australian Association for the Study of
Religions, SA College of Advanced Education, Bedford Park, 1988)
p 294.
- A
file of the Aborigines Affairs Department contains a report by Police Constable
Gravestock of Laverton to the Commissioner of Native
Affairs dated
28 November 1937 reporting that the Aborigines had not camped at a site at
Claypan Well or in the vicinity for
just over two years, since George, the
Native Police Tracker, was murdered there.
- Tonkinson,
in The Mardudjara Aborigines: Living the Dream in the Australian Desert
(Reinhart & Winston, New York, 1978) (the first edition of Tonkinson, The
Mardu Aborigines) p 84, refers to the deceased body being carried well
away from the camping area ‘which everyone abandons shortly after’,
and writing that the camping area:
not be
occupied again for some years, initially because of the alleged presence of the
spirit of the deceased and later because the
site will arouse unhappy memories
among the surviving relatives.’
- I
infer retrospectively that at sovereignty there was a practice according to
which the relatives of a deceased person and others
who knew him or her removed
themselves for a time from the place of death.
3. Traditional groupings within the WDCB
- I
intend to address here various groupings within the WDCB that have been
recognised in the anthropological literature (in particular,
the question of
landowning groups) and in the next section, what I regard as the impermissible
aggregation or pooling of ‘my
country’ areas that has given rise to
the Claim groups and Claim areas in the present case.
Daisy
Bates
- Daisy
Bates did not discuss the basis or bases on which country was claimed or shared,
whixh Dr Sackett observes: ‘the
body of her data on land tenure is
somewhat light on’. Nor, he writes, does she develop her notion of
‘tribes’,
although it appears that they were ‘made up of
smaller, “local groups”’ which were ‘associated with
specific stretches of (“tribal”) countryside’. Dr Sackett
suggests that from what Bates said about the situation
in general,
‘location of birth possibly played some role in linking a person to
place’.
Professor
Elkin
- Like
Daisy Bates, Professor Elkin did not regard ‘tribes’ as playing any
real role in landholding. In Elkin 1931, speaking
of the indigenous people he
encountered in November 1930 in the Laverton/Mount Margaret District, Professor
Elkin said (p 49):
kind of country in
which they live and travel can be estimated from the fact that one never asks
the name of a person’s camp
or yura, but of his water, kapi.
Man is tied from his birth to his death to the rockholes and soaks, and to the
tracks between them, and so too were the heroes of
mythology.’
This statement does not, however, expose a basis of the holding of rights and
interests in land.
Professor
Berndt
- Berndt
1959 is a seminal article on WDCB groupings. It was so regarded in
De Rose. Professor Berndt describes his understanding of how the
Aboriginal population of the Western Desert region was ‘organised’,
while emphasising that he had obtained the material on which he was working from
Western Desert Aborigines who had come into contact
situations, and who could no
longer be described as truly semi-nomadic hunters and food collectors. He
wrote: ‘[t]hose days
have almost gone, and only a very few can be said to
follow the “traditional” way of life’ (p 96).
Nonetheless,
he thought that there was enough evidence on groupings in
semi-nomadic times to provide a basis for discussion (ibid). ).
- Professor Berndt
set out to show that the social structure that might be indicated by the word
‘tribe’ is not applicable
to any social unit in the Western Desert,
and, in particular, that the largest observable social units were not
territory-owing groups.
It is important not to be misled by, for example,
Tindale’s map, which shows the Maduwongga, Koara and Waljen tribes as
located
in bounded territories. The anthropologists who testified were at one
in rejecting any notion of ‘tribe-owned territories’.
- Professor
Berndt thought that for anthropologists, the term ‘tribe’ had these
common features (p 182):
linguistic and, up
to a point, cultural distinctiveness; general acknowledgement, by the persons
concerned, of membership in such
a unit; and probably the crucial point (since
the unit involved is a social one), interaction; the tribe, one might say, would
be
the widest range not just of consistent interaction but of more or less
regular co-activity.’
Berndt also noted (p 84) that other anthropologists considered
Australian ‘tribes’ to be a collection of segments
called
‘local groups’, which, he said, were the land-owning units.
- After
identifying ‘the region in question’ (see 3.6(a)(b) [624]
above), Professor Berndt said (p 84) that the population of ‘the
greater part of this whole region could be referred
to broadly in terms of a
“culture bloc”.’ Berndt identified (pp 104-105) the
following social units within
that bloc: a local group, a horde, a lodge (or
‘religious cult unit’), a dialectal unit, and a wider unit which he
described
as being ‘formed seasonally by members of a number of hordes
coming together for the purpose of performing certain sacred rituals’.
To
this last group, he was prepared to apply the term ‘society’ (see
[842]–[843] below).
- The
positioning of these social units is reflected in the following passage (p 104),
where Professor Berndt states that the political
autonomy of these semi-nomadic
people:
perhaps be shown diagrammatically by
means of concentric circles, the innermost “solidary” core
representing the local
group; outside this, the horde; outside this again the
constellation of those, within a rather loosely defined range, who possess
the
same cult totem; immediately outside the last circle those hordes which consist
of more or less contiguous local groups speaking
the one dialect; finally,
beyond this range, irrespective of cultural similarity and the spread of kin
ties, the system is “open”
and relatively
weak.’
- Professor
Berndt saw the local group as the land holding core of the horde, and described
it as follows (p 98):
persons united
by common patrilineal descent, who share a given site or constellation of
sites, constitute the local group; this is the land-owning
group, with special spiritual and ritual ties, of which the land itself
represents the most obvious, most enduring, and most consistently visible,
tangible focus. Executive powers
are almost entirely in the hands of initiated
males, who control, and possess the right to perform, the major totemic rituals
relevant
to that group and various other religious activities. The female
members of such a group move out of it at marriage, but are expected
to maintain
spiritual and emotional ties with their “country”; they do not
relinquish their totemic affiliations. We
may therefore speak of this local
unit as a patrilineal descent group. Its male members have the most active
associations with their
country and all it stands for, and with their wives form
a relatively closely knit body.’ (my
emphasis)
Professor Berndt stated in a footnote to
the expression ‘local group’ in this passage, that the local group
country was
defined, not by boundaries explicitly demarcating it from similar
units, but by the actual sites connected with the ancestral being
and his acts.
Such territory was, he said, ideally ‘unalienable’, but members of
other local groups were not debarred
from entry, or from hunting game or
collecting food within its precincts, although they might be denied access to
sacred sites where
objects of ritual use were stored.
- Professor
Berndt also identified the ‘cult or “lodge” as Elkin has
called it’, being a men-only religious
unit that was ‘the widest
acknowledged social unit’ (p 99).
- The
participating anthropologists agreed in their joint report that the ‘model
of land owning patrilineal clans does not apply
to the Western Desert’.
There remain, however, the definition of the land the subject of ownership as
‘a given site
or constellation of sites’ and the ‘special
spiritual and ritual ties’ to which Berndt referred. The theme that
the
land owned is identified by reference to, Tjukurr sites or tracks and had
a religious dimension, has been a recurrent one in anthropological writings (see
below) and does not seem
to have been departed from.
- Professor
Berndt said (pp 96-97) that what was important was a certain stretch of
territory and its totemic associations. Usually, he said, it was not
only one site and the country immediately surrounding it which were involved,
but a number of sites,
the majority having totemic connections. The area might
vary greatly in size and in totemic complexity. A child born at one place
‘inherits’, so to speak, all the totemic aspects linked with it.
Although only one waterhole may be mentioned, in relation
to a person, the
understanding is that others, as well as physiographic features, such as hills,
stones and sand dunes, are connected
with it, and it is these which, in
totality, make up the ‘country of one’s birth’.
- The
most important site economically is given prominence, usually a watering place,
and it is not always the actual birth site that
is important, but the fact that
it takes place within the territory or constellation of sites associated with
the principal waterhole.
Professor Berndt wrote
(p 97):
the waterhole at which he was
born, a person may say “That’s my gabi, my country”;
this is his most important tie with the land, and he is not as a rule articulate
concerning any larger territorially
based
unit.’
As will be seen below, the constellation of Tjukurr sites with which a
child’s birth was associated, featured in the writings of later
anthropologists as the child’s ‘estate’.
- In
contrast to the local group, Professor Berndt observed that the horde, as such,
had no territorial claim and was not ‘localized’
except in a very
general sense. It moved across the country in search of sustenance within an
undefined radius of the respective
cult sites. Professor Berndt wrote
(p 103):
fifty persons (adult males and
females with children) would probably represent the very maximum figure for such
a horde; ordinarily
the figure would be considerably lower, and certainly this
would be so to-day.
horde is the land-occupying group, and has as its
core several nuclear families, the male members of which, with their children,
are
normally linked by close ties of patrilineal kinship. This is a corporate
body of some consistency and unity. It was relatively
self-sufficient, and for
most of the year would be on the move, either by itself or in conjunction with
one or more other hordes.’
(my
emphasis)
- As
noted earlier, Professor Berndt identified ‘the wider unit formed
seasonally by members of a number of hordes coming together
for the purpose of
performing certain sacred rituals’. He notes that ‘the significance
of this wider unit rests primarily
on the degree of interaction taking place
among its members’ (p 105). He says that this ‘wider unit’
might be
termed a ‘society’, and that on the basis of the material
presented in his article, it was ‘more rewarding to speak
of Western
Desert societies, rather than ambiguously of tribes’ (ibid).
- Professor
Berndt’s ‘Conclusion’ includes the following paragraphs
(pp 104-105):
our purpose, then, we
have isolated for discussion the following social units: the dialectal unit;
the local group (which in any definition of “tribe” in Aboriginal
Australia has been demonstrated by Radcliffe-Brown and
Elkin to be of basic
importance); the horde; the religious cult unit composed of several local
groups having the same cult totem – the “lodge”,
as Elkin has
called it; and the wider unit formed seasonally by members of a number of
hordes coming together for the purpose of performing certain sacred rituals.
(I have purposely not dealt with the section and sub-section systems common
throughout this region.) My purpose has been, primarily,
to delineate the
widest functionally significant social unit – a unit which we can broadly
define in terms of the interaction
of its members, on a relatively regular and
consistent basis. ...
It is those who meet regularly and consistently,
even if intermittently – and are closely involved in reciprocal duties and
obligations – who make up the widest functionally significant group. And
one might expect to find a number of these throughout
the Western Desert, with
some of their members interchangeable from time to time, serving to maintain a
linkage over a relatively
wide region. Each one of these might be termed a
society, the main criteria being (a) sustained interaction between its members;
(b) the possession of broadly common aims; (c) effective and consistent
communication between them. It is suggested, therefore,
on the basis of
material presented here, that it is more rewarding to speak of Western Desert
societies, rather than ambiguously
of
tribes.’
There is no suggestion by Berndt that the WDCB is itself a
‘society’. Rather, he would say that there are within it multiple
societies, characterised by the three features (a), (b) and (c) he mentions.
‘Estate’ and ‘range’
- Some
six years after the ‘seminal’ Berndt 1959, Professor WEH Stanner
made explicit the ‘estate’/‘range’
dichotomy in the
present area of anthropological discourse. Stanner’s analysis is simple
enough, although later anthropologists
have elaborated upon it. Professor
Stanner wrote in ‘Aboriginal Territorial Organisation: Estate, Range,
Domain and Regime’,
Oceania, vol 36, no 1, 1965,
p 1-2:
pattern of aboriginal
territoriality should be looked at first from an ecological point of view. The
evidence allows us to say that
each territorial group was associated with both
an estate and a range. The distinction is crucial. The
estate was the traditionally recognized locus (“country”,
“home”. “ground”, “dreaming place”)
of some
kind of patrilineal descent-group forming the core or nucleus of the
territorial group. It seems usually to have been a
more or less continuous
stretch. The range was the tract or orbit over which the group, including
its nucleus and adherents, ordinarily hunted and foraged to maintain life.
The
range normally included the estate: people did not usually belong here
and live there but, in some circumstances, the two could be practically
dissociated.’
- In
his report, Dr Brunton summarises the views of various anthropologists in
relation to ‘Aboriginal Relations to Country’,
taking as his
starting point Professor Stanner’s statement. He acknowledges that
Professor Stanner’s definitions of
‘estate and ‘range’
have been qualified as a result of subsequent research and discussion; that
patrilineal descent
groups were not as prevalent as Stanner thought; and that
Stanner probably overstated the extent to which the group utilising the
range
(‘the band’) was predominantly comprised of people from a single
estate.
- Dr
Brunton elaborates as follows:
is the term
widely used to refer to the primary unit of land tenure, and the relationship
between people and their estate is often
characterised as “predominantly
religious in character”, although important economic and political
consequences flowed
from the relationship. “Range” entailed a
relationship with land which was primarily economic. The range of any band
was
invariably larger than any single estate, and unlike estates, which seem to have
remained reasonably stable over long periods
of time, ranges could differ in
size and the extent to which they overlapped each other from year to year. The
variability of ranges
would have been considerably greater in arid regions
subject to unpredictable patterns of rainfall, such as the country covered by
the Wongatha Claim area.’
- Dr
Brunton cites Peter Sutton, ‘Aboriginal Country Groups and the
“Community of Native Title Holders”’, NNTT
Occasional Paper
Series, no 1, 2001, pp 22–23, as stating that the
‘estate’ is usually portrayed
as:
set of sites and surrounding landscapes
considered to belong to a single, relatively small, country. The degree to
which this set
of sites is conceived of primarily in terms of key sacred sites
... as opposed to an approach in which the whole estate [is seen
as] a
“block” including its non-sacred sites ... is a matter of regional
variation. So also is the extent to which estates
may overlap and intertwine.
Such variations to a significant extent are in line with the aridity of the
region, estates being less
neatly bounded and more inclined to intertwine along
Dreaming track segments, and to rest elementally on the sites of Dreaming track
or song line segments, in semi-desert
areas.’
According to Dr Brunton, Sutton states that estates ‘appear virtually
everywhere’ in Aboriginal Australia, although he
(Sutton) thinks that the
concept may be of ‘debatable usefulness’ in at least ‘some
sub-regions’ of the Western
Desert. Nevertheless, Dr Brunton
observes that the two major recent monographs on specific Western Desert
peoples, the Pintupi
and the Mardu, by Professors Fred Myers and Robert
Tonkinson respectively, both of which are cited by Pannell/Vachon, use these
concepts:
Fred R Myers, Pintupi Country, Pintupi Self: Sentiment, Place,
and Politics among Western Desert Aborigines (Smithsonian Institution Press,
Washington, 1986) (‘Myers, Pintupi’) pp 128-9;
Tonkinson, The Mardu Aborigines pp 67-68.
- In
Myers, Pintupi, Professor Myers dealt with the Pintupi People of an area
of the Western Desert which lies north of the Wongatha Claim area and straddles
the Western Australia/Northern Territory border.
- Professor
Myers distinguished between ngurra as ‘camp’ and as
‘country’. He wrote that ngurra as ‘country’
represented named places which were the camps of The Dreaming. While ngurra
as ‘camp’ is a transient human product, ngurra as
‘country’ endures, because its creators are outside the immediate
social world. Professor Myers referred (p 59)
to the country as
‘story’, that is, a story of The Dreaming.
- In
chapter 5 of his book, Professor Myers took up a theme that he had referred
to earlier, namely, that Pintupi landholding formations
were the outcome of
processes of individual negotiation, the individual’s ‘claim’
to country being based on multiple
pathways of connection. He said
(p 129):
in the Western Desert is thus
an elusive matter. Only belatedly did I come to see the mystery as part of the
system itself: Ownership
is not a given, but an accomplishment. Although rights
over sacred sites are acquired only through political activity, this historicity
is disguised by the fact that the cultural basis of claims lies in the
ontological priority of The Dreaming. ... Ultimately, landownership
is tied to a
politics that emphasizes both the claims of relatedness and those of personal
autonomy.’
- Professor
Myers listed possible pathways of connection which the individual might assert
to place A as follows
(p 129):
conception at the
place A;
- conception
at a place B made by and/or identified with the same Dreaming as
A;
- conception
at a place B whose Dreaming is associated mythologically with The Dreaming
at A (the story lines cross);
- initiation
at A (for a male);
- birth
at A;
- father
conceived at A or conditions 2–5 true for father;
- mother
conceived at A or conditions 2, 3, or 5 true for mother;
- “grandparents”
(tjamu, kaparli, including all kin types so classified) conceived at A or
conditions 2–5 true;
- residence
around A;
- death
of close relative at or near A.’
Following this list, Professor Myers wrote that one can claim
identification with any place with which one’s close relatives
are
identified, and that ‘[a] fundamental link in the chain is a
person’s identification with his conception Dreaming
and its place. He or
she is, after all, its incarnation.’
- Myers
stated that he interpreted ‘range’ and ‘estate’ as
‘properties of individuals rather than well-defined
groups’ (Myers,
Pintupi pp 128-9).
- Professor
Myers did not depart from Berndt’s understanding of the Dreaming and
Dreaming sites and tracks as underlying the subject
matter of land ownership.
He emphasised the individual as the owner, and the variety of pathways between
the individual and that
subject matter, by which ownership might be
‘accomplished’.
- Professor
Tonkinson studied the Madudjara, whose home territories lie in the areas
surrounding Lake Disappointment on the western
side of the Gibson Desert.
- While
there are differences between the 1978 and 1991 editions of his work (for a
start, the main title of the 1978 edition is The Mardudjara
Aborigines, while that of the 1991 edition is The Mardu
Aborigines), there is no difference of significance in relation to Professor
Tonkinson’s discussion of ‘the Estate Group’.
I will not
discuss his analysis. It suffices, I think, to say that, again, a tie to the
Dreaming is present. Professor Tonkinson
also states (1991 edition,
pp 67–8):
the larger
dialect-named unit, the entity here referred to as “the estate
group” has no reality as an exclusive, on-the-ground
collectivity, so it
can be difficult to identify. There are no unilineal descent groups such as
lineages or clans in the Western
Desert region, but certain cultural principles
operate to ensure that the estate group has a core of patrilineally related men
and
women. Nevertheless, membership criteria are not rigorously defined, and
most people are able to maintain a primary allegiance to
one group and secondary
allegiances to a number of others. Possible affiliative criteria are many, and
individuals can exercise
choices in their estate group
memberships.’
Like Professor Myers, Professor Tonkinson refers to a variety of avenues of
connection to the estate. He describes the estate as
follows (p 66):
estate is the traditional heartland of what is most
often some kind of patrilineal descent group. It consists of a limited
number of important waterholes and sacred sites to which the members of the
group are intimately related through strongly felt bonds of attachment and
belonging. Whereas the tie to the estate is primarily a religious one, the
relationship of social groups to their range is principally economic. A
range is the large area exploited by bans during the food quest, and it normally
includes within it an estate which a majority
of members of the bands concerned
think of as their home area ...’ (my
emhasis)
- Dr
Brunton also refers to observations by Professor Berndt, referred to earlier,
that are consistent with the existence of ‘estates’
being defined by
a number of sites, the majority having totemic connections, and their
immediately surrounding landscapes: Berndt
1959 p 97.
- Finally,
Dr Brunton notes that Stanton used the concepts of ‘estate’ and
‘range’ when describing people’s
relations to country: John
Stanton, Conflict, Change and Stability at Mt Margaret: An Aboriginal
Community in Transition, PhD thesis, Uni of WA, 1984, pp 196-8.
- I
note that the concept of the ‘estate’ described in the
anthropological literature to which I have referred above seems
also to be
consistent with the expert evidence accepted in De Rose, in
which the claimants identified their relevant country as an area described by
reference to a ‘constellation’ of important
sites (generally water
points), that were, most often, associated with, and connected by, the
Tjukurrpa (De Rose FCAFC/O’Loughlin [100]: see
3.5 [506]).
- The
result of the discussion above of Berndt, Stanner, Myers and Tonkinson, is that
the subject matter of land ownership was based on Tjukurr sites
and tracks; that ‘ownership’ was at the level of the individual;
that there were multiple pathways by which the
individual had the status of
owner; and that the landowning group comprised those individuals who were owners
of the same subject
matter.
Pannell/Vachon
- Responding
to Dr Brunton’s criticism that they had not paid due regard to the
anthropological work on the estate/range dichotomy,
Pannell/Vachon, in their
supplementary report, stated:
avoid the
confusion and problems that Dr Brunton himself identifies with the application
of Stanner’s model in the Western Desert,
Pannell and Vachon refrained
from imposing a model formulated from research in a different region on our
recording of ethnographic
material in the southwestern region of the Western
Desert. We also refrained from attempting to fit this ethnographic material in
an uncritical manner into a Stanner-like model post fieldwork. Like Fred Myers,
we focused upon indigenous cultural constructs rather
than solely relying upon
“a priori analytic assumptions of what constitutes the most
‘basic’ level of a system”’
[citing Myers,
Pintupi, p 20].
- It
seems to me that, and the above passage seems to confirm, that the approach of
Pannell/Vachon has been to accept the Wongatha claimants’
claims to
country at face value, and as establishing an entitlement to rights and
interests, without comparing the claims made to
any notion, derived otherwise,
of what traditional Western Desert laws and customs allowed (see [875] below).
Dr Pannell followed
Professor Myers’ analysis in several respects,
however: his emphasis on ownership being at the level of the individual; his
reference to ownership as being an accomplishment rather than a given, his
reference to individual negotiation, and, of course, his
‘multiple
pathways of connection’. However, I did not understand her to accept, or
at least to emphasise, that the subject
matter of ownership was based on
Dreaming sites and tracks. I cannot recall any individual claimant in the
present case who described
his or her ‘my country’ area in those
terms. The tendency was to describe ‘my country’ areas in terms of
the pathways of connections themselves: place of birth, place of residence,
parent’s country, and so on. It is possible I
suppose that references to
some places may in fact be references to Dreaming sites or tracks, but I cannot
recall any case where
this was articulated.
- The
present Claim groups do not fit any of the groupings discussed above. First,
they do not fit Berndt’s ‘local group’
model and are not the
holders of the same ‘estate’ referred to by later anthropologists.
Second, they do not fit Berndt’s
‘wider unit’ or
‘society’.
- The
nature of the Wongatha Claim group, in anthropological terms, was taken up with
Dr Pannell. Asked whether the Wongatha claimants
as a group constituted a
society of the ‘wider unit’ kind described by Berndt, or part of
some broader group, Dr Pannell
said:
suggesting that what we see is a
number of overlapping interacting networks ... of which the Wongatha claimants
are a part ... But,
as Berndt suggests, these networks cannot be sharply
demarcated and they shift over time. The personnel shift over time, and the
nature of the communication moves over time and space. ... So we’re
dealing with a very labile society.’
- Dr
Pannell agreed that the ‘territorial location’ of Wongatha
claimants, as a group, changes over time, ‘given the
nature of the way
that people are connected to country in the Western Desert’. There
followed these exchanges:
HUGHSTON: The
societies as you describe them, could I suggest, are very ephemeral units.
They’re not enduring over time.
Their membership changes, their
boundaries change. Would you
agree?
PANNELL: YesHUGHSTON: You’re
describing ephemeral, rather than units with some degree of
permanence.PANNELL: I’m – yes.
I’m suggesting that these networks actually do change over time and in
space
...HUGHSTON: Okay.PANNELL: ...
but that’s the feature of the Western
Desert.’
-
Dr Pannell said:
our report] we
suggest that the group – rather than assuming its existence, we suggest
that a group is a process. It’s
not an existing structure, but groups
come into being through a variety of means and
manners.’
Dr Pannell was not prepared to
adopt Berndt’s description of his ‘society’ set out earlier.
She said she had problems
with his analysis in several respects. In my view,
she distanced herself from his ‘local groups’ and ‘cult
lodges’,
for example. However, she said she accepted his idea of
‘networks of interaction’.
- The
Cosmo applicant submits that the Cosmo Claim group conforms to Berndt’s
model of the local landowning group. He cites Dr Sackett’s
principal
and supplementary reports. In the former, Dr Sackett considers
‘Depictions of Land Tenure in the Area of the Claim’
by Bates,
Elkin, Tindale, Berndt and Stanton. Dr Sackett observed that ‘the
reality of land holding was, and is, more
varied and complex than earlier
researchers imagined.’ In his later report, he referred to
anthropological evidence in favour
of a variety of bases of connection.
- Like
the other Claim areas, the Cosmo Claim area is not defined by being a
constellation of the ‘actual sites connected with
the ancestral being and
his acts’ mentioned by Berndt. Neither the Cosmo Claim group nor any of
the other Claim groups conforms
to Berndt’s ‘local (landowning)
group’.
- According
to the Cosmo submission, Dr Sackett subscribes to the notion of
‘overlapping societies’ as ‘best replicating
the likely
traditional system of organisation in the Western Desert’. Dr Sackett
said of the Cosmo Claim group:
just seems to
me that the society that they’re part of is not the Wongatha society as
it’s been described. It includes
part of that, but others, as
well.’
He also thought that the Cosmo
‘people’ probably shared a social zone from people from
Tjirrkarli/Kanpa and possibly from
Mulga Queen.
- In
their primary report, Pannell/Vachon seem to accept Berndt’s conclusion
that there are ‘societies’ rather than
‘tribes’ within
the WDCB. They say that Berndt suggested that ‘societies’, in the
sense of units which can
be broadly defined in terms of the interaction of their
members, should replace ‘tribes’, at least in the context of
the
Western Desert. They say that there may be a number of societies within
the WDCB, to which broad labels may attach. They cite the labels wangkatha
(Wongatha), martu (Mardu) and arnangu. They state: ‘The
claimants’ network of interaction – or what could be called the
“Wongatha society”
– extends from the [Wongatha] claim area
out to Wiluna, Warburton, Coonana and, to a lesser degree, Ooldea and
Tjuntjuntjara’.
Dr Pannell was questioned as to the kind of
‘society’ she had in
mind:
HUGHSTON: And you, of course, accept
his [Professor Berndt’s] concept of the society, but you
don’t accept that it’s a society as defined by him – that is,
one which is comprised
of, inter alia, a number of local
groups.
PANNELL: If I recall, Mr Hughston, in
our report, we actually indicate that Wongatha – the claimants can be
considered as a
society in the sense of Berndt. We weren’t actually
suggesting in a – as – the same as Berndt, but in that sense
of
actually delineating a network
...HUGHSTON: Yes.PANNELL: ...
of interaction.HUGHSTON: Well, insofar as you
refer to the Wongatha claimants as being part of a society, could I suggest to
you that, clearly, they
are not part of a society of the kind that was described
by Professor Berndt in his seminal 1959 paper. Do you accept
that?PANNELL: I accept they don’t have
these features that Berndt suggests, but I think there’s some problems
with some of
the concepts he’s suggesting here. The existence of the
patrilineal descent group throughout the Western Desert is quite
problematic.HUGHSTON: Yes. You see, my
difficulty, Dr Pannell, is I thought that you were suggesting ... that what he
had [sic – we have] in the Wongatha claimant group was a society of
the kind described in what you said was Professor Berndt’s seminal 1959
paper.PANNELL: I think we qualify, in our
report, Mr Hughston, that the society we have in mind insofar as it refers to
Berndt’s idea
of a network. I don’t think we actually suggest that
we subscribe to some of the other ideas that he’s – he’s
presented in this article about cult lodges or patrilineal descent
groups.’
- The
kind of ‘Wongatha society’ Dr Pannell and Mr Vachon describe
does not have the features of the Western Desert
‘societies’
described by Berndt. If a ‘society’ of the Wongatha kind they
describe had then existed, Berndt
would have referred to it. If it exists now,
it must have come into existence since he wrote in 1959. Dr Pannell
accepted
that the ‘Wongatha society’ does not have ‘any of
those traditional features described by Berndt in the sense that
they are
composed of local groups of that sort, dialectal units, cult lodges, and
hordes’. She said, however, that in any
event she did not subscribe to
Professor Berndt’s ideas of cult lodges or patrilineal descent
groups.
- Essential
to the concept of the Wongatha society referred to by Dr Pannell is the concept
of a web or network of zones of interaction
that shift over time and space.
While this idea is to be found in Berndt 1959, Dr Pannell took it to new
lengths, and tried
to substitute it for any concept of a ‘group’.
She said that over time and space the zones are ‘transmogrified’,
that is to say, that the composition of groups change and their territory
changes. In this sense they are not territorially based.
Although the actual
composition of any group with a degree of permanence can be expected to change
over time, Dr Pannell was
describing a situation in which groups form,
dissolve, re-form, merge, and so on, that is, the criteria for group membership
change
over time.
- It
is difficult to avoid the impression that, having correctly perceived that the
Wongatha Claim group does not fit Berndt’s
description of the landholding
local group, Dr Pannell has seized upon his ‘wider unit’ or
‘society’
and attempted to redefine it into a Wongatha network of
interaction. In my opinion, however, the Wongatha Claim group, like all
other
Claim groups before the Court, simply does not fit any of the groupings
described by Professor Berndt.
- I
do not understand how Dr Pannell’s ephemeral, changing, overlapping,
interacting networks could be accommodated to s 225
of the NTA which
provides for a determination that rights and interests are held by a group in a
particular area. This is not to
say that Dr Pannell’s analysis is
wrong as a matter of anthropology. Indeed, Mr de Gand’s evidence is in
some respects
similar. He said that people can activate their connections, and,
by implication, de-activate them, so that people can be part of
a mob at one
time, but at another time be very distant from it. The analysis discussed
suggests, however, a difficulty in reconciling
the Western Desert network
discussed with the concept of group rights and interests in an area underlying
the NTA.
- All
of this tends to reinforce the individualistic nature of the claimed rights and
interests. Mr de Gand emphasised that ‘my
country’ relationships
were at the individual, not the group, level. He said that the
individual’s ‘my country’
area is ‘a small portion of
his or her orbit of occupation, movement and land use ... [or] run’.
- Dr
Pannell was suggesting an analysis based on what she was told by the claimants
of their and their parents’ and perhaps their
grandparents’
movements. Frequently she sought to derive support from the connections which
individual claimants ‘express’,
as though that was the end of the
matter. It may be suggested that this approach subverts that mandated by the
NTA: claims made
are not to be taken as necessarily conforming to traditional
laws and customs, but must be tested against them, the existence and
content of
those laws and customs being ascertained otherwise. However, if traditional
Western Desert laws and customs do indeed
allow for virtually limitless pathways
of connection to be the subject of assertion by the individual and recognition
by others,
the process of ‘negotiation’ and
‘accomplishment’ of the holding of rights and interests does not
subvert
the NTA, notwithstanding the difficulty or impossibility of
accommodating the process to it.
- Ultimately,
Dr Pannell’s scheme suggests, not group rights and interests, but
either relationships not related to landholding
at all, or, alternatively,
individual rights and interests. The overlapping of the present Claims and the
fact that it seems to
be a matter of chance which Claim group a person chooses
to join and is accepted into, is consistent with this view. In the present
case, the criteria for membership of the GLSC Claim groups are not fixed in such
a way that a person cannot be a member of more than
one group or move between
groups. Indeed, Dr Pannell said:
of the
fortuitous principles of connection to country within the system of the Western
Desert Cultural Bloc, which is earth, and so
in time, people’s connection
over time can be seen to move throughout that landscape, and as such their
interactions with other
individuals expands and contracts on the basis of those
kind of connections.
they shift also in terms of people’s experience
– their social experience and cultural experience in terms of ritual,
for
example.’
- Groups
5B/5F submit that ‘Professors Berndt, Elkin and even anthropologists in
more recent times such as Fred Myers, Professor
Tonkinson and Dr Stanton, all
support the conclusion that there were smaller groups within the Western Desert
[who] held particular
rights and interests in relation to smaller
areas’.
- Dr Pannell
agreed that Professor Berndt, and, at least, on one view, Professor Tonkinson,
thought that initiated paternal kin
in each local group shared special
responsibilities towards certain sacred sites in the local group’s
‘estate’,
and that people belonging to this exogamous patrilineal
landholding group travelled as members of hordes. Their view was that at
the
time of first contact Aboriginal people had a ‘traditional
heartland’ or ‘estate’, and a larger area
that they exploited,
by way of hunting and gathering, called a ‘range’.
Conclusions
- I
draw the following conclusions on the basis of the evidence surveyed above:
- Exploitation,
such as by camping, hunting and foraging over an ‘orbit of
occupation’ or ‘range’ or ‘run’
did not give
rights and interests in the area exploited.
- Under
traditional Western Desert laws and customs, any recognition of rights and
interests in land was based on the Tjukurr (Dreaming) and the subject
matter of ‘ownership’ was defined by reference to a Tjukurr
site or constellation of Tjukurr sites or tracks.
- This
‘estate’ as it has been called, was not limited to the actual site
or sites or track, but extended to related or
nearby topographical features, and
apparently its size could vary greatly.
- Ownership
was at the level of the individual.
- The
individuals who owned the same estate could, however, be seen as constituting,
in a loose sense, a landowning ‘group’.
- The
individual’s place of birth was the primary form of connection to the
estate, but there were others, leading to the anthropological
acceptance of the
notion of ‘pathways of connection’.
I cannot
recall any claimant who claimed a ‘my country’ area defined by
reference to Dreaming, sites or tracks. Certainly,
generally speaking, the
‘my country’ areas claimed were described by reference to names and
places that featured in the
pathways of connection relied upon, such as, place
of claimant’s birth, parents’ country, place where parents or
grandparents
‘came from’, place of long term residence, country
known to claimant. What appears to have happened in the present case
is as
follows: sedentarisation and urbanisation have placed distance between the
claimants and Dreaming sites and tracks; the concept
of multiple pathways of
connection, while it can apply to an area defined by reference to such sites or
tracks, is not of itself
inherently limited by reference to such subject matter;
the claimants have invoked the multiple pathways concept to define the subject
matter of their claims, that is to say, their ‘my country’ areas. I
do not see this abandonment of the Tjukurr basis of the subject matter of
ownership as a permissible adaptation. The above is a generalisation, and it
may be that some exceptions
can be found in the case of the ‘my
country’ claims of some individuals.
4. The aggregation or pooling of ‘my country’ areas in the present
case
- Section
223(1) of the NTA provides for recognition of native title rights and interests
held at the ‘communal, group or individual’
level. In the present
case, all eleven Claims are made on behalf groups to group rights and interests
in group areas. However,
the claims to country made by the claimants are at the
individual rather than the group level. This is a fatal problem, as it
contradicts
their assertion of groups having group rights and interests in group
areas.
- The
four GLSC Claims and the Cosmo Claim are clearly based on aggregations of the
rights and interests of individuals and their ‘my
country’
areas.
- The
Maduwongga Claim is of a ‘group’ type, membership being purportedly
based on cognatic descent from an apical ancestor,
Kitty Bluegum. However, as
noted at 9.2(c) [3478], Dr McDonald could not support the
proposition that a claim so formulated was supported by traditional Western
Desert
laws and customs. Ultimately, he seems to have supported the same
individual ‘my country’ areas approach that underlies
the GLSC and
Cosmo Claims. By joining in the participating anthropologists’ report,
for example, he supported the ‘multiple
pathways of connection’ by
which individuals acquire ‘my country’ areas.
- Although
the NK 1 and NK 2 applicants did not lead evidence from an
anthropologist, a similar observation applies to those
Claims, even though the
NK 1 and NK 2 POCs’ criterion for membership of those Claim
groups is descent from an apical
ancestor, WaruTjukurr.
- I
refer to the individual/group issue many times in these reasons. Ultimately, it
is not in dispute that, according to the evidence,
the claims to country that
have been made by the witnesses are in fact founded upon claims by individuals
to their own different
‘my country’ areas. Because of the
importance of the question, however, I will spend some time in this section
outlining
some of the evidence.
- Before
doing so, I will summarise my conclusions, treating all Claim groups in the same
way, but in Chs 9 and 10 I will deal
with the apical ancestor basis of the
Maduwongga and NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups.
1. The Claims
are put on the basis that:
- each individual
claimant has rights and interests in a ‘my country’ area unique to
him or her;
- ‘my
country’ areas are acquired by multiple pathways of connection, and there
may be one or more pathways between the
individual and his or her ‘my
country’ area; and
- the Claim groups
are not landholding groups recognised under traditional Western Desert laws and
customs, but have come into being
as a result of the claimants agreeing to
aggregate or pool their ‘my country’ areas.
- Native
title group rights and interests cannot be created in this way. Group rights
and interests of the kind claimed do not owe
their existence to pre-sovereignty
laws and customs, but to the agreement to aggregate or to pool – conduct
that is governed
by the Australian general law. The group rights and interests
cannot have existed prior to the making of the agreement.
- Additionally,
the agreement involves an impermissible alienation, in whole or in part, of the
individual’s rights and interests
in his or her ‘my country’
area, because, as a result of the agreement, those rights and interests have
been subjected
to the rights and interests of the Claim group, albeit in
exchange for rights and interests in the ‘my country’ areas
of all
the other members of the Claim group. The evidence does not show that
alienation, whether as part of an aggregation or pooling
arrangement or
otherwise, was permitted in accordance with pre-sovereignty Western Desert law
and custom: see Mabo (No 2) at 51, 60
(Brennan J).
The individual’s multiple pathways of
connection – a non-group or non-corporate concept
- The
notion of ‘multiple pathways of connection’ is referable to the
individual.
- Mr Vachon
said that the Western Desert characteristic of multiple pathways of connection
produced the result that a person would
be recognised as having a connection by
being born and growing up in a place, rather than as a result of membership of a
corporate
land-owning group. He
continued:
criterion of connection was a bit
fortuitous. I mean, it was unpredictable where a person might be born,
particularly in an environment
such as the Western Desert, and particularly
amongst people who had a rudimentary technology and were
nomadic.’
- The
individual indigenous witnesses claimed land in relation to which each stood in
a ‘my country’ relationship personal
to him or her (it seems that
the Aboriginal word most nearly synonymous with ‘my country area’ is
ngurra – see 4.7(a)(b)(4) below). The claim does not depend
upon his or her membership of a group. Each ‘my country area’ is
smaller than the
Claim area claimed by the Claim group of which the person is a
member. The bases of the claims included, but were not limited to
these:
- place
of birth of the claimant;
- place
of conception of the claimant;
- place
of birth of one or other of the claimant’s ancestors;
- country
(or any other basis of the claimant’s ancestors);
- place
where the claimant grew up;
- place
where the claimant lives;
- place
which the claimant knows and with which he or she is familiar
- In
cross-examination Dr Pannell listed the bases on which people might assert
a connection to country in the Wongatha Claim area
as
follows:
1. birth and growing up in the area;
2. mother and/or father born and growing up in the area;
3. one of the persons’ co-lateral grandparents born and/or growing up
in the area;
4. death and burial of an antecedent in the claim area;
5. initiation of the person at a site within the area.
- The
laws and customs that provide for the multiple pathways of connection must
themselves be pre-sovereignty laws and customs, but
in fact the multiple
pathways of connection do not have great genealogical or chronological depth.
In particular, none of them call
for a link back to sovereignty. In fact, even
(3) and (4) in each list above will, in practice, refer to only the first or
second
ascending generation (‘my mother’s country’, ‘my
grandfather’s country’).
- So,
a person may be the first person in his or her family ever to be born and to
grow up within the Wongatha Claim area, for example,
yet he or she will satisfy
the POC criteria for membership, subject to that connection (birth and growing
up in the Wongatha Claim
area) being recognised by the other members of the
Claim group (see, for example, Wongatha POC para 1(b) set out at [129]).
- The
potential pathways of connection and bases of land ownership do not encounter
the problems of an ‘apical ancestor based
group’ kind confronted by
the Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 Claims, and discussed in Chs 9 and
10. They make it
entirely clear, however, that we are dealing with individual
rights and interests claimed by individuals in ‘my country’
areas
personal to them.
- The
only sense in which such claims are group claims is that individuals who claim
to have connections on one or more of the bases
mentioned above (or others),
have come together, through their respective family groupings, with other
individuals and families,
and ‘pooled’ their claimed individual
rights or interests to make group claims. Then, under the impulses described
elsewhere,
groups themselves combined. In the GLSC supplementary submissions,
the present point is clearly made, with reference to the Wongatha/MN
overlap:
whole of the Overlap is embraced by
the totality of the individual “my country” relationships held by
individual claim
group members; and the rights and interests of the group as a
whole, or in a corporate sense, arise from the aggregation of those
relationships and the “connectedness” of the
members.’
- The
evidence does not establish a set of criteria by reference to which I can
establish who, in their capacity as members of any group,
have rights and interests in relation to the Wongatha Claim area or any part
of it, under traditional laws acknowledged and traditional
customs observed.
The ‘my country’ areas of individuals are not held by them in their
capacity as members of any
group.
Dr
Pannell and Mr Vachon
- Dr Pannell
accepted that the principle of recruitment, or a primary principle of
recruitment, into the Wongatha Claim group is
that a person must assert an
individual claim to an area that falls, in whole or in part, within the Wongatha
Claim area. Dr Pannell
also accepted that there are places, such as Baker
Lake and Karonie, which have been historically associated with
‘Wongatha’
or ‘Wangkayi’ people, but which are not
within the Wongatha Claim area.
- Mr Vachon
said that the ‘my country’ relationship over an individual’s
life is not predictable. He illustrated
by reference to
Marnupa/Biddy Ross, the mother of Frances Murray (née Ross) who
is the mother of Harvey Murray.
He said that when she was a child living
at Tjirrkarli or Mangkili or Tjintjira (all outside the Wongatha and Cosmo Claim
areas),
her family would possibly have said at that time that her country was
Tjirrkarli, yet later in life she may well have said that it
was Puntitjara or
Mitika or Mantjal or Cosmo. According to the evidence, a person’s
‘my country’ area can change
throughout life. The obvious question
arises how, if at all, this circumstance can be accommodated to the NTA.
- Mr Vachon
said that it was ‘difficult to know who the Mantjintjarra Ngalia people
were’. He added:
point that I want to
make is this: people with rights and interests to the Mantjintjarra Ngalia
overlap do not have those rights and interests as a people ... As in a
Mantjintjarra Ngalia people ... They have the connections as individuals.
They have personal histories as individuals. But the connections that they have
are connections that others have. They’re
sort of legitimate connections
in their eyes, I suppose. They’re legitimate. But as far as I can work
out, the people who
have connections to the Mantjintjarra Ngalia overlap and
express rights and interests there, do so as individuals within a system.
They don’t do so as Mantjintjarra Ngalia people. They only do so as
Mantjintjarra Ngalia people as a claimant group, which
is still undecided, as I
understand it.’ (my
emphasis)
Mr Vachon said that the notion of
‘a people’ was problematic for the MN Claim group, although the
individual claimants
had various connections to the MN Claim area and shared a
certain social history as well certain common life experiences, based on
having
lived in the desert and in the Mulga Queen area. Mr Vachon said
that as far as he could work it out, the MN Claim group did not have rights and
interests in the MN Claim area
‘as a people’, but individuals, who
already had rights and interests (as individuals), came together and became a
people
in the form of a claim group.
- The
following exchange is in the same
vein:
HONOUR: quite a few times when
Mr Parsons has asked you questions, you have said “I’m thinking
of”, Dolly Walker,
“I’m thinking of”,
Dimple Sullivan, “I’m thinking of”, some other
individual. Is that because,
really, you are forced – one is forced to
conceive of the rights and interests we’re speaking of as those of an
individual,
and then you work from that and see whether you can produce a people
for the purpose of the making of a claim?
VACHON:
Yes.’
- Mr Vachon
said that while all or many of the MN claimants who are connected to the
Wongatha/MN overlap would say of that overlap:
‘It’s my
country’, and he would expect that taken together they would all hold all
the rights and interests claimed,
yet this was not to say that each individual
would claim to hold all those rights and interests. Asked to consider
Kado Muir,
Mr Vachon said:
example
almost proves that a person doesn’t have rights and interests on the basis
of being a member of a people as a claimant
group. Or, another way of looking
at it, that he can be a member of a people at one time and not be a member of
that people at another
time and still have rights and interests in the claim
area. I’m talking about Kado as being Mantjintjarra Ngalia ... and now
Ngalia Kutjungkatja.’
- According
to Mr Vachon, it is not possible to list the rights and interests of
‘the Wongatha’ or of ‘the MN
people’ in the Wongatha/MN
overlap, because it is necessary to look at each individual’s life story
and circumstances
in order to determine what bundle of rights and interests that
person is claiming when he or she says ‘my country’.
- Mr Vachon
was not able to provide an exhaustive list of those Wongatha claimants who
asserted ‘my country’ rights
and interests in the Wongatha/MN
overlap. He gave a few names, said that he did not conduct an exhaustive
survey, and noted that
conflict can arise once names are attached to country and
to rights and interests. He made it clear, however, that not all Wongatha
claimants asserted ‘my country’ rights and interests in the overlap.
I discuss further the testimony of Mr Vachon on
the problematic composition of
the MN Claim group at 5.5(a) [2027] ff.
- The
present point is that it is not shown that under WDCB laws and customs, any of
the Claim groups have, or that any predecessor
groups had, group rights and
interests derived from pre-sovereignty laws and customs. Rather, the Claim
groups exist because individuals
have come together and pooled their claimed
countries, not in conformity with traditional laws and customs, but for the
purpose of
making an application for a determination under the NTA. If any of
the claimants within any of the Claim groups possessed traditional
rights and
interests in relation to land or waters, they are individual rights and
interests.
- Pannell/Vachon
accept that the individual Wongatha claimants make ‘my country’
claims to different parts of the Wongatha
Claim area, and that other people also
have rights and interests in that area, or, more precisely, in specific parts of
it. For
example, they accept that there are non-claimants at Warburton, Wiluna
and Coonana who are Wongatha, and have rights and interests
within the Wongatha
Claim area.
- Pannell/Vachon
did not take as the starting point of their research the task of identifying all
those individuals who, in accordance
with traditional laws and customs, have
rights and interests in any part of the Wongatha Claim area. Rather, they took
as their
starting point the Wongatha Claim group as defined in the Wongatha
Form 1. Thus, they did not attempt to interview individuals
from other
overlapping ‘non-client’ Claim groups who also claim to have rights
and interests in parts of the Wongatha
Claim area. Dr Pannell did not explore
with the people she interviewed the problem of the competing Cosmo Claim, that
is, the legitimacy
of the claims made by individual Cosmo claimants to a part or
parts of the Wongatha Claim area.
- Dr Pannell
said she took the composition of the Claim groups and the boundaries of their
Claim areas as givens, ‘[b]ecause
our brief was to research the Wongatha
claimants’. That is to say, she did not pose for herself the question:
Who are the
persons or group or groups, if any, who, in accordance with
traditional Western Desert laws and customs, have rights and interests
in the
Wongatha Claim area or in any part of it?
- The
testimony of Dr Pannell also supports the view that the Wongatha Claim
group is a recent construct based on a pooling of
the ‘my country’
areas of individuals. The following exchange occurred between her and senior
counsel for the State:
HUGHSTON: ... [W]e
are dealing with, if you like, the claims of a large number of individuals as
opposed to dealing with the claim
made by the members of some corporate
group.
PANNELL: Could you clarify what
you’re referring to by “corporate”? MR HUGHSTON: Well, if we
take, for instance,
some Aboriginal groups are clearly corporate in the sense
that they have enduring qualities over time. Could I use as an example,
the
Warlpiri people? We will find in the historical records writings about the
Warlpiri people being a group of people who identify
as Warlpiri, have certain
characteristics in common and who have a territorial focus. We’ll find
writings about the Warlpiri
people from the time basically of first contact
right through until the present time. Now, that’s one type of group
isn’t
it? That’s what I mean when I’m talking about a
corporate group. We’re not dealing with the Wongatha people with
something akin to the Warlpiri people are
we?PANNELL: No, we make that quite clear,
and the evidence from the Western Desert suggests that the idea of corporate
groups is probably an anathema
to the Western
Desert.HUGHSTON: What we’re dealing
with is, in effect, a multiplicity of native title claims made by individuals,
and if one draws
the physical boundaries of the Wongatha claim area, it’s
the boundaries of the claim area that in fact define who the claimants
are
because it’s each individual who has asserted a connection with country
within that larger Wongatha claim area.PANNELL:
I would also suggest here, Mr Hughston, that the term of identity that is used
by the claimants has some bearing on the constitution
of the claimant
group.HUGHSTON: Isn’t the term which
the Wongatha people use - and I take it you’re referring to
Wongatha?PANNELL: Or
Wangkayi.HUGHSTON: Or Wangkayi. Could I
suggest to you that using some maritime parlance, that that’s no more than
a flag of convenience
that’s been adopted for use in this claim following
the amalgamation of a large number of smaller
claims?PANNELL: I would suggest to you, Mr
Hughston, that that’s a term that’s found in the secondary sources
from –
dating from, let me see, it or its synonym dating from circa 1895
consistently referred to in the sources for this area that we’re
talking
about. And it seems to suggest that there is some kind of enduring quality
about this particular label.HUGHSTON: That
may well be the case, but in relation to this claimant group could I suggest to
you that Wongatha was simply chosen
as perhaps the most inclusive term to be
used to describe a host of individual and small group claimants once agreement
had been
reached to amalgamate a large number of claims within the Wongatha
claim area?PANNELL: Yes, I would agree
with your statement that Wongatha refers – can be used in an inclusive
sense to refer to the individuals
who express a connection to the claim area,
yes, but it also can be used by other
individuals.HUGHSTON: Well, Wongatha
is a term which is – can be applied to Aboriginal people outside the
boundaries of this claim area isn’t
it?PANNELL: Yes, I agree with
that.’ (my emphasis)
- The
following further exchanges
occurred:
HUGHSTON: ... So what we’re
dealing with is not a claim by some corporate group known as the Wongatha people
which includes
all those who identify as and are identified by others as
Wongatha, we’re dealing with a claim by a smaller group than that
or a
smaller number of individuals than that?
DR
PANNELL: It’s not a corporate group insofar as there’s a single
principle– single mechanism or principle for recruitment
or that we would
necessarily predict that this particular group of individuals, their descendants
would be connected to the claim
area in the – in the distant
future.HUGHSTON: Well, is it the case
that the claim area boundaries don’t represent any traditional territorial
boundaries as such, but simply
represent the sum total of the individual areas
claimed by those persons who are within the Wongatha claimant
group?PANNELL: Yes, the claim area
boundaries as they stand, they encompass those connections,
yes.HUGHSTON: But they are, in effect
– can I put it to you, they are an artefact of the native title claim
process are they not,
that they have no other meaning whatsoever other than that
they represent the sum total of claims that have been put forward by the
members
of the Wongatha claim group?PANNELL: I think
the claim area boundaries indicate, and also broadly coincide with, the various
historical recordings of the use
of Wongatha. I say
broadly.HUGHSTON: Does the claim area include
Baker Lake?PANNELL: No, it
doesn’t.HUGHSTON: Is that an area which
historically is associated with Wongatha or Wangkayi
people?PANNELL: I was referring to the
secondary sources, Mr Hughston.HUGHSTON: Yes.
Well, I’ll ask you now: is Baker Lake a place associated with Wongatha or
Wangkayi people?PANNELL: Yes, it
is.HUGHSTON: Okay. And it’s not in the
claim area is it?PANNELL: No, it’s
not.HUGHSTON: And is Karonie a place
associated with Wongatha or Wangkayi
people?PANNELL: To my knowledge it is,
yes.HUGHSTON: Yes. And Karonie is not in the
claim area is it?PANNELL: No, actually I said
broadly, I didn’t say
specifically.’emphasis)
- Dr Pannell
accepted that Phyllis Thomas, an MN applicant, expressed a connection to
part of the Wongatha Claim area in accordance
with laws and customs that were
similar to, if not the same as, those of the Wongatha Claim group. However,
according to Dr Pannell,
she did not include Phyllis Thomas on the
genealogy of persons connected to the Wongatha Claim area by Wongatha laws and
customs,
only because she (Ms Thomas) had indicated that she wished to be
an MN claimant, not a Wongatha claimant. Dr Pannell explained
that her
various genealogies indicated persons who were connected to the Claim area in
question according to traditional laws and
customs and who identified with
the Claim group in question.
- Again,
the problem is exposed: individuals who claim to have rights and interests in
respect of ‘my country’ areas have
aggregated themselves into Claim
groups of their choice for the purposes of the NTA, rather than having already
been part of landholding
groups identified by traditional laws and customs.
- The
problem of the non-traditional basis of the various Claim groups is further
suggested by a statement in the Pannell/Vachon primary
report. The authors
identify the Wongatha claimants as ‘part of a larger community of people
– called the Western Desert
cultural bloc – who share common laws
and customs’. They
continue:
community of like-minded people
are connected to and inhabit places in a vast region. It needs to be
emphasised that we are not saying that all Western Desert people are Wongatha
claimants. While early anthropologists argued that specific rights and
interests were required through membership in a clan, we find that
the
clan/horde model of the Western Desert is, at best, both unproven and probably
unprovable.’ (my emphasis)
But Pannell/Vachon do not identify any traditional landholding group
lying between the individual and the WDCB.
- In
their primary report under the heading ‘Ngurra and Connection to the Claim
Area’, Pannell/Vachon state:
claimants
express a common identification with the claim area by referring to both
themselves and the claim area as Wongatha. As
far as we are aware, no other
Aboriginal person or group expresses a connection to an area of land in this
way. This common identification
with the claim area on the part of the claimant
group does not mean that each claimant expresses a cultural or emotional
attachment
to all of the named places and areas within the claim area. Rather,
as is commonly found throughout Aboriginal Australia, individuals
express a
connection to particular places or ngurra, which have both European and
indigenous names. The common identification of the claim area as Wongatha is
derived, in part, from the sum of the connections each Wongatha claimant
has to
the land in question.’
I discuss the
identifier ‘Wongatha’ at 4.6(a)(b)(1) [1331] ff. The passage
quoted acknowledges that landholding is at the individual level, and refers to
the individual’s being
part of a non-landholding group called
‘Wongatha’. In fact, the Aboriginal people of the south-western
part of the Western
Desert, who are known as ‘Wongatha’, extend
beyond the Wongatha Claim area, and are certainly not a landholding group.
- Mr Vachon
was taken to several uses of the word ngurra in the Pannell/Vachon
report, and agreed that the word was used to refer to a ‘my country’
area of the individual. He
made the point that while some claimants spoke of
their ‘country’, others spoke in terms of named places. He agreed
that if one added up all of the Wongatha claimants’ ‘my
country’ areas, and added to them other areas to which
they express
‘connections’, the total would cover ‘pretty well the whole
[Wongatha] Claim area’.
- Dr
Pannell agreed that a ngurra was individualistic, in the sense that no
two people have identical ngurras, but she pointed out that there is
overlap, so that, for example, Mount Margaret may be within the ngurras
of several people (I assume she had in mind the fact that quite a few claimants
spent various periods of their childhood years in
the Mission). She agreed that
every person’s ngurra depended on his or her life history which
will be unique to the person. Again, however, there are overlaps, as in the
case, for
example, of siblings, who may have grown up in the same area, and, in
any event, will share the same parents and co-lateral relatives.
- In
their supplementary report, Pannell/Vachon state that all claimants express a
‘my country’ relationship with the Wongatha
Claim area, but that
none expresses such a relationship with the entire area.
- Mr Parsons
SC for the Cosmo applicant put to Dr Pannell that ‘it’s all
over the place, in the Western Desert’,
but that within the context of the
present case, people have gone out of their way to separate themselves off from
the Wongatha Claim
group. Dr Pannell agreed that people had identified
themselves as constituting separate Claim groups, but
said:
research ... reveals or the findings
suggests that there are people with “my country” connections to some
of these claim
areas that aren’t presently contained within the claimant
group descriptions.’
That is to say, there
are individuals who fall outside the description of the Wongatha Claim group,
whose ‘my country’
areas are, nonetheless, within the Wongatha Claim
area.
- In
response to questioning as to why all of the individuals who claim ‘my
country’ areas within the Wongatha Claim area
are not part of the Wongatha
Claim group, Pannell/Vachon state that ‘claiming a connection to the Claim
Area involves a process
of individual assertion and social recognition’.
They adopt as applicable to ‘the Wongatha’, a statement made
in
Myers, Pintupi p 73: ‘groups are the outcome of processes of
individual choice and negotiation ...’.
- Professor
Myers also noted (p 138), in relation to the Pintupi, the individual nature
of claims to country or ngurra. After giving particular illustrations,
he stated (pp 139-140):
are, as these
examples illustrate, numerous claims that an individual can assert in
identifying himself or herself with a country
(ngurra). Though all of
these should have a logical basis, not all of them are given the same weight.
Furthermore, not everyone agrees on the
status of an individual’s
claims.’
Relevance to all Claims
- Although
some of the passages set out above may refer specifically to the Wongatha
claimants, they apply to all Claims (they apply
to the evidence and submissions
made in support of the Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 Claims, but not to
the apical ancestor
basis of membership of those Claim groups as identified in
the Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 POCs).
- The
following passage from the Vachon/de Gand report filed in support of the MN
Claim is pertinent:
to fix a particular
group, constituted by a principle of descent or by some other means, to an area
of land in perpetuity is a very
problematic exercise in this region. We would
suggest further that it is probably inappropriate in terms of indigenous law and
custom. Of course, we would agree that over two or three generations
there may well be cases of physical continuity of connection to a
roughly
defined area for certain individuals who are very likely genealogically related.
We would also agree that a person’s
“own country” (ngurra
yungarra or ngurra ngayaku) is a rather durable connection, but there
is some evidence that this too can change with long-term occupation shifts
within the Western Desert. As we shall see, Turada [Daisy
Bates’ informant] is one example of such a possibility. These
considerations not only apply to clans and bands but, as was argued in the
Wongatha
report [of which Mr Vachon was a co-author], also with respect
to “tribes” and tribal territory.’ (my
emphasis)
This passage frankly acknowledges that in traditional terms, the concept of a
group with an ongoing existence having group rights
and interests in a group
area is foreign to the Western Desert.
- Perhaps
the present issue was nowhere explored more fully than in the following passages
from the testimony of
Mr Vachon:
VACHON: ... They have the
connections as individuals. They have personal histories as individuals. But
the connections that they
have are connections that others have. They’re
sort of legitimate connections in their eyes, I suppose. They’re
legitimate.
But as far as I can work out, the people who have connections to
the Mantjintjarra Ngalia overlap and express rights and interests
there, do so
as individuals within a system. They don’t do so as Mantjintjarra Ngalia
people. They only do so as Mantjintjarra
Ngalia people as a claimant group,
which is still undecided, as I understand it.
...
VACHON: The
problem is “a people” and what significance you place on that
expression, “people”. As a claimant
group, they’re –
obviously, they’re people. But as an indigenous concept of connection,
right, something that
they rely on to express a connection to land and get
rights and interests as a result of that connection, I don’t think
it’s
that – that – I don’t think it works that way.
They have various connections to the Mantjintjarra Ngalia area,
and they share a
certain social history as well, which I’ve tried to describe in the
report. They have common life experiences
from the desert and living around
Mulga Queen and that area. But they don’t – as far as I can work
out, they don’t
connect themselves in the Mantjintjarra Ngalia area, nor
have rights and interests to it as a people. They already – they’ve
got it .... and then come together and become a people, as a claimant
group.’
...
HONOUR: ... quite a few
times when Mr Parsons has asked you questions, you’ve said,
“I’m thinking of”, Dolly
Walker, “I’m thinking
of”, Dimple Sullivan, “I’m thinking of” some other
individual. Is that
because, really, you are forced – one is forced to
conceive of the rights and interests we’re speaking of as those of
an
individual, and then you work from that and see whether you can produce a people
for the purpose of the making of a
claim?VACHON: YesPARSONS: And
so, in terms of the Mantjintjarra Ngalia individuals, take Dolly, take whomever,
if the Mantjintjarra Ngalia person says
of themself “I have a ‘my
country’ relationship”, because, as I understand it, the “my
country”
relationship is the same for the Wongatha as it is for the
Mantjintjarra Ngalia people, that’s the way you’ve written
of it in
your reports – if the individual and the Mantjintjarra Ngalia person says
of themself “I have a ‘my country’
relationship”, that
expression imports with it the bag of rights and interests we talked of earlier
that equate with the ‘my
country’ relationship. Or is it different
in the Mantjintjarra Ngalia area? Or is it –
sorry.VACHON: It’s not different in the
Mantjintjarra Ngalia area, but you’re asking me, if Kalman Murphy says,
“Mulga
Queen’s my country”, it imports all of the whatever
number of rights I mentioned, into the Mantjintjarra Ngalia
area.PARSONS: Mm.VACHON: Well,
I don’t know about that. I mean, I don’t know if Kalman Murphy
would express, eight rights and interests
to the entire Mantjintjarra Ngalia
area. I don’t know if I – I talked to Kalman Murphy. I’ve
heard his evidence.
I honestly can’t remember to what degree – what
area of the Mantjintjarra Ngalia overlap he expresses various rights
and
interests. I’m not trying to be evasive. What I’m trying to say is
that if – if we were to take those people
– just people in general
who are connected to the Mantjintjarra Ngalia overlap, and, of those people,
many of them, or most
of them say “It’s my country”, I would
expect that, together, they would hold all the rights and interests that
are
required – that I know about, in terms of land, in the Western
Desert.PARSONS: MmVACHON: In
this area of the Western Desert. In the Western Desert fairly
generally.
...
HONOUR: ... I
understood you to say earlier that we simply cannot assume that, when two
individuals say “This is my country”
or “my ngurra”,
they necessarily mean the same thing; they’re not necessarily talking
about the same bundle of
six, whatever it may be, rights and
interests.VACHON: Yes.HONOUR: You
have to look at that individual’s history and all of – a lot of
circumstances to determine what bundle of
rights and interests that person is
asserting by saying ‘my
country’.VACHON: Yes.HONOUR: Yes,
thank you.PARSONS: So is it – is it
simply an impractical question to ask you to – the question that started
off this exchange,
to list the rights and interest of the Wongatha in the
overlap area, and the rights and interests of the Mantjintjarra Ngalia people
in
the overlap area? In a sense, that’s a nonsense question. You
can’t
...VACHON: YesPARSONS: You
can’t do it.VACHON: Yes.’
...
PARSONS: ... who is it,
do you say, of the Wongatha people, who assert rights and interests in the
overlap area?VACHON: Who are a member of the
Wongatha people, in the sense of a claimant group
...PARSONS: YesVACHON: ...
is what you’re saying? Because, you see, Mantjintjarra Ngalia often
– sometimes call themselves Wongatha,
as
well.PARSONS: Not talking about people that his
Honour would currently understand as being Mantjintjarra
Ngalia.VACHON: Right.PARSONS: I’m
talking about the Wongatha people who – who aren’t Mantjinjarra
Ngalia who say of themselves they have
rights and interests in the overlap area.
Who are
they?VACHON: Individuals?PARSONS: Well,
I don’t know. I mean ...VACHON: You mean
individual names?PARSONS: Well – well,
who is
it?VACHON: Oh.PARSONS: Is
it all the Wongatha, or some of
them?VACHON: Now, this is a difficult question
to answer, and it’s because of what we’ve already been talking
about. A person
can have rights and interests to country from a number of
connections. And rights and interests to country change in a person’s
life. I’m only there for a short period of time, and I know
that it
changes over time, rights and interests to country, so to attach rights and
interests to a particular individual so that,
you know, it’s on paper
forever more, is not appropriate. And I’m not evading the question.
When I was there, there were people that expressed rights and interests to the
Mantjintjarra
Ngalia overlap that were Wongatha claimants, alright? I
didn’t do a full survey, but I did put my mind to that question.
Some of
those people are Aubrey Lynch, Cyril Barnes from memory Bessie and Dulki –
Bessie Dimer and Dulki Rundle. I know that
attaching names to country and
rights and interests is a very dangerous thing to do, because people write it
down and – it’s
– from my experience, that kind of activity,
writing rights and interests down to individuals, can lead to a great deal of
conflict. People will use those papers and there’ll be debates about it.
But there are – there were people at the time
of research which expressed,
as Wongatha claimants, connections to the Mantjintjarra, and, in the primary
evidence – in the
primary evidence there were, I think, Cosmo claimants
who expressed rights and interests in the Mantjintjarra Ngalia overlap. And
there were people that are attached to the Cosmo claimant group that, at the
time of Daniel de Gand’s research, as I understand
it, expressed rights
and interests to that Mantjintjarra Ngalia overlap. (my
emphasis)
- In
his report, Mr Barber, who was called by the Koara and Wutha applicants,
did not distinguish between the Koara and Wutha claimants
or between them and
‘[o]ther individuals who identify with other groups [who] may also have
traditional rights in the claim
area’. His position, in this respect, is
consistent with that of Dr Pannell, who said that, while individual Koara
claimants
may have land owning status in relation to land within the Koara Claim
area, they do not have it ‘via a mechanism of a group
organisation’,
and it is ‘more an individual connection’.
- The
Cosmo Claim is also an aggregation of individual claims to ‘my
country’ areas. Relevant evidence and parts of the
Cosmo submissions are
referred to in Ch 8.
- My
conclusion as to the effect of the testimony of the anthropologists who
testified is that:
- individual
rights and interests under traditional laws and customs are claimed in as many
‘my country’ areas as there
are claimants before the Court;
- the
individual’s ‘my country’ area may change throughout his or
her life, according to changing affiliations and
the activation and
de-activation of connections;
- rights and
interests are also held in parts of the Wongatha Claim area by individuals who
are not claimants in any of the Claim groups;
and
- some of the
claimants before the Court have ‘my country’ rights and interests in
land extending beyond the boundaries
of the Wongatha Claim area.
Maduwongga, NK 1, NK 2
- Dr McDonald
was retained by the Maduwongga applicants on behalf of a Claim group that
claimed to be the last surviving members
of the Kitty Bluegum cognatic descent
group (see Ch 9). Nonetheless, he was able to say in his
report:
summary, research over the last two
decades has concluded that the reality of indigenous relations to land is that
there may be multiple criteria for affiliation to land and a number of
different interests in land.’ (my
emphasis)
In addition, Dr McDonald was one of the participating anthropologists
who authored the joint report that followed their conference,
and that referred
to multiple pathways of connection (see 3.5(a) [411]). Dr McDonald
seems to support the multiple pathways of connection as between
individuals and land, notwithstanding the apical ancestor basis of group
rights the Maduwongga Claim group identified in the Maduwongga POC (see
2.6 [250]).
- Mr
GM McIntyre, senior counsel for the Maduwongga applicants, addressed the
present issue in the following way:
...
the Court takes the view that there must be a traditional law base for the
claims, then it may be that what we are seeing in a
case like this is merely the
current political affiliations which are part of how these groups today play out
their traditional laws
and customs, and obviously their traditional
laws and customs are not the same today as they were in
1829.
fact that they choose to group themselves together in
the ways in which they have for the purpose of this case may merely be a
reflection
of current day laws and customs. I mean, clearly there are a whole
range of reasons why people have made personal decisions to join
one group or
another. That seems to have something to do with the way in which they relate
to one another within the Goldfields
area, we would
say.
view could be taken that that is merely a question of
current day cultural practice.’ (my
emphasis)
- I
do take the view that the NTA, as explained in Yorta Yorta HCA,
requires that there be a ‘traditional law’ basis for all the Claim
groups and Claim areas before the Court. With respect,
I do not think that
‘current political affiliations’ connected with the making of
applications under the NTA satisfies
that description.
- Kado
Muir also agreed that the various members of the NK 1 and NK 2 Claim
groups would have personal interests in country
that related just to them.
Asked whether it followed that it is artificial to refer to an NK 1 or
NK 2 ‘group’,
because they were really just a collection of
individuals with different rights and interests rather than a group sharing the
same
rights and interests in the same country, Mr Muir
replied:
necessarily. What you have is a
– you need to be able to keep track of who’s marrying who and where,
and coming back
to a core group.’
I do not think that the answer confronts the problem.
- Dolly
Walker said that Carter Soak was ‘Kado’s country’ because of a
personal connection that he had to that country
– yet another recognition
that country is held at the individual level.
Conclusion
- The
evidence that I have discussed at some length above shows that, if anything, the
claimants, as individuals, have individual rights
and interests in a
ngurra or ‘my country’ area, as distinct from constituting
groups having group rights and interests in group areas.
- There
are people outside the Claim groups who have ‘my country’ areas
within or partly within the respective Claim areas,
and people within the Claim
groups who have ‘my country’ areas at least partly outside the Claim
area of their Claim
group. The level and form of aggregation has been
adventitious, resulting from political affiliations at the times when the
respective
groups were composed. In the overlap areas, individuals might just
as well have been in a different group. Pre-sovereignty laws
and customs have
not dictated the existence of the groups or their composition.
- On
the evidence, there are no group rights and interests of any of the kinds
claimed in any part of the Wongatha Claim area. It is
conceivable that there
may be individuals who could establish that they have individual rights or
interests in smaller, personal
‘my country’ areas. No individual
has applied for a determination of native title on that basis. The rights and
interests
claimed would apparently be different from the group rights and
interests presently claimed. I do not propose to say anything further
about
that possibility, and certainly do not mean to suggest that such an application
by an individual would or would not have any
prospects of success.
- For
the reason just outlined, the Court should dismiss the Wongatha and Cosmo
application, and the MN, Koara, Wutha applications in
so far as they claim
rights and interests in any part of the Wongatha Claim area. As well, the Court
should dismiss the Maduwongga,
NK 1 and NK 2 applications in so far as
they claim rights and interests in any part of the Wongatha Claim area, to the
extent that they may be also based on the aggregation of the ‘my
country’ areas of individuals.
5. General issues relating to acknowledgment and observance
Introduction
- Several
issues of general application concerning acknowledgement and observance
arise:
(i) Acknowledgement and observance as distinct from
knowledge.
(ii) A practice or activity dictated otherwise than by an intention to
acknowledge or observe (the question of the inference of attribution).
(iii) How is acknowledgement and observance by a ‘group’ to be
proved?
(iv) How many traditional laws and customs must be shown to be still
acknowledged and observed?
(v) What is the appropriate measure of acknowledgment and observance?
(vi) What was the level of acknowledgment and observance in 1829, and what is
the level of acknowledgment and observance that should
be looked for today?
(vii) Acknowledgment and observance by the Claim groups not to be decided
- These
issues of acknowledgement and observance arise in two respects. First, there
must be acknowledgement and observance continuing
since sovereignty in order to
sustain the existence of a society which itself sustains the body of laws and
customs out of which
rights and interests spring. This acknowledgement and
observance is by the society in question. I have been prepared to assume,
although on slim evidence relating to places outside the Wongatha Claim area,
such as Warburton, that, regarded as a whole, the WDCB
society continues to
acknowledge and observe its pre-sovereignty laws and customs. Second, it must
be shown that the respective
Claim groups acknowledge and observe that body of
laws and customs.
(i) Acknowledgement and observance as distinct from knowledge
- This
question was discussed to some extent at 3.0(i).
- In
Yorta Yorta HCA, the authors of the joint judgment distinguished
([50]-[52]) between knowledge of laws and customs on the one hand, and
acknowledgment
and observance of them, on the other. It is the latter that goes
to define a particular society. In the present context, to
‘acknowledge’
means to ‘acknowledge as a law or custom’,
that is to say, as having normative content; as imposing obligation or
conferring
entitlement. There can be acknowledgement without observance, but
not observance without acknowledgement. Mere knowledge, however,
falls short of
both.
- Dr
Pannell and Mr Vachon were prepared to regard evidence of knowledge of a law or
custom, as evidence that it is ‘acknowledged’.
- Mr
Vachon was cross-examined in relation to testimony of Mervyn Sullivan, Cyril
Barnes, Dennis Forrest and Marjorie Strickland. He
maintained that their
testimony showed that they acknowledged a law or custom, but it did not do so in
the sense referred to in Yorta Yorta HCA.
- Mervyn
Sullivan said that he had not been through the law because he was sent to work
for the DAA, and when that work finished, initiation
had ceased to be practised
around Laverton and had died out there. Mr Vachon treated this evidence as
evidence that Mr Sullivan
currently acknowledges a traditional law
regarding male initiation.
- Cyril
Barnes was asked why he had not been initiated, and the following exchange
occurred:
HUGHSTON: And is there a reason
why you haven’t become initiated?
BARNES:
Probably yes HUGHSTON: What would that reason
be?BARNES: Because of the missionaries and
times change, you know. HUGHSTON: Yes
BARNES: Education,
European-isedHUGHSTON: YesBARNES: I
suppose, you know, time changed for you people.
HUGHSTON: YesBARNES: So
times changed for us
too.HUGHSTON: OkBARNES: But
having said, for me to win native title, don’t – don’t take me
back in time because nobody go back in
time, you
know.’Mr Vachon treated this
testimony of Cyril Barnes as an ‘acknowledgment’ of a traditional
law of male initiation.
When it was put to him that Mr Barnes was not
participating in that particular Aboriginal law, Mr Vachon said that he
understood
that Mr Barnes had not been initiated in ‘that formal
sense’, but he nonetheless acknowledged various relationships and
practices associated with men’s law.
- Dennis
Forrest said that it would be contrary to his Christian beliefs and principles
for him to go through the law. Nonetheless,
Mr Vachon said that this was an
acknowledgment of a traditional Aboriginal law in relation to men’s
initiation. Pressed on
the matter, Mr Vachon said that while Dennis
Forrest’s father was also not initiated, Dennis Forrest gave evidence that
his
father used to provide support to men coming through Kookynie on law
business. Then he said that Dennis Forrest had himself said
that as a child he
was obliged to lie under a blanket and not to watch those parts of the
Kurangarra ceremony that involved men’s law. Mr Vachon said that
in his mind, that had constituted ‘participation’ by Dennis
Forrest
when he was a child.
- It
was put to Ms Strickland that she and her sister had never participated in
women’s law, and she replied that they had attended
corroborees when they
were young. Mr Vachon said that this evidence was of the same kind as that
given by Mr Forrest in relation
to his childhood, and said that he treated it
likewise as evidence of the sisters’ participation in women’s
law.
- Similarly,
Dr Pannell took statements made by Wongatha claimants about traditional
practices of which they were aware but that
are no longer followed, as
supporting a conclusion that they still acknowledge and observe traditional laws
and customs. Dr Pannell
referred to the warnmala or raiding parties of
the early twentieth century, and the fact that GLSC claimants still referred to
them, as showing that those
claimants ‘still acknowledge that there is a
concept called warnmala and can freely describe ... the content of that
concept’.
- I
put it to Dr Pannell that what she was referring to was no more than knowledge
of a historical fact, but she said that what was
important was that the
knowledge had been transmitted from generation to generation through various
oral processes. She said:
an
anthropological point of view, I would be reluctant to differentiate and to
distinguish between and say that what people say is
not in itself a cultural
practice, that the very saying and the statements and the reproduction of
society is often through the very
narratives that society constructs about
themselves and their identity and their
elements....
I would be reluctant to
suggest that there’s a – there is a division between what people say
and what people do in terms
of – and to privilege one and to basically
under-value the other. I think in this society the very reproduction of society
is through those statements that people make about their culture, and that in
itself is a – that in itself is an action, that
in itself is a practice, a
very statement of acknowledging that this cultural value exists, this cultural
concept itself exists.– the very
statement is a practice in itself. And it’s not necessarily leading
another practice.’
- The
Pannell/Vachon supplementary report gave transcript references to testimony of
indigenous witnesses said to support the proposition
that a section system is
still observed. The report did not refer to evidence such as that of Leo Thomas
who said that he did not
know what skins his children had and that he had never
bothered to go into it. This omission was taken up with Dr Pannell in
cross-examination:
PANNELL: ‘I think
it goes back to the statement I was saying before in my discussions with his
Honour in terms of, again Leo
Thomas might not be familiar with the various sort
of manifestations or operationalisation of the system, but he’s familiar
with, in fact acknowledges, a section system. And, again, it seems to me that
he’s acknowledging an element that comprises
some of the laws and customs
of the claimant group.
HUGHSTON: So the fact
that someone acknowledges that yes, there is a section system “but I know
absolutely nothing about it”,
you take that, again, as evidence that the
Wongatha group acknowledge and observe traditional laws and
customs?PANNELL: I take it as evidence that Mr
Thomas is familiar with some of the elements or the cultural concepts that
comprise the system
we’re talking about. But there is, as we’ve
indicated, there’s variation within that
society.’
- I
can accept that in some contexts the word ‘acknowledge’ may have a
broader meaning than it has in s 223 of the NTA.
But s 223 refers to
acknowledgment of laws as laws, that is to say, as rightly coercive or
right-giving. Where the issue is one of current acknowledgment and observance,
the evidence
must show that the person today acknowledges a law in that sense or
acts in conformity with a custom.
- As
indicated in the passages set out above, the views expressed by Dr Pannell
and Mr Vachon were based on an understanding
of the word
‘acknowledge’ that did not conform to its meaning in s 223. As
a result, I place little or no weight
on any opinion they express that there is
continuing acknowledgment of traditional laws or customs.
(ii) A practice or activity dictated otherwise than by an intention to
acknowledge or observe (the question of the inference of attribution)
- I
discussed this issue to some extent at [329]–[331], and referred at [331]
to Mason v Tritton. Should an inference of attribution be drawn, that
is, an inference that observed behaviour is attributable to, or explained by,
a
law or custom?
- Although
the present issue arises in relation to all Claims, it is highlighted in the
submissions of the Cosmo applicant and the State.
The State
submitted:
first respondent does not submit
that “observable behaviour” is irrelevant or insignificant to
an enquiry into whether or not laws and customs exist. It is not, however,
correct to say, as
the Cosmo Newberry respondents submit, that “any
patterning in what claimants do, and what their ancestors have done, must be
attributable to, or alternatively, be regarded as
evidence of the existence of a
law acknowledged or custom observed.” This, it is submitted, is to
read too much into behaviour that may be attributable to instinct, impulses or
desires that are not normative
in nature. The utilisation of food and other
resources that occur in the natural environment provides an example of behaviour
which,
in itself, sheds no light upon whether or not laws or customs exist. The
procurement of food is essential to survival. The presence
of human beings in
any place, prior to the development of rapid transport, is attributable to, and
at the same time evidence of the
fact that food has been procured by those
people. To suggest that hunting, fishing or gathering per se should be
regarded as evidence of the existence of a law acknowledged or custom observed
is, it is submitted, inappropriate. The
first respondent acknowledges that
where behaviour that might be attributable to an impulse, instinct or desire
that is not normative
in nature is executed in a way that is not relevantly
related to the satisfaction of the instinct, impulse or desire, those
embellishments
in the behaviour may provide evidence of the existence of a law
or custom. It is necessary, however, to exercise considerable caution
and
careful analysis in attempting to distinguish between aspects of behaviour that
may be attributable in a practical way to the
satisfaction of instinct, impulse
or desire, and aspects of behaviour that indicate the existence of a law or
custom. For these
reasons it is not appropriate to infer, simply because
everybody does something, that there must be a law requiring people to behave
in
that way, or a custom under which that behaviour is expected to
occur.
first respondent does not suggest that there must be
a particular level of precision or conciseness in the way in which traditional
laws and customs are articulated by a person to acknowledge and observe those
laws and customs. There should however be an identifiable
proposition which
becomes apparent with reasonable clarity from an examination of the whole of the
evidence on a particular subject.
A large number of references to a particular
subject and repetitious assertions that laws exist in relation to a topic does
not,
in the first respondent’s submission, assist the Court in identifying
whether or not a law or custom is acknowledged and observed.
It is only when a
particular form of behaviour can be identified as a requirement of a traditional
law or custom that there can
be said to be a law or custom relating to the
particular subject.’
- The
Cosmo applicant responded:
Cosmo Newberry
Respondents are at a loss to know how it could ever be proven that a person for
example, hunts on their traditional
country because they have that right under
traditional law and customs, as opposed to hunting on their traditional country
because
they want to eat a kangaroo. Impulses, instincts and desires are
inseverable from the impact, expectations and normative influence
of one’s
society. It is a nonsense to expect the level of proof, consistency and
categorisation of human behaviour implicit
in the Respondents’ submissions
in relation to traditional laws and customs. The Cosmo Newberry Respondents
submit that your
Honour should consider all evidence of patterns of
“observable behaviour” within the context of Western Desert laws and
customs and in accordance with the submissions of the Cosmo Newberry
respondents.’
- A
problem with the first sentence in this response is that it commences with an
assumption that the hunting takes place on the ‘traditional
country’
of the hunter – the very thing to be proved. In any event, the conundrum
posed in that sentence highlights
the difficulty rather than suggesting an
answer. If hunting is equivocal, and cannot be said to be attributable to an
exercise of
traditional rights, then the hunting does not assist to discharge
the onus of proof. The question is which characterisation applies
to it:
‘equivocal’ or ‘logically probative of the exercise of a
traditional right’.
- Hunting
would be probative of a body of laws and customs if, for example, there was
evidence of mutually exclusive hunting zones.
In such a case, hunting within
one zone and the avoidance of others, would be probative of the exercise of a
traditional right to
hunt within one zone. But on the evidence, the nomadic way
of life did not divide the Western Desert into hunting zones in which
only
particular groups were free to hunt. On the contrary, the evidence is that
Aboriginal people were at liberty to hunt, forage,
drink and camp anywhere, and
it is perhaps difficult to see how it could be otherwise, given the sparsely
populated, arid and relatively
featureless landscape.
- All
of this is not to say that there is not still a connection between the claimants
and the land. Indigenous witnesses gave evidence
that they still go out
hunting, and in some cases camping, often with their families. Of course,
non-Aboriginal people, particularly
those who live in rural areas or have done
so at some time in their lives, also hunt kangaroos, and some of them camp out
on those
occasions. Although there is no evidence on the matter, it is
difficult to avoid the impression that if one were to take a
‘random’
cross-section of the non-Aboriginal population in the
Goldfields, one would find that the proportion of the claimants who hunt would
exceed the proportion of the cross-section who do so. I also have no doubt that
one reason for the claimants’ hunting is the
intergenerational passing on
of experience and knowledge – generations ago, hunting, gathering, camping
and drinking from pools,
waterholes and soaks, were necessary to survival for
the Aboriginal people, but was not so for Europeans (although there is
intergenerational
passing on of knowledge and experiences in the case of
non-Aboriginal people too). Reasons why the claimants hunt are: inexpensive
recreation; socialising with family and friends; passing on knowledge and skills
gained from previous generations to children and
grandchildren; and obtaining a
supplement to supermarket food.
- The
question is what to make of all the evidence concerning hunting. I think it
shows that there is a connection between claimants
and the land in general of a
kind and degree that non-Aboriginal people do not have, but it is not
necessarily probative of a law
or custom. It would be necessary to consider
carefully the evidence given by each individual as to where he or she hunts, and
why
he or she hunts there.
(iii) How is acknowledgement and observance by a ‘group’ to be
proved?
- I
discussed this question to some extent at [324] ff.
- The
number of LIP-listed claimants in the respective Claim groups was given at
1.7 [116]. Whether a particular Claim group continues to acknowledge and
observe traditional laws and customs of the WDCB society requires
a fair overall
view to be taken, and raises questions of fact and degree. It is not simply a
matter of the proportion of the claimants
within a Claim group who were called
to testify. On any reckoning, however, in each Claim that proportion was quite
small. Moreover,
most of the witnesses were members of the older generation
– only the Cosmo applicant called some teenagers, and only a small
proportion of the witnesses for other Claim groups were individuals in their
twenties, thirties or forties.
- Many
senior claimants gave evidence of their childhood and of the activities of their
parents and other persons in their parents’
generation, which they, as
children, observed. Evidence alone of their childhood experiences does not
establish the situation today.
- It
would be possible for a witness to give evidence, not only of what he or she
does, but of what he or she has observed others doing.
For example, a person
giving evidence of participating in a traditional bush funeral ceremony would be
able to give evidence that
he or she saw co-claimants also participating in it
– it would not be necessary to call the co-claimants. However, generally
speaking, evidence of this kind was not given, and the evidence took the form of
the individual witness’s testimony as to what
he or she does, and perhaps
what members of his or her immediate family, do.
- Where
the evidence takes the form of an individual’s testimony simply as to his
or her own activity, it will be a question whether
it is appropriate to infer
from the number of witnesses who give evidence of that kind that the Claim
‘group’, on a fair
overall view, engages in that activity. Group 6A
frequently submitted that where some only of the witnesses from a particular
Claim
group testified on a particular matter, I should draw an inference of the
kind associated with Jones v Dunkel [1959] HCA 8; (1959) 101 CLR 298 at 308
(Kitto J), the inference suggested being that evidence from the other
witnesses from that group would
not have assisted with respect to that
matter.
- Where
it is clear, as it has been in this case, that evidence in respect of
acknowledgement and observance of laws and customs is
being adduced by reference
to a list of topics, and only some of the witnesses from a Claim group testify
in relation to a topic,
it does seem appropriate to draw a Jones v Dunkel
inference. However, I see this issue as part of the larger issue mentioned: how
is acknowledgement and observance by a ‘group’
to be proved?
- I
will not attempt to give a general answer to this question here, but note that
little attempt was made by the various applicants
to demonstrate why I should
infer that the Claim group on a fair overall view (not every member) should be
found to acknowledge a
particular law, or to observe a particular
custom.
(iv) How many traditional laws and customs must still be acknowledged and
observed?
- It
is a ‘body’ of laws and customs to which Yorta Yorta HCA
refers ([50]). Section 223(1) of the NTA predicates the continued
acknowledgement and observance of a pre-sovereignty body of laws
and
customs.
- If
it were established that one law or custom was still observed, that would not
necessarily establish that the body of law and customs
of which it formed part
was still observed. No useful general answer can be given to the question, how
many laws and customs must
be proved to be acknowledged and observed before we
can say that the body of them is acknowledged and observed.
- At
times in submissions, it seems to be suggested that it is sufficient to find
particular laws or customs that are acknowledged and
observed, and then to
inquire if they are traditional, without attempting to understand what the total
pre-sovereignty body of laws
and customs was.
- The
Cosmo applicant joined issue with the non-indigenous respondents on this matter.
The Cosmo applicant identified the question as
one concerned with
‘starting points’. The approach that he supports can be outlined as
involving the following sequential
steps:
(1) start by identifying
laws and customs of which there is some acknowledgment and observance today;
(2) draw a retrospective inference that those laws and customs were
acknowledged and observed at sovereignty;
(3) conclude that there has been continuous acknowledgement and observance of
a body of per-sovereignty laws and customs.
- In
my opinion, this approach is flawed. It fails to take into account the reason
why the inquiry as to continuous acknowledgment
and observance must be made.
That reason is to ensure that pre-sovereignty society that sustained the
existence of rights and interests
in land or waters still exists. I suggest
that, to this end, it is necessary to have some conception of that body of laws
and customs,
the acknowledgment and observance of which unified people into a
society at sovereignty.
- This
is not to suggest that we must be confident that we have identified no less than
all the pre-sovereignty laws and customs that
went to make up the body of them.
Nor is it to suggest that because it is no longer practicable for some
pre-sovereignty practices
to continue in modern conditions, it is no longer
possible for the body of laws and customs to be acknowledged and observed on a
fair overall view. It is, however, to accept the emphasis place in
Yorta Yorta HCA on the concomitance of the right and interest
sustaining society with a body of laws and customs.
- The
deficiency in the Cosmo applicant’s approach can be illustrated by
reference to the practice of male initiation. Assume
that a male in a
particular claim group is initiated today. To what pre-sovereignty law, custom,
belief or practice would that instance
of male initiation point? That single
instance would say nothing about the universality of male initiation, the fact
that male initiation
was required to precede marriage and procreation, or the
relationship between initiation and admission to the ranks of those permitted
to
know about sacred stories and sites.
- Notwithstanding
the difficulty of establishing what the relevant body of laws and customs was in
1829 (at least in the Western Australian
Goldfields), this is what is required
by the NTA as explained in Yorta Yorta HCA. Retrospective inferences can
be drawn from the early records of observations of indigenous life back to
sovereignty. Indeed, it
may be appropriate to draw retrospective inferences as
to the position at sovereignty, from more recent observations. The present
point, however, is that the attempt must be made to identify the body of laws
and customs of the WDCB society that operated in the
Wongatha Claim area in
1829, and to inquire whether such acknowledgment and observance as exists today
amounts to acknowledgment
and observance of that body of laws and customs on a
fair overall view.
(v) What is the appropriate measure of acknowledgment and observance?
- The
starting point must be sovereignty. What was the nature and extent of
acknowledgment and observance then? I draw the retrospective
inference that
virtually all males were initiated and that an uninitiated male did not marry or
have children. Apparently, then,
the relevant norm is that all male claimants
must be initiated and must not marry or have children until they are initiated.
In
such a case, measuring the extent of present day acknowledgment and
observance is straightforward, the only question being whether
that extent
suffices (see [972] ff below). In the case of other laws and customs, however,
the parties did not propose any particular
standard or norm against which
acknowledgment and observance is to be measured. It seems reasonable to expect
the parties to formulate
the law or custom in question, to refer to adaptations
to be allowed for, and to come up with a suggested present day form of the
law
or custom. It is not particularly helpful simply to have a heading
‘Tjukurrpa’, but it is helpful to say, for example:
‘All claimants must know the location of all Tjukurr-related sites
within area X, and all except watis must avoid them’ (I do not
imply that this does or does not reflect the rule in 1829).
- The
case would have been more manageable if a more rigorous approach had been taken
to formulating the pre-sovereignty laws and customs
constituting the body of
laws and customs that applied in the Wongatha Claim
area.
(vi) What was the level of acknowledgment and observance in 1829, and what is
the level of acknowledgment and observance that should
be looked for today?
- The
Western Desert people of 1829 did not spend every waking moment acknowledging
and observing laws and customs, and we should not
look for evidence that the
claimants do so.
- In
Yorta Yorta HCA, the joint judgment speaks ([47]) of a system of
laws and customs that has had ‘continuous existence and vitality
since sovereignty’ (my emphasis). How did that vitality demonstrate
itself in 1829? Did it do so in daily behaviour? I doubt
it. How frequently
did occasion for acknowledgment and observance arise? I do not know. I assume
that the nomadic lifestyle meant
that occasion for the avoidance of sacred
sites, for example, arose more frequently than it does today, when most of the
claimants
live in towns, and a small number live in Aboriginal communities.
- This
issue was not seriously addressed by the parties. Allowance must be made for
adaptation, but urbanisation and sedentarisation
are necessarily related to the
present issue. I think that ‘vital’ was chosen by their Honours to
indicate that there
might be acknowledgment and observance so fragmentary and
infrequent that it would not be probative of a generally operative
‘body’
or ‘system’ of laws and customs.
- Clearly,
questions of degree are involved. The joint judgment indicates, however, that
in order to sustain the existence of rights
and interests, the
‘body’ or ‘system’ of laws and customs must be one that
is truly regarded by the members
of the Claim group, on a fair overall view, as
still yielding norms that are authoritative for them.
(vii) Acknowledgement and observance by the Claim groups not to be decided
- After
careful thought I have decided not to resolve the question whether the Claim
groups continue to acknowledge and observe the
body of traditional
(pre-sovereignty) Western Desert laws and customs. That issue would, of course,
have to be decided Claim group
by Claim group. Since I have reached a decision
adverse to each Claim’s success on other grounds, resolution of the issue
is not necessary.
- I
have referred in the earlier parts of this section to several general issues
that arise relating to acknowledgement and observance.
I have also set out in
the sixth section (.6) of each of Chs 5-10, and the seventh section
(.7) of Ch 4 summary accounts of the evidence relating to acknowledgement
and observance by the individual Claim groups, and have sometimes
expressed
preliminary or tentative views in relation to individual laws and customs,
though not in relation to them overall.
- In
the event of a successful appeal against my order in any of the eight
proceedings, and in the event that the Full Court should
think it right to deal
with this issue, my setting out of what seems to me to be the primary facts is
intended to provide a complete
factual basis upon which the Full Court could
reach its own conclusion.
(d) Whether the WDCB is a basis of a normative system, and if so, to whom and to
what area does that system apply?
- I
touched on this question 3.6(c)(1) and (2) under ‘Characteristics
of the WDCB’. In Yorta Yorta HCA, the joint judgment referred
to native title as marking an intersection of two sets of norms or of two
normative systems ([39]).
Their Honours said
([40]):
fundamental premise from which the
decision in Mabo (No 2) proceeded is that the laws and customs of the
indigenous peoples of this country constituted bodies of normative rules which
could
give rise to, and had in fact given rise to, rights and interest in
relation to land or waters.’
- Their
Honours said ([42]) that there was no need to distinguish between what was a
matter of traditional law and what was a matter of traditional
custom, and continued:
because the
subject of consideration is rights or interests, the rules which together
constitute the traditional laws acknowledged
and traditional customs observed,
and under which the rights or interests are said to be possessed, must be rules
having normative
content. Without that quality, there may be observable
patterns of behaviour but not rights or interests in relation to land or
waters.’
- According
to the joint judgment ([43]), it is important to recognise that the rights and
interests concerned originate in a normative system.
- Their
Honours remarked on the relationship between laws and customs and the concept of
a ‘society’, stating, in a well
known passage, that in the present
context, ‘society’ is to be understood as ‘a body of persons
united in and by
its acknowledgement and observance of a body of law and
customs’ ([49]). That is to say, a single society exists by reason
of its
members’ acknowledgment and observance of a single body of law and
customs. In the same vein they stated
([50]):
speak of rights and interests
possessed under an identified body of laws and customs is, therefore, to speak
of rights and interests
that are the creatures of the laws and customs of a
particular society that exists as a group which acknowledges and observes those
laws and customs.’
- The
kind of society of which their Honours spoke continues to exist only in so far
as it continues to acknowledge and observe its
body of traditional laws and
customs, and that body of traditional laws and customs continues to be
acknowledged and observed, only
if, and to the extent that, the relevant
pre-sovereignty society continues to exist ([51] – [53]). It is not
sufficient that:
- knowledge of
the content of traditional laws and customs is passed on from individual to
individual, despite the dispersal of the
society which once acknowledged and
observed them; or
- the descendants
of those who used to acknowledge and observe the laws and customs, take up
acknowledgment and observance of them again.
- The
non-indigenous respondents contend that the WDCB is not a single society in the
sense of a body of persons united in and by its
acknowledgment and observance of
a body of law and customs. They submit that the evidence reveals the
possibility of various societies
within the Western Desert which have
similarities and differences, the similarities having led to their being
characterised as composing
a ‘cultural bloc’. They invoke in aid of
this submission the following features of the evidence:
- The
acknowledgment by anthropologists, past and present, that there is regional
cultural variation throughout the Western Desert;
- Express
references in the expert evidence to the existence of ‘societies’
(in the plural) and the implicit rejection of
the notion of a single
society;
- The
existence of overlapping Claims without any law or custom that can be pointed to
providing for a resolution of the conflict.
- Before
turning to the evidence, I think it appropriate to note that there are some
Western Desert laws and customs of which evidence
has been given that are
clearly normative. One need think only of the section system and the associated
prohibition of certain marriage
alliances, in-law avoidance, and the avoidance
of sacred places. (As ever in this chapter, I am not addressing present
day acknowledgment and observance.) Other activities may be no more than
behaviour that is necessary
or desirable for the survival of nomadic
people.
- Daisy
Bates recorded details of various forms of physical punishment for tribal
offences under the heading ‘Native Justice,
System of Punishment’.
She referred to ‘spearing for ordinary tribal offences’. Professor
Tonkinson discussed
punishment for elopement, for example, in Tonkinson, The
Mardu Aborigines at 146-7. Professor Tindale also referred to spearing in
the leg as a punishment for the theft of another man’s wife.
- In
their supplementary report, Pannell/Vachon address the ‘anthropological
concept’ or ‘anthropological construct’
of the WDCB. The fact
that an anthropologist, Professor Berndt, was the author of the ‘cultural
bloc’ terminology, and
that subsequent anthropologists have used it, is
not, of course, conclusive against the WDCB’s being a single normative
society. At [84] of the report, Pannell/Vachon seem to disavow the WDCB
as the normative system under which rights and interests in land
exist.
However, at [85] they suggest the opposite.
- I
referred to some of the evidence on the single society/multiple societies’
issue above at 3.6(c)(1) [227] ff.
- In
oral evidence Mr Vachon was asked what were the indicia of the normative nature
of the system of laws and customs referred to in
the Pannell/Vachon
supplementary report. Pannell/Vachon had
stated:
our opinion, the normative nature of
the system is evident in the recurring social and cultural values, principles
and constructs
expressed by the Aboriginal witnesses when speaking about their
practices. We would argue that together their evidence on their
laws and
customs points to the normative possibilities and limits of a cultural discourse
characteristic of the Western Desert
bloc.’
and
our consideration of these sources, it could be
inferred that the normative system of the claimants consists of laws and customs
which,
themselves, are unlikely to have been manifestly different from those
exercised, say, fifty or so years earlier (ie the date of
sovereignty).’
- Mr
Vachon said that it was not possible to list all of the aspects of a normative
system, because to do so would do violence to a
living system. In any event,
his response to the question concentrated on the Wongatha claimants, not on the
pre-sovereignty WDCB.
- The
Cosmo applicant submits that the relevant ‘society’ is that of the
Western Desert, and that the laws and customs practised
within the area of the
WDCB constitute a normative system. He acknowledges ‘regional
variations’, but asserts that there
is:
commonality across the Western Desert to
say that at a certain level of generality, the laws and customs have normative
content.’
- I
referred earlier to the absence of any attempt to define the regional variations
or the regions where they apply, and the Cosmo
applicant states that it would be
impossible to delineate ‘discrete areas’.
- Although
I do not think it makes any difference to the result in the present case, I
think Yorta Yorta HCA requires applicants for a determination
of native title to establish the content of the body of pre-sovereignty laws and
customs
on which they rely, allowing for any relevant regional variations, so
that they can establish that the normative system has continued.
It is the
continuance of that normative system that supports the existence of native title
rights and interests today.
- Dr
Pannell was also questioned about the notion of a ‘normative
system’. Asked to relate the assertion and recognition
of ‘my
country’ areas to the notion of a normative system, she said that the
former took place within the context of
a cultural system of belief and
practice. She said that she understood from a reading of the transcript in
Yorta Yorta HCA, that the High Court ‘had a particular idea
about ... what the normative system looked like’, then
added:
would suggest here that the system
has a degree of flexibility in terms of individual variation, but there’s
a limit to that
system and a limit-limit to that variation that – so we
would talk about regulated variation within that
system.’
- Later,
Dr Pannell said that there is a normative system operating at a wider region
that is marked by reference to belief in the Tjukurr, acknowledgment of
places as pika ngurlu, reference to a kinship system, ritual and regional
ceremonies, gender-based or age-based distinction in behaviour and relatedness,
the operation of a section system, and certain marriage requirements.
- Dr
Pannell said that ‘normative’ is not a term commonly used in
anthropology these days and is more commonly found in
the discourse of
sociologists. She said that anthropologists tend to refer to ‘regular
values or ideas or beliefs or practices
... which could all be gathered under
that rubric of “norm”’. Dr Pannell’s concept of
‘normative’
is broader than that espoused in the joint judgment in
Yorta Yorta HCA, as her inclusion of ‘regular ...
practices’ makes clear. Their Honours distinguished between ‘rules
having normative
content’ and ‘observable patterns of
behaviour’ ([42]). Similarly, in relation to ‘rules’,
Professor
HLA Hart, in The Concept of Law (2nd ed,
OUP, New York, 1994) stated
(p 57):
is necessary is that there
should be a critical reflective attitude to certain patterns of behaviour as a
common standard, and that
this should display itself in criticism (including
self-criticism), demands for conformity, and in acknowledgments that such
criticism
and demands are justified, all of which find their characteristic
expression in the normative terminology of “ought”,
“must”, and “should”, “right” and
“wrong”.’
- In
the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report, the authors state that in their
opinion, the normative nature of the system of the claimants’
laws and
customs is evident in ‘the recurring social and cultural values,
principles and constructs expressed by the Aboriginal
witnesses when speaking
about their practices.’ By reference to this passage, in his oral
testimony Mr Vachon seemed to me
to define the normative system affecting
claimants to embrace virtually anything and everything that they do. He said
that one can
look at the normative system in terms of the way people normally do
things such as the way in which they normally relate to their
uncles as opposed
to their sons, or the way they normally cut up a kangaroo.
- Mr
Vachon made the point that the claimants themselves are not able to articulate a
normative system. I agree – they should
not be expected to do so.
Indeed, he said that it is not possible, in an exhaustive or comprehensive way,
to set out the content
of the normative system applicable in the Western Desert.
He agreed with the proposition that there might be a range of aspects of
the
normative system operating at all sorts of different levels in relation to a
particular act, such as the cutting up of a kangaroo,
and that it does violence
to the complexity of that living system to draw up a list of normative
acts.
- Dr
Sackett was also asked about the normative society. He said that while there
were similarities between the laws and customs described
in his and the
Pannell/Vachon reports, there were differences. Dr Sackett was asked why
the Cosmo claimants could not ‘properly
be said to form a society ... with
at least some members of the Wongatha group, those resident in and around
Laverton particularly’.
I discussed his answer at 3.6(c) [727]
above. It was, with respect, unsatisfactory. A more ample account of the
exchange is as follows:
SACKETT: I’m
glad we came back to society. It’s true that the Cosmo people have social
interaction with some of the Wongatha
claimants and some of the Mantjintjarra
Ngalia claimants, but they also have social interaction with Ngaanyatjarra
peoples and others [by ‘Ngaanyatjarra peoples and others’ he was
referring to people outside the Claim
groups].
WALKER: Yes. The – and you really leave it
there, do you? It’s – it’s an open question as to what
society
the Cosmo Newberry claimant group can be seen as being part of, other
than the broad Western Desert Cultural Bloc.
SACKETT: No I think they’re much more finely
honed than that, but it just seems to me the society that they’re part of
is not the Wongatha society as it’s been described. It includes part of
that, but others, as well.
WALKER: And yet, of course, you’ve got people
like Nowie Westlake [a Cosmo claimant], with very significant links, you
would agree, to Mulga Queen [within the Wongatha, but not the Cosmo, Claim
area] knowledge of that country.
SACKETT: Yes. Yes.
WALKER: You’ve got people like her and Frances
Murray [a Cosmo claimant], and Estelle Ross [a Cosmo claimant],
having worked extensively and for many years on stations in the Wongatha claim
area?
SACKETT: Yes.
WALKER: You’ve got people like Harvey
Murray [a Cosmo claimant, and the Cosmo applicant] and, really, all of
his family having had long connections with Wongatha Wonganarra in Laverton and
with Mt Margaret [both in the Wongatha, but not the Cosmo, Claim
area]?
SACKETT: Yes. As I’ve said, there’s
overlap.
WALKER: Yes. And the
---
SACKETT: They also have – inner links to the
Warburton area [to the east of the Wongatha Claim area], to the
Westlakes, marriage links, family.
WALKER: And those links, or the extent of those
links, with people like the Westlakes, they’re much – it’s a
much
smaller part of the Cosmo Newberry group with those connections compared to
those with connections into the Wongatha group, isn’t
it?
SACKETT: Yes, sheer numbers, that’s probably
true.’
- In
the second passage attributed to him, Dr Sackett seems to be saying that the
Cosmo claimants are part of a society which is something
less than the WDCB, and
which includes particular Wongatha and MN claimants and perhaps some
Ngaanyatjarra people. This confuses
the position further, again suggesting the
artificiality of the composition of the Cosmo Claim group.
- The
competition between overlapping claims cannot be explained by regional variation
in the same system of laws and customs, since
any regional variations would
affect both Wongatha and Cosmo claimants in respect of the Cosmo Claim area (ie
the Wongatha/Cosmo
overlap). I accept the State’s
submission:
presence of overlapping claims
and the lack of agreement as to who possess native title rights and interests in
the Cosmo Newbery
area, the lack of agreement on the relevant principles that
should apply, and the lack of any means to either resolve or objectively
determine those disputes, evidences the lack of any overriding normative
system.’
- The
Cosmo applicant noted differences and variations, as well as the similarities,
within the WDCB. He referred to the fact that
some Western Desert peoples are
reported as not having any form of section system, others as maintaining a
four-section system, others
a six-section system, and yet others as having
adopted (eight/sixteen) sub-sections. Again, he notes that in some areas, place
of
conception is held to be fundamental in linking a person to the Dreaming and
to country, while in other areas it is place of birth
that does so. He states:
‘The emphasis on different aspects varies in different
sub-regions’.
Conclusion
- With
considerable doubt, and not withstanding the many references in the evidence to
‘societies’, regional variation and
dissimilarities between cultural
practices in different parts of the Western Desert, I will assume without making
a finding, that
the WDCB is a single normative society as contemplated in
Yorta Yorta HCA (see 3.6(c) [738]). There can be no
doubt that there were and are some similar cultural practices observed right
across the Western Desert and
that at least some of them had and have a
normative content. If this is sufficient to characterise the people of the
Western Desert
as a normative society so be it. I will assume, in favour of the
present Claim groups that it is.
(e) The Western Desert and the Claim groups
- While
the possibility cannot be excluded that one Claim group establishes that it has
native title and that others claiming the same
area do not, as noted above the
existence of multiple claims for the same land under what are, according to the
Claim groups, the
same body of WDCB laws and customs, gives rise to questions.
If the same body of WDCB laws and customs is to determine whether a
group has
group rights and interests in land, it must provide a resolution of the
competing overlapping group Claims. Yet the anthropologists
called by the
various Claim groups do not attempt to come to grips with this problem. They
simply support, as best they can, the
Claim made by the Claim group that
retained them.
- Three
possibilities should be noted. The first is that one Claim group’s claim
is supported by traditional laws and customs
and the others are not. The second
is that traditional laws and customs provide for a sharing by groups. The third
is that claims
by groups resembling the Claim groups are simply alien to
traditional Western Desert laws and customs. I accept that the third reflects
the true position.
- Two
further matters should be noted. First, it would, of course, be no solution to
say that various Claims arise under the laws and
customs of different societies
or sub-societies of the WDCB. How would I know which society’s or
sub-society’s laws
and customs applied? In any event, the Claim groups
propound the WDCB as the one and only society in question.
- Second,
it appears that no Claim group acknowledges that any overlapping Claim
group has rights and interests in the overlap. Some Claim groups
acknowledge that individual claimants within other Claim groups have
individual rights and interests in the overlap, but that is a different matter.
I say ‘it appears
that’, because there was some reference to the
possibility that an overlapping Claim group might have group rights and
interests
in the overlap, but on the basis that within that overlapping Claim
group, only claimants having ‘my country’ areas within
the overlap
would have active rights and interests there.
- The
position of Claim groups that acknowledge sharing can be put in this
way:
(1) Claim group X has group rights and interests in,
relevantly, an overlap;
(2) Claim group X acknowledges that there are individual members of
overlapping Claim groups who have ‘my country’ areas
in the
overlap;
(3) Claim group X does not acknowledge that any other Claim group has group
rights and interests in the overlap, but to the extent
that any may be found to
have them, Claim group X claims shared rights and interests with that group, as
it does with the individuals
mentioned in (2) above.
- While
the Wongatha applicants concede that individuals from other Claim groups may be
able to establish native title rights and interests
in parts of the Wongatha
Claim area, the Cosmo applicant does not, at least formally (his evidence is
different) make a similar concession
in relation to the Cosmo Claim area. He
asserts that fundamental differences between the Wongatha and Cosmo Claim groups
about the
way in which people claim country, has prevented resolution of native
title matters between the two groups. The State submits that
such a fundamental
difference would demonstrate that both Claims cannot be in accordance with the
laws and customs of the WDCB, and
that the Wongatha and Cosmo claimants cannot
all be members of a single society ‘united in and by its acknowledgement
and observance
of a body of law and customs’: Yorta Yorta HCA
at [49]. (In fact, I do not accept the Cosmo submission that there are
‘fundamental differences’ between the bases of
the Wongatha and
Cosmo Claim groups.)
- This
difficulty which the anthropological evidence poses for the Court is recognised
in the following ‘submission’ by
Professor
Maddock:
If there has been a lot of movement
of people since the 19th century, then conflicts expressed in competing claims
today would be
no cause for surprise. But if the migration hypothesis is
rejected, as Dr Pannell and Mr Vachon do, one is left with a problem
of
explanation.
Another explanation for the multiplicity of claims
would be that the tide of history has washed away so much knowledge in this
region
that people are unable to discriminate between claims which, in
traditional terms, are well founded and those which are not. But
none of the
anthropologists puts forward this hypothesis. They all maintain that the
claimants for whom their reports were prepared
acknowledge traditional laws and
observe traditional customs to a significant
degree.
The good opinion held of the several claimant bodies
by their respective anthropologists has an awkward implication. If claimant
group P acknowledges traditional laws and observes traditional customs in
relation to land, and thus has a solid claim, will not the same
be true of the
other claimant groups (Q, R, S, ...)? If so, why the conflicts and
overlaps?’
- In
my opinion both explanations are valid. First, there has been much movement and
relocation of people since, and under the influence
of, European settlement.
The semi-nomadic lifestyle has been replaced by a sedentary one. The present
Claims have been founded
on the locations where people have ‘finished
up’. The Claim groups have been constructed from the claimants’
individual
connections to country and affiliations. There is little historical
depth to the connections and affiliations because of the disruptive
effect of
settlement. Generally speaking, the pre-sovereignty ancestors of many of the
claimants lived far from where the claimants
now live.
- Second,
so much knowledge has been lost that neither the indigenous people nor the
anthropologists whom they have called can any longer
say why one Claim
group’s claim is valid under traditional laws and customs and another
not.
- Distinguishing
the notion of a single WDCB society supporting a single body of laws and
customs, Pannell/Vachon, in their supplementary
report, say that the Wongatha
claimants and other Western Desert Aboriginal people share some similar laws and
customs. I understand
that they propose a single WDCB society, with local
variations in its laws and customs. Apparently, however, their final position
is that there are a number of societies or sub-societies (which they do not
identify) within the Western Desert, including a ‘Wongatha
society’
with a membership extending beyond the Wongatha claimants. They leave undefined
the extent and basis of that Wongatha
society or sub-society.
- Dr
Sackett said that ‘the Cosmo people [had] social interaction with some of
the Wongatha claimants and some of the [MN] claimants,
but ... also ... with the
Ngaanyatjarra peoples and others’. He said that it seemed to him that the
society of which the Cosmo
claimants were a part was not ‘the Wongatha
society as it’s been described. It includes part of that, but others, as
well’. I found Dr Sackett’s evidence in this respect confusing. He
did not attempt to identify this society, smaller
than the WDCB but larger than
the Wongatha society, of which he said the Cosmo claimants formed a part.
- I
agree with Dr Brunton that:
is no obvious
independent traditional or historical basis for differentiating either the
Wongatha claimant group from the other collectivities of Aborigines in
the region, or the Wongatha claim area as a cultural landscape from other
tracts of country.’ (my emphasis)
The observation also applies to the other Claim groups before the Court.
- Pannell/Vachon
reply by referring to early references to ‘Wongatha’ or
‘Wangkayi’ in secondary sources (McDonald,
Young and Bates) in the
period 1896-1908. Dr Brunton counters at length, that Pannell/Vachon have
misunderstood him. His point
was not that these terms were not used ‘as
regional terms of identity for Eastern Goldfields Aborigines’ (he accepts
that they were), but that he has doubts about ‘the basis on which the
specific claimant group was constituted and the boundaries
of [the] claim area
[were] decided’. Dr Brunton cited passages from the indigenous testimony
of 18 witnesses as to the meaning
of ‘Wongatha’ or
‘Wangkayi’ and demonstrated the diverse understandings that exist of
the terms (see 4.6(a) [1331] ff. I agree with Dr Brunton’s
conclusion (modified in cross-examination as indicated by the bracketed
language):
least on the basis of this
evidence from the various claimants, there is [very little] to suggest
that the specific boundaries of the Wongatha claim and the specific composition
of the Wongatha claim group can be explained
in independent terms that are
derived from traditional understandings or even historical
experiences.’
- Dr
Brunton also pointed out that Pannell/Vachon’s original report states that
according to McDonald, Young and Bates, in the
period 1896-1908, the terms
‘Wangkayi’ probably included a far wider area than the Wongatha
Claim area, and extended
to the Western Australian/South Australian border area
and an area south-west of Broad Arrow, and that Bates and Young, like some
of
the indigenous witnesses, said that ‘Wongatha’ was a generic term
for ‘black fellow’.
- Yet
further evidence of the problematical composition of the Wongatha Claim group is
provided by Pannell/Vachon in their principal
report. They said (appropriately)
that as researchers they did not confine their research to the
‘“biological descendants”
of over a hundred named
forebears’ identified in the Wongatha Form 1. They add that, in
particular, they have identified persons,
commonly resident at the Coonana and
Tjuntjuntjara communities ‘who express a connection to the [Wongatha]
claim area’.
They say that at the time of writing their report
(30 May 2001) they were unable to complete their research with these
people.
But all or many of the members of the MN, Koara, Wutha, Cosmo,
Maduwongga, NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups also express connections
to
(parts of) the Wongatha Claim area. Pannell/Vachon did not explore all of their
claims.
- The
Cosmo applicant submits that ‘right across the Desert it was local groups,
operating under the laws and customs of their
regions, that owned and took
responsibility for stretches of landscape’, citing Dr Sackett’s
principal and supplementary
reports. The Cosmo applicant submits that
‘this is an appropriate basis on which to bring a native title claim
– either
on behalf of one landholding group or many’, and that the
Cosmo application is brought on behalf of a single landholding group.
- The
reference to ‘local groups’ is a reference to Berndt 1959
(discussed at [831] above). The Cosmo claimants are
not, however, a
‘local group’ of the kind described by Professor Berndt.
- The
Cosmo applicant submits that the Cosmo claimants are ngurarrangka for the
Cosmo Claim area and hold the area in accordance with the laws and customs of
the WDCB. He submits:
expression parallels
that of nguraritja, used by the claimants in De Rose (FC),
pointing to people’s direct link to country – their ngurra.
In fact, the method of becoming a Cosmo Newberry ngurarrangka is much the
same as that found and upheld to be the case in De Rose (FFC).’
- This
attempt by the Cosmo applicants to assimilate their application to that which
was successfully made on behalf of the Nguraritja in De Rose
fails. The men, women and children constituting the Cosmo Claim group,
numbering 128 according to the Cosmo LIP bear no resemblance
to the
29 site custodians in De Rose. The criteria for being
Nguraritja found by the trial judge in De Rose were set out
in De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J at [454]–[458], and
those for membership of the Cosmo Claim group appear at 2.5(a) [210]
above. They are quite different. As noted earlier in the discussion of
De Rose, essential to the concept of Nguraritja in that case
were the Dreaming sites and tracks of which the claimants were the traditional
custodians, but they form no part of
the identification of the members of the
Cosmo Claim group or of the Cosmo Claim area.
- The
Cosmo Claim group is not a landholding group of the kind described in Berndt
1959. As Dr Sackett himself noted in his principal
report:
like Elkin, Tindale and Berndt
before him, suggested these land owning groups were “essentially
patrilineal (in) orientation”
and that there was “a preference for
children to be born in or near the estate of their father in order that they may
share
his own mythic associations” (Stanton 1984:184). Likewise, Stanton
saw the “cult lodge” as an important manifestation
of individual and
group relations to sites and country.’
Dr Sackett states that in the light of the research of Bates, Elkin, Tindale,
Berndt and Stanton, it would be expected that the Cosmo
claimants
‘must’ and ‘would’ be claiming ‘along the
supposedly intertwined paths of chains of births
and lines of patrilineal
descent’. But they do not. Nor do the Cosmo claimants make claim to
share a ‘Dreaming’,
‘totem’ or ‘mythic
association’ connecting them to the land – another characteristic of
the ‘local
group’ described by Professors Elkin, Tindale and Berndt
and by Dr Stanton. Even Harvey Murray, the Cosmo applicant,
a prominent
witness and spokesperson for the Cosmo Claim group, was not born on the Cosmo
Claim area, does not claim a connection
to it through his father, and does not
claim to have a Dreaming or totem, let alone one which he shares with other
members of the
Cosmo Claim group and which connects him to the Cosmo Claim area
or to any part of it.
(f) Languages – whether important and if so what the significance of
language is
- I
referred to the linguistic evidence at 3.5(c) [447] ff where I also set
out the substance of the report on the linguists’ conference.
- Notwithstanding
the undoubted expertise of Dr Clendon and Dr Sommer, I have not found matters
relating to Aboriginal language of particular
assistance in resolving the issues
before the Court.
- The
picture that emerges is that across the Western Desert, there was a
‘chain’ or ‘spread’ of dialects; that
the dialects were
mutually intelligible; and that the mutual intelligibility was greater or less
according to the geographical distance
between speakers. The mutual
intelligibility was therefore least as between people at opposite extremities of
the Western Desert.
In his report, Dr Clendon referred to ‘mutually
intelligible varieties of a larger linguistic taxonomic category referred
to as
the Western Desert language’.
- In
Berndt 1959, the author explained that the dialectal units were not tribes. He
said (p 102) that since each dialectal unit was
associated with ‘(a) the
local groups, and (b) a constellation of more or less of contiguous local
groups’, that were
territorially based, indirectly each dialectal group
‘could be taken’ as ‘extending over a specified tract of
country’.
- While
there is necessarily some relationship between language and territory, the
evidence does not support language groups as the
holders of rights and
interests. People who find it necessary or desirable to communicate with each
other will find a means of doing
so, and those living within a certain proximity
to each other will find this necessary or desirable. In Berndt 1959, Professor
Berndt
produced maps showing the areas where certain dialects were spoken.
However, Dr Clendon observes:
boundaries
cannot be drawn between speech varieties in a dialect chain: the differences are
too slight and often too ephemeral, and
the borderlines are too fuzzy. Only at
the extremities of such chains do differences of the “dialect” type
emerge, and
this is certainly the case in the Western
Desert.’
- An
illustration was found in the linguistic evidence concerning the use of
lamino-palatal consonants and lamino-dental consonants
(see [447]).
Vocabularies and transcriptions recorded in the early 1900s, show that in the
eastern part of the Western Desert, only
lamino-palatal consonants were used,
whereas, in the far south-west, only lamino-dental consonants were used.
Between those two
extremities, both kinds were used. Dr Clendon recorded that
Wongatha claimants used both kinds.
- I
accept the Cosmo submission, that ‘[p]erhaps the most that can be divined
from the linguistic gradations across the scope
of the Western Desert is a
general positioning of dialect.’
- A
particular problem that besets the identification of dialect with country is the
profusion of names that have been given to dialects
in the Western Desert. In
his report on the overlapping Claim groups Dr Clendon explained that this
circumstance is attributable
to ‘an emic system of isoglossing’. He
said:
involves the grouping together of all
locations where people share particular terms in common, just as isobars in
meteorology bring
together all locations sharing a common barometric pressure on
some occasion.’
- The
Aboriginal people commonly identified speakers by reference to a particular word
they used. But the same people might be referred
to by several names because
others perceived their distinctive words differently. Thus, the perspective of
the label giver was all
important.
- Dr
Clendon suggested that it appeared that in the Warburton-Goldfields region, it
could have been the case that with respect to a
reasonably small group of people
in a particular location:
● the word
kuwarra “wait!” was commonly used,
- the verb
stem/pitha-/or/pitja-/“move” was commonly used,
- the pronoun
ngali was used to code first person plural,
- the
demonstrative ngaa “this” was used,
- the verb
mantjirni “pick up, get, take” was
used.’
- Dr
Clendon explained that these people could be called ‘Kuwarra’
(cf ‘Koara’), ‘Pitjantjatjarra’ or possibly
‘Pitantharra’ (people who used the verb pitjantja
‘move’), ‘Ngalitjarra’ or possibly
‘Ngaliya’ (people who use ‘ngali’ for
‘we PLURAL’) or ‘Ngaanyatjarra’ or
Ngaanhatharra’ or ‘Ngaatjatjarra’ or
‘Ngaatharra’ (people who use ‘ngaa’ for
‘this’).
- Obviously,
the practice of isoglossing makes it difficult to be sure that one understands
correctly whether the same group or different
groups are being referred to.
- Another
difficulty in the assessment of the significance of language in relation to the
claimants is the considerable loss of language
that has occurred. According to
Dr Clendon’s report, Aboriginal language is now largely in decline among
them and the only
claimants able or confident enough to speak it are the elderly
or older middle-aged people. Even the older claimants who have retained
any
knowledge of Aboriginal language, have tended to describe the languages their
parents and others of their parents’ generation
used to speak, or that
they themselves spoke in their childhood, rather than an Aboriginal language
that they use today. Some of
the witnesses knew only a few Aboriginal words.
Some could, with apparent difficulty, compose a sentence or two. Some said that
while they could not speak an Aboriginal language, they could understand one
when it is spoken. Samantha Murray, however, gave evidence
of a new course in
indigenous language being established at the school at Cosmo, although there is
debate, she said, about whether
the Ngaanyatjarra or Wongatha language should be
taught.
- Most
of the people whom Dr Clendon interviewed gave him the impression of having
spoken Wongatha as children, and perhaps as
young adults, but of not having used
the language consistently as a medium of communication for many years. Again,
generally speaking,
these people are no longer accustomed to using the language
or have forgotten how to use it.
- Although
the subject of language loss will be taken up in later chapters dealing with the
individual Claims, for present purposes
what is important is that it is
difficult to come by language speakers among claimants for the purpose of expert
analysis.
- Several
witnesses spoke of the ‘mixed up’ way in which their parents and
others of their parents’ generation spoke.
They were referring to the
melting pot of dialects that the Goldfields had become. The picture that
emerges is one, not only of
mutual intelligibility, but of mutual accommodation
and adjustment, or ‘merger’. That is to say, people modified the
original dialects by embracing features of other dialects, in particular, that
spoken by a husband or wife or other close relative,
perhaps reverting to their
original dialect when conversing with ‘their own people’. A good
illustration of the speaking
of ‘mixed up language’ is found in the
experience of the children at the Mount Margaret Mission.
- The
Cosmo submissions state:
the various
varieties (or “dialects”) of Western Desert language were, and
continue to be, mutually intelligible to speakers
of other varieties (or
alternatively that people are multilingual or that the varieties are easily
merged) is ... supported in the
evidence.’
This passage correctly reflects
the elements of mutual intelligibility, multilingualism and merger disclosed by
the evidence.
- There
is some evidence that some modern Wongatha words are also found in records made
by Daisy Bates and others writing in the early
period following European
settlement. It is not in dispute that the dialect called ‘Wongatha’
is of a Western Desert
type, indeed, of a south-western Western Desert type, but
the submission that is made on the basis of that coincidence of certain
words,
seems to be that the same Aboriginal language was being spoken prior to
migration as is spoken today (by those few people
of the older generation who
can still speak ‘Wongatha’). No doubt there is a degree of
continuity, but then there is
some continuity right across the Western Desert.
I do not make too much of the evidence of this kind. The evidence is not of the
kind: word A was used at first contact in area X and nowhere else, and
word A is used today in area X and nowhere else.
- I
have concluded earlier that the WDCB does not completely disappear until the
Menzies-Lake Darlot line, and nothing in the linguistic
evidence persuades me to
think that it extended or extends further west than that
line.
3.7 THE WONGATHA CLAIM AREA: RELEVANT EUROPEAN HISTORY
- I
referred to the expert historical evidence generally at 3.5(b)
([433]–[446]), and to the joint report on the historians’
conference at [438]. In this section, I discuss relevant aspects
of the history
of Wongatha Claim area from ‘first contact’ onwards. That history
provides background evidence relevant
to the issue of whether and which
Aboriginal people were present in the Wongatha Claim area at first contact;
their groupings, laws
and customs; and the extent to which their presence at
particular places was the result of an ‘unnatural’ migration
following
first contact.
- Before
proceeding, I must note that the term ‘first contact’ is a term of
uncertain connotation. ‘First contact’
between European and
Aboriginal people occurred at different times at different places – later
the further afield. There was
the rather fleeting contact that the early
explorers had with Aboriginal people beginning in 1869. Then came the discovery
of gold
in the early 1890s, which led to the progressive establishment of mining
camps, settlements and towns. It was only then that European
and Aboriginal
people had contact with each other to any great degree, living uneasily in
juxtaposition to each other. Still, many
Aboriginal people did not see European
people for the first time until later, and in some cases, much later.
- Below,
I summarize observations made of Aboriginal people at various locations in the
Wongatha Claim area, by explorers, followed
by surveyors, prospectors, police
and other government officials.
(a) Explorers
- The
first explorer to have contact with Aboriginal people in the Claim area was John
Forrest (later Sir John Forrest, Premier of Western
Australia). In May and June
1869, accompanied by two Aboriginal guides, Forrest entered the Wongatha Claim
area from Toodyay, to
the west of that area, travelled in an easterly direction
to Mount Weld (near Laverton and Mount Margaret), then returned.
- In
the course of the journey, Forrest’s party encountered Aboriginal people.
On 31 May 1869, apparently when travelling south-southeast
down the western side
of the range of hills that includes Mounts Bevon, Mason and Ida, towards the
western end of Lake Ballard, and
therefore within the western boundary of the
Wongatha Claim area, they encountered not less than 100 Aboriginals engaged in a
corroboree.
During the remainder of his exploration, Forrest encountered
Aboriginal individuals and families, including three Aboriginal men,
not far
from each other, just north of present-day Leonora. Forrest’s Nyungar
guide (from the York area) attempted to communicate
with them, with varying
degrees of success.
- Over
the years, other explorers, prospectors, surveyors, and their parties, traversed
parts of the Wongatha Claim area and recorded
their observations. They included
Ernest Giles (1874-6), David Lindsay (1891-2), LA Wells (1892), Gus Luck (1894),
David Carnegie
(1894-7), Frank Hann (1902-1908), and the East Brothers (1905).
Reports of these expeditions mention encounters with indigenous
people, and many
signs of their presence, at places within and close to the Wongatha Claim area.
- In
1875 Ernest Giles noted the existence of a corroboree ground a little south of
the Wongatha Claim area at Queen Victoria Spring
(roughly half way between
Kalgoorlie and the South Australian border). In 1894, David Carnegie and Gus
Luck visited the same site
(see [1052] below). Giles had his first face to face
meeting with Western Australian Aborigines, at Ularring Rock, six km outside
the
south western edge of the Wongatha Claim area in October 1875. He saw more than
100 of them and noted that some possessed European
artefacts.
- In
1891 David Lindsay’s party diagonally crossed the eastern end of the
Wongatha Claim area from the northeast corner, southwest
to Queen Victoria
Spring. His party found many signs of Aboriginal occupation, including
campsites, freshly burned country, human
tracks and campfires.
- In
1892 LA Wells recorded recent tracks of Aboriginal people at Mount Arthur (just
north of the northwest section of the Wongatha
Claim area near Lake Darlot); old
camping places just north of the future Cosmo; and footprints, old camps and
burned country between
the Ernest Giles Range and the lake that bears his name
(north of the future Cosmo).
- In
1894 David Carnegie and Gus Luck travelled from Coolgardie to Queen Victoria
Spring and north into the Wongatha Claim area, reporting
an encounter with
Aboriginal people in the Cosmo Claim area. On 16 April 1894, apparently between
Coolgardie and Queen Victoria
Spring, Carnegie recorded finding an Aboriginal
burial site. They then travelled towards Mount Margaret and Mount Ida before
heading
to Kalgoorlie. At Queen Victoria Spring, they found abandoned camps and
artefacts – spears, waddies, and pieces of bark shaped
for digging or for
carrying infants.
- In
1896 Carnegie mounted a separate expedition travelling through the northern part
of the Wongatha Claim area (Halls Creek), beyond
which European settlement had
by then reached, between the future Cosmo settlement and Lake Wells and to the
north east of it. He
noted signs of an Aboriginal presence. He recorded an
encounter with an Aboriginal man whom he forced to reveal the location of
a
rockhole, now known as Empress Spring.
- Both
Gus Luck and David Carnegie, and other early explorers and settlers, referred to
use of the term gabbi or gaby for water. Numerous indigenous
witnesses on the hearing said that the word kapi (gabi) meant
water or a source of water, such as a rockhole. Carnegie also recorded items
associated with ceremonies at Empress Spring
and a corroboree at Alexander
Spring.
- From
a base in Laverton, explorer and prospector Frank Hann explored extensively in
the Wongatha Claim area between 1902 and 1908.
He travelled in the area east of
Laverton and Lakes Carey and Minigwal and beyond the Claim area to the Western
Australia/South
Australia/Northern Territory borders. Hann reported encounters
with family groups and individual Aboriginal people within the Wongatha
Claim
area, as well as signs of land use. On 20 May 1903, at the eastern end of Lake
Yeo, Hann found Aboriginal drawings in a cave
near a waterhole, which he named
Lily Rock Hole.
- In
1905 the gold prospectors, the East Brothers, recorded an encounter with a group
of Aboriginal people about 50 km south of Laverton.
They noted that one of
Aboriginal people could speak English. They also recorded seeing tracks near
Queen Victoria Spring.
- The
Cosmo applicant also refers to people who went through the Cosmo Claim area, in
particular, including a mining surveyor who was
sent to investigate the
discovery of gold by WH Carr-Boyd, and a government surveyor’s expedition
from Laverton to the South
Australian border in 1916.
- Later
expeditions were also made to areas beyond European settlement, such as a survey
expedition in 1931 by HL Paine and Hugh Barkley,
who recorded encounters with
Aboriginal people at Laverton and Minnie Creek.
Conclusion
- Both
historians who testified agreed that the earliest European sources show that
Aboriginal people, or signs of their presence, were
observed at many places in
the Wongatha Claim area. They also agreed that those Aboriginal people, in
general, displayed knowledge
of the areas where they were observed.
- The
presence of indigenous people within the Wongatha Claim area at first contact is
not in dispute. Nor is it in dispute that I
should infer, retrospectively, from
their presence at first contact that indigenous people were to be found in the
area at sovereignty,
in 1829. More specifically, I infer that Aboriginal
activities of the kind of which the explorer saw evidence, had also occurred
before and since sovereignty (eg camping, corroborees, burning of country).
- The
explorers’ observations of the Aboriginal people in the Wongatha Claim
area, referred to briefly above, tells us little
about the group identity of the
people whom they encountered or of whose presence they saw signs, and little
about the laws and customs
of those people.
- Other
early contact with Aboriginal people in the Wongatha Claim area is recorded by
other explorers; by government officials, such
as the ‘Protector of
Aborigines’ and the local ‘Travelling Inspector’ (see [1078]
ff below); by local police
officers at Menzies, Mt Malcolm, Laverton and
Leonora; by the Goldfields resident, David Sanderson McDonald (see
[554]–[561]);
and by journalists of newspapers in the Goldfields.
(b) Mining discoveries and associated developments
- European
settlement came to the present Western Australian Goldfields in the early 1890s
following the discovery of gold at Coolgardie
in 1892 and Kalgoorlie in 1893.
With the gold rush, prospectors soon made their way further north within the
Wongatha Claim area.
Mining extended up to such places as Darlot and Morgans by
1894/5. By 1900 the settlements of Menzies, Gwalia, Leonora,
Murrin Murrin,
Morgans and Laverton were established. The European
populations of the towns that developed in the area fluctuated significantly
and
quickly according to the intensity of mining activity. Some towns disappeared
entirely, after a relatively short life.
- European
settlement was largely confined to the western half of the Wongatha Claim area
for many years. For example, although gold
was first discovered in the Cosmo
area in 1902 and a number of prospectors worked in the area, it was not until
the 1920s that the
area was surveyed and settled more permanently by prospectors
and pastoralists.
- There
were two major impacts of mining discoveries and associated developments on the
Aboriginal people. First, there was competition
and conflict over scarce
resources, in particular, water. (The historians, Mr Muller and Mr Stronach,
appear to agree on this.)
It was common for waterholes to be emptied or
destroyed as Europeans arrived in the 1890s in pursuit of gold. As Mr Muller
puts
it:
1894 Aborigines began to defend
their water resources with greater determination. While water was not always
the source of the conflict
it was a major reason in many
cases.’
- According
to Mr Stronach’s report, the Aborigines Department noted in 1899 that
mining operations throughout the area had resulted
in the small and rare water
holes on which the Aboriginal population relied ‘having been converted
into wells or otherwise
interfered with by mining operations’. As a
result, the Department incurred costs in providing Aboriginal people with water
from condensers.
- Mr
Stronach also reports that Mr CA Bailey, Protector of the Aborigines in the
Eastern Goldfields, wrote on 1 December
1896:
Natives on the fields have entirely
abandoned the bush as a means of gaining their living, the fact of the natural
water holes or
soaks in nearly all cases being utilised by the mining population
in a measure is responsible for the change in their
habits.’
- Mr
Stronach noted that Bailey’s statement that Aboriginal people in the
region had ‘entirely abandoned’ the bush
may have been ‘a
broad generalisation ... not supported by further evidence’, but
considered that it showed that there
was already (in 1896) ‘an observable
change in Aboriginal life, even that soon after settlement’. Mr Muller,
however,
notes that Mr Bailey and his successor, GS Olivey, only briefly visited
towns in the region, including the larger and settled town
of Kalgoorlie, and
suggests that their knowledge of Aboriginals living in the bush may have been
limited.
- The
second major impact was the movement of indigenous people to the towns and
settlements. The records in the first years of contact
do not always indicate
where the indigenous people present at towns and mining settlements were from,
although sometimes they were
described as being from certain places or of
‘tribes’ belonging to particular areas in which Europeans had
settled.
These places included Kurnalpi, Pindinnie, Edjudina, Granite Creek,
Laverton, Erlistoun and Darlot, as well as from the ‘Spinifex’.
- According
to the historians’ reports, the circumstances of indigenous people at
Laverton is described in a report by Mr Bailey’s
eventual successor as
Travelling Inspector for the Aborigines Department, Mr Olivey, a report
from Laverton Constable Malone
in 1912, and a report from Laverton Constable
Thompson in 1915. Although no doubt the position was not identical at all these
points
of time, generally speaking, the three reports paint the following
picture: large numbers of Aboriginal people had arrived from
the Spinifex; most
were dependent on what they could get from the Europeans, including Government
rations; they made occasional visits
back to the Spinifex but did not stay there
long; they were continually moving from one town to another; they appeared to
hunt very
little; native game was at times very scarce and water was available
only when it rained and for a few weeks afterwards; they were
driven out of
towns by the police and threatened with violence by other Europeans; they often
begged for and sometimes stole food.
- On
the other hand, in Leonora, a police report in 1915 gives a rather different
perspective. It noted that when the drought broke,
Aboriginal people left the
town (the report states: ‘all natives able earn a living left for bush
month ago’ (sic)).
Other circumstances also affected the dynamic as
between Aboriginal and European people, such as the decline of the European
population
in certain places as mining ceased (I refer to the demise of the town
of Darlot at [1089] below and at 6.7(a)(b) [2692] ff..
- European
expansion brought more Aboriginal people into contact with European settlement.
Mr Muller observes:
is also worth
noting that between 1902 and 1908 European settlement in the region had
expanded. For example, the area around Yundamindera
and south along the shores
of Lake Carey was settled in this period, and so Aboriginal populations
previously uncounted because they
were beyond the then frontier might have been
enveloped by settlement. Finally, if Aboriginal newcomers, presumably from the
desert
areas, did augment the number of Aboriginal people within the settled
northern goldfields this does not necessarily indicate that
Aborigines were
voluntarily associating with Europeans. At various stages in the first half of
the twentieth century major droughts,
combined with the appropriation of water
supplies and destruction of game, forced Aborigines to seek access, at least
temporarily,
to European-controlled water
supplies.’
- Mr
Muller and Mr Stronach agree that Aboriginal people moved into European towns
during periods of drought and that towns became an
alternative source of food
and water supplies. Mr Stronach said that this was consistent with a
‘traditional practice of moving
into better-resourced country during times
of drought’, but pointed out that there was evidence that people remained
near towns
even when drought conditions had eased and natural resources were
available. Some witnesses (for example, May O’Brien and
Margaret Morgan)
also gave evidence that drought and the destruction of water sources by miners
resulted in movement to places such
as government ration depots and the Mount
Margaret Mission. Dimple Sullivan said that her family went on a long walk to
the desert
towards the South Australian border to tell others about the food
available from the European settlers back at Laverton.
- The
historians who testified disagreed on the extent to which Aboriginal people
remained near the towns and became reliant on European
sources of food and water
after drought conditions eased. The evidence demonstrates that Aboriginal
people increasingly camped around
European towns, although such shifts were not
always permanent. Government and police measures were also taken, with limited
success,
to remove them from the towns. Hunting and other traditional practices
did not immediately come to an end upon European settlement,
but they decreased
over time.
- The
historians’ reports also refer to other historical sources recording
hunting and food gathering at places within the Wongatha
Claim area from the
early contact period. The early historic records also report corroborees and
ceremonial gatherings of Aboriginal
people within the Wongatha Claim area,
beginning with John Forrest’s report of a corroboree in 1869, noted above.
Travelling
Inspector Bailey reported in 1896 and 1897 on gatherings at
Goongarrie and Niagara. In the following decade other ceremonies were
reported
at places such as Morgans, Mount Malcolm, Menzies and Leonora. Ceremonial
activities are noted in the historical record
considered by the historians
through to the 1960s.
- The
historians refer to the record of internecine Aboriginal conflict, including a
series of conflicts between Darlot and Laverton
Aboriginal people in about the
first decade of the twentieth Century.
Conclusion
- Mining
development had an adverse effect on water resources, and, perhaps to a lesser
extent, food resources, naturally available
to the indigenous people. This
contributed to an increasing reliance by the indigenous people on European towns
and settlements
for water and food, where both were more readily and reliably
available. Drought and the effects of the European presence combined
to push or
draw Aboriginal people from the desert towards European resources. The issue of
migration from the east, north and north-east,
is discussed at numerous places
throughout these reasons. It suffices to note here that the towns and
settlements provided a strong
incentive to leave one’s
‘traditional’ country and to camp at or near European
centres.
(c) Government administrators – ration depots, police, the Protector of
Aborigines
Early
controls
- European
settlement was accompanied by governmental activity of various kinds. The
administration of Aboriginal affairs had been
a concern of local and imperial
authorities in Western Australia for some time prior to European settlement in
what became the Goldfields.
In 1883, a ‘Native Commission’ was
appointed to consider measures which should be taken in the interests of
Aboriginal
people, and in 1886 an Aborigines Protection Board
(‘APB’) was established. The APB was empowered to distribute
rations,
medicine, clothing and blankets to Aboriginal people in need of them;
to manage reserves; and to supervise generally all matters
affecting Aboriginal
people. Mr Muller notes that governmental intervention in the region began with
the arrival of the first police
officers in 1895 and 1896. In 1896 and 1897,
three Aboriginal people were receiving assistance distributed by the police at
Menzies.
In 1896 the APB appointed Mr CA Bailey as ‘Protector
of Aborigines’ in the Eastern Goldfields. Blankets were
first distributed
in the Northern Goldfields as early as 1897, 100 being issued by police at
Menzies and 12 at Mount Margaret
in that year.
- In
his report, Mr Muller quotes the Secretary of the APB as stating in that
Board’s 1897 Annual Report:
demands on the Board for rations to sick
and infirm Natives in the various districts have considerably augmented and the
rapid expansion
of Gold field centre and the increase in the whole population
has had the effect of depriving the Natives of their means of obtaining
food and
water, and made them dependent on the Board for relief. The duties of Mr C A
Bailey, Protector of Aborigines have consequently
considerably increased and
owing to his careful supervision and frequent inspection of the Eastern Gold
field centre aided by the
kind assistance of the Resident Magistrate and Police
Officers, the Natives have been provided with food, water, hospital
accommodation,
medicine, medical attendance and blankets and the general
improvement in their condition has been a source of gratification to the
Board,
so much so that it is a matter for regret that competent paid Protectors had not
been appointed through the Colony.’
- In
1898 the APB was replaced by a government department, the ‘Aborigines
Department’, and the position of Protector ceased
to exist (the
‘protector’ role being performed by the local police) until 1901,
when a Travelling Inspector was appointed.
The role of distributing rations and
exercising other government controls over Aboriginal people in the area was
often the responsibility
of the police.
- Government
control was extensive. The Aborigines Act 1905 (WA) as amended,
especially as amended by the Aborigines Act Amendment Act 1936 (WA),
granted the Government wide powers over the employment (s 17), movement
(various sections), and family life (cf s 42)
of Aboriginal people in
Western Australia. The Chief Protector of Aborigines was the legal guardian of
Aboriginal children as defined
by the Act (s 8), and had the power to
authorise the removal of people, including children (s 12). Areas could
also be
declared prohibited to Aboriginal people (s 39), and they could be
removed from towns (s 37). Such controls were gradually repealed
from the mid
1950s through to the 1970s.
- Another
relevant legislative measure was the Natives (Citizenship Rights) Act 1944
(WA), which allowed Aboriginal people to obtain a certificate of citizenship
upon complying with certain assimilation requirements.
One requirement was that
they had to have ‘dissolved tribal and native association’ (s 4
– there was an exception
in favour of lineal descendants and first degree
relatives), and to have ‘adopted the manner and habits of civilised
life’
(one of the requirements of s 5).
- Aboriginal
people in the Wongatha Claim area attempted to avoid the operation of certain
government controls, in particular, the removal
of their children. Several
witnesses gave evidence of being hidden from police or escaping capture by them
as small children. In
this respect the Mount Margaret Mission provided an
alternative: children accommodated in the Mission would not be removed from
the
Goldfields and could be visited there by parents who could camp nearby.
Ration stations
- Section
6 of the Aboriginal Act 1905 (WA) included as one of the roles of the
recently established Aborigines Department that of distributing blankets,
clothes and other
relief to the Aborigines, at the discretion of the Department.
- Ration
depots or stations operated at various times at Kookynie, Lawlers, Burtville,
Laverton, Leonora, Linden, Menzies, Morgans,
Mount Margaret, Cosmo and
Mulga Queen, and at places just outside the Wongatha Claim area, in particular,
at Darlot.
- A
difficulty in reading the evidence relating to the distribution of rations is to
distinguish between the supply of rations by pastoralists
in return for labour,
and that by government, such as through the local police or through persons
appointed by the government as
superintendents of ration depots. The position
is rendered the more complex by the fact that local pastoralists were sometimes
appointed
as the superintendents.
- Aboriginal
people congregated around centres of European settlement that were also sources
of rations. Police and other authorities
used the ration depots and nearby
Aboriginal camps to find mixed-race children for removal to institutions. The
provisional withholding
of rations was a means of control.
- I
turn now to those ration stations that had particular significance for the
purpose of the present Claims: those at Darlot, Mount
Margaret Mission, Cosmo
and Mulga Queen.
-
According to Vachon/de Gand: ‘An official rationing depot for Aborigines
was set up at Darlot as early as 1906 and a few Aborigines
were receiving
rations there until 1929’. They also note that rationing at Darlot was
mentioned in the Aborigines Department Annual Report 1907, but is
not mentioned again until the Departmental report for 1923. Reports show that
five Aborigines were receiving government
rations at Darlot between 1923-9. In
their report, Vachon/de Gand state:
reasons
not entirely clear, it seems that several people who previously occupied the
eastern half of the [Wongatha/MN] Overlap and who later lived in and
around Darlot came to be identified as Kuwarra [Koara] by a number of
Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants and
others.’
I do not know when the ration station at Darlot ceased to function. The
Darlot post office closed in 1952, but the little town’s
heyday seems to
have been from, say, the late 1890s to about 1930 (see 6.7(a)(b) [2691]
ff).
- The
ration depot at Mount Margaret occurred through the auspices of the Mount
Margaret Mission. A brief history of the Mount Margaret
Mission appears at
[1114] below.
- The
history of the ration depot there began when the State Government closed the
ration stations at Linden and Morgans at the end
of 1927, and that at Laverton,
some three years later, and transferred all those who had been receiving rations
at those places to
a single new ration station at the Mission (the Mission had
been established five years earlier in 1922). At the Mission, this development
was regarded literally as a godsend.
- Just
as the State Chief Protector of Aborigines, Mr AO Neville (and the State
Government policy influenced by him), assisted the Mission
in its early days,
they took a course unfavourable to it in the mid 1930s, that led to the
establishment of the Cosmo ration station
in January 1940 (see [1095] below).
Government policy was that the indigenous people who had been receiving rations
at the Mission
should go to Cosmo and receive them there. However, the
Department allowed the Mission, at its own cost, to continue providing rations
to a small number of old Aboriginal people.
- Accordingly,
the Mission was an officially resourced ration station from late 1927/early 1928
to early 1940. Apparently at the beginning
of this period, it provided rations
to more than 200 people, but in January 1940 the number fell to some fifteen odd
people.
- The
subsequent history of the Mission as a ration station is unclear on the
evidence. According to Mr Muller’s chronology,
Mr Schenk informed the
Department of Native Affairs in April 1952 that the Aboriginal people receiving
rations from the Mission were:
Children, 80; Adults, 27; ‘Special
cases’, 6. That was the year before the Schenks retired (see [1117]
below).
- I
now turn to the ration station at Cosmo. I discussed certain historical aspects
of the Cosmo Claim area at 2.5 [196]-[199] and will discuss further
aspects of it in Ch 8. A ration depot was established on 29 January 1940 in the
vicinity of
the location of the present Cosmo Aboriginal Community. On 21
February 1940, Albert James Donegan was appointed, with his wife,
superintendent
of the Cosmo ‘feeding depot’. An increased number of Aboriginal
people had been reported to have been
moving into the Laverton area from the
east and north east, and in order to keep them away from towns there as well as
train lines,
the Government wished to draw Aboriginal people to Cosmo.
- By
June 1940, 140 Aboriginal people were receiving rations at the Cosmo ration
depot. They had come from Laverton, Mulga Queen, mining
centres such as
Cox’s Find and Burtville, and from the Warburton Ranges. The number
coming from Warburton increased. Mr Donegan
reported that in November 1941, 59
people were being rationed at Cosmo, in 1942, 40, and in 1947, 30. The
Commissioner for Native
Affairs periodically instructed the police to force
Aborigines away from Laverton (which had been declared a ‘prohibited
area’)
to Cosmo. Mr Donegan pursued a policy of relocating Aboriginal
people in the area surrounding Laverton to the Cosmo Reserve. The
indigenous
evidence was that he was feared. In the 1940s the total Aboriginal population
at Cosmo fluctuated from around 50 to over
200 people.
- In
1948, the Government declared a policy of turning Cosmo from a containment area
into a pastoral training station. Additional grazing
land was acquired,
livestock was introduced, and Aboriginal people began being paid cash for their
labour. However, by the end of
1951, Cosmo became a detention centre (mainly
for juveniles). Mr Donegan subsequently resigned. In 1953, the administration
of
the Cosmo Reserve was transferred to the United Aborigines Mission
(‘UAM’) missionaries of the Mount Margaret Mission.
The
‘feeding depot’ continued, together with dormitory accommodation and
schooling for children, but the institution
for delinquents was closed. In 1956
the ration system (including the supply of blankets and clothes) was replaced by
a cash allowance
of £ 1 per person per week.
- I
turn finally to the ration station at Mulga Queen. In the early years of the
twentieth century, Mulga queen was established as
a mining centre. In or about
1910, a gold processing battery and pastoral station were established there.
Aboriginal people were
recorded at places at and near Mulga Queen early in the
early years of the century.
- Witnesses
gave evidence of being at Mulga Queen and of the presence there of a
pastoralist, Jack Shepherd, a man of European descent,
who traded with
Aboriginal people and apparently the Aboriginal people found him to be kind and
well disposed towards them.
- Mr Muller
states that Mulga Queen’s status as a town, and its European population,
are unknown. Although it was never
gazetted as a townsite, it had a hotel and
several other major buildings and businesses, including a bakery, general store,
and blacksmith,
and several houses. According to Mr Muller, in the
inter-war years, 1920-1940, Aboriginal people from the Laverton area often
visited ‘the mining towns just east of Mulga Queen’.
- In
1953 a ration depot was established at Mulga Queen under the supervision of
Mr Shepherd and his wife. In 1955, Department
of Native Welfare Patrol
Officer AO day reported that there was an Aboriginal population of 40 at Mulga
Queen of whom 20 adults and
five children were being rationed, the others being
visitors for reburial ceremonies. Among the Aboriginal people who received
rations
at Mulga Queen in the 1950s was Marnupa (Biddy) Ross, the mother of
senior Cosmo claimant, Frances Murray. The number of ration
recipients at Mulga
Queen increased during the 1950s, but after Mr Shepherd’s death and
other events in the late 1950s
and early 1960s, many Aboriginal people departed
to such places as Milkupurrul, Flower’s Well, Biddy’s Patch, and
possibly
Leonora. Witnesses gave evidence, and there were reportings, of
gatherings and ceremonies taking place at Mulga Queen in the 1950s
and
earlier.
- The
presence of ration stations was an encouragement to migration from the desert,
especially in periods of drought. The historians
agreed in their joint report
that there is some evidence in the historic record which indicates that from the
1950s there was some
permanent migration to the Goldfields from the Warburton
area. Indigenous witnesses (eg Dimple Sullivan, Dolly Walker, and Paddy
Walker)
also referred to migration from a number of areas decades earlier. Mr Muller
observes that a report dated May 1957 stated,
with reference to Mulga
Queen’s Aboriginal population in the
1950s:
particular natives at Mulga Queen are
not directly connected with the natives who frequent Cosmo Newbery and Laverton.
These latter
natives have drifted in from around Warburton Ranges whereas the
original Mulga Queen natives came from the country north west of
the Warburton
Ranges and west of the Rawlinson Ranges. During the first ten years of this
century when the Mulga Queen, Blue Spec
and Duketon mines were operating in full
production the particular natives (many have since died) were attracted to these
centres
and eventually settled at Mulga Queen where they have remained
since.’ [citing Patrol officer’s report dated May
1957].
(d) Pastoral industry
- While
there were pastoral stations in the Wongatha Claim area from an early time, the
pastoral industry developed slowly in the Goldfields.
Cattle stations developed
first, and sheep stations later. Mr Muller states` that outside the Leonora
district, the Northern Goldfields
pastoral industry remained largely undeveloped
prior to the end of the Second World War.
- Pastoralists
and Aboriginal people had a sometimes difficult interaction. Fencing, poison
baits, and the depletion and fouling of
water sources by livestock, led to a
decrease in the availability of game for Aboriginal people, while pastoralists
complained that
Aboriginal people and their dogs disturbed stock.
- However,
the pastoral industry provided employment opportunities for Aboriginal people
that were not available to them in the mining
industry for much of the twentieth
century. According to Mr Muller’s report, Aborigines Department records
on employment began
in 1910 when the Menzies police reported that 24 Aboriginal
people were in employment in the ‘district including Leonora and
Laverton’. Mr Muller states that when the pastoral industry began
expanding, employment was confined to limited numbers, most
Aborigines being
considered to lack the necessary training. The expansion of the pastoral
industry after 1945 provided greater employment
opportunities for Aboriginal
people on stations.
- Aboriginal
people provided cheap labour. The stations often provided Aboriginal employees
with accommodation and keep. A source
of friction between pastoralists and the
Mount Margaret Mission was that the Mission superintendent, Mr Schenk, insisted
that Aboriginal
workers, whom he sometimes organised in teams, be paid at a
certain minimum level.
- Hunting
and gathering continued to an extent that varied according to the circumstances
on the particular station, such as whether
European food was available, whether
the Aboriginal station hands were located on an outstation, and whether good
hunting grounds
were close by. It is reasonable to think that the hours of work
and the arrangements made between the particular pastoralist and
the Aboriginal
employees would also be relevant. Some witnesses gave evidence of visiting
relatives on stations. Some were put
through the law during their period of
employment on a station. For example, Paddy Walker, LA and Danny Harris (all
probably born
in the 1930s) were put through the law after they had begun work
in the pastoral industry.
- There
is archaeological evidence of the use of European materials in Aboriginal
shelters, that had apparently been used by indigenous
people engaged in the
pastoral industry (Veth’s Wongatha report, pp 89-90).
- Traditional
activities were limited in different ways by the requirements of work, and the
fact that much work in the pastoral industry
was seasonal. Generally speaking,
pastoral work enabled Aboriginal people to gain employment in a European
industry, while remaining
in the Goldfields. Employment in the pastoral
industry ceased for many Aboriginal workers after about 1970, due to the
combined
effects of drought, the requirement to pay award wages, and industrial
changes, such as increased mechanisation.
- Other
occupations, such as sandalwood collecting, dogging (killing of wild dogs for
the Agriculture Protection Board), specking (looking
for gold) and road work,
also provided indigenous people with employment, often within the areas they now
claim. For example, Cecily
and Gay Harris engage in prospecting, and Dolly
Walker and her husband, Peter Muir, engaged in dogging over a long period.
- More
recent relations between indigenous people and pastoralists have often been
good. On the whole, the evidence is that Aboriginal
people have not often been
refused permission to access pastoral lands for hunting and other activities,
provided they avoid stock
and pastoral activities (discharging firearms is not
conducive to lambing). Some witnesses said that they do not always ask
permission.
There was also evidence, in both the historic record and from
witnesses, that at times some pastoral leaseholders have restricted
access.
Evidence was given that in recent years some Aboriginal people have sought to
acquire pastoral stations themselves. The GLSC submissions refer to the
acquisition of pastoral leases at Pinjin, Glenorn, Morapoi and Adelong, and
state that this provides
‘Aboriginal people with the ability for
continuing contact with the industry and those areas of land’. There is
evidence
that Morapoi is used for other purposes. Within Morapoi station is an
Aboriginal community, where, for example, Jessie Evans and
Laurel Cooper live.
Jessie Evans said that it is now called ‘Morapoi Community’, and is
a place where older people can
go. Richard Evans said he is setting up a
‘cultural trail’ there.
- The
ration station that was established at Mulga Queen in 1953 (see [1098] above)
was established on an 8,600 acre commonage designated
‘Reserve
9881’. While the site had always been of significance to Aboriginal
people, this led to an increase in the
Aboriginal population there in the 1950s.
There were pressures from the European settlers for the land to be available for
pastoral
and mining activities. Muller quotes a Department of Native Welfare
officer reporting in 1957 that the Aboriginal people at Mulga
Queen were
‘subject to “constant harassing tactics by pastoralists in the area,
who appear determined to drive the natives
from this locality”’. In
1958 three Aboriginal reserves totalling something less than 500 acres
(subsequently handed
over to the ALT) were created, incorporating the ration
station and a ceremonial site. In the early 1980s the present day Mulga
Queen
community was established on the reserves.
- The
indigenous testimony cannot fail to convey the significant role which the
pastoral industry has played in the lives of the present
claimants. Many of the
older witnesses, mainly, though not exclusively, the men, have spent much of
their lives working on pastoral
stations within the Wongatha Claim area or
nearby, in particular, between the end of the Second World War and about 1970.
(e) Missionary activities/the Mount Margaret Mission
- Christian
missions were established in the first half of the twentieth century at
Mount Margaret and Cosmo. Missionary activity
had an impact, not only
through evangelisation, but also, directly and indirectly, in other ways.
Perhaps the most notable of these
was the provision of education for children at
Mount Margaret.
- The
GLSC applicants refer to their Appendix A1(e) which identifies the witnesses who
lived at the Mount Margaret Mission.
- In
1921, Rodolphe Samuel Schenk, under the auspices of the UAM, went from Melbourne
to Laverton, intending to evangelise the Aboriginal
people in the Western
Australian Goldfields. En route he called in Perth on the State’s Chief
Protector of Aborigines, Mr AO Neville,
an officer with whom he was to
have dealings over the years. In Laverton, he found that the Aboriginal people
called themselves
‘Wongutha’. He discovered that there were two
distinct groups amongst the Aboriginal people who travelled through Mount
Margaret when the Mission was first established: one from the Laverton
(northern) side of Mount Margaret, and the other from the
Linden (southern)
side. Margaret Morgan gave evidence that the people at the Mission called
themselves ‘Wongatha’, and
that as the teenage boys grew up and
became stockmen, they would proudly say when they came home (to the Mission)
‘We Wangkayi,
Mount Margaret Wangkayi’. She said that the word
‘Wangkayi’ then caught on. There is evidence, however, that
such a
word (sometimes rendered ‘Wongi’) was used much earlier (see
[554]-[561]).
- Over
the decades following 1922, when Mr Schenk laid the foundations for the
Mount Margaret Mission, numerous missionaries
served there. Mr Schenk
and his wife, Isobel May Schenk (known as ‘Mysie Schenk’) were the
missionaries in charge
until they retired to Esperance in 1953. In Esperance,
they supported their son, Rod Schenk junior, at the ‘Wongatha Mission
Training Farm’, which provided vocational training for Aboriginal people
coming down from the North-Eastern Goldfields, and,
in particular, from the
Mission. The Mission continued to function until the 1970s under various
successors to the Schenks. These
included their daughter, Margaret Morgan, who
lives in Perth, and who testified before me, and her husband Keith Morgan.
- At
the end of 1927, Aboriginal ration stations at other places such as Linden and
Mount Morgans were closed. Mount Margaret
became the main rationing depot
in the region until Cosmo began operating in 1940.
- The
Mission provided an alternative for ‘half-caste’ children who risked
being removed by local police under the direction
of the Chief Protector of
Aborigines and transported hundreds of kilometers away to the facility at
Mogumber (Moore River). Typically,
there would be no contact between the
European biological father and the half-caste child. The role and
responsibilities of ‘father’
were assumed by an Aboriginal man whom
the child would regard in all respects as his or her father. The mother and
father would
attempt to conceal the child in the bush, away from the European
towns and settlements in order to prevent the child’s being
taken by the
police. The difficulty of concealing a child in the long term, coupled with the
educational and other advantages offered
by the Mission, led many parents to
place their half-caste children in the Mission, where they were accommodated,
fed, educated,
taught useful skills, found employment, and, in some cases,
‘converted to Christianity’. Some children were also forcibly
removed from their parents and placed at the Mission. In general, the
‘Mission children’ entered the Mission at a young
age of four to or
six years (presumably the age at which the risk of seizure of a child by the
authorities became a reality) and
did not leave it until their late teenage
years. There were also full-blood Aboriginal children at the Mission.
- Some
parents of children in the Mission camped in wiltjas nearby, in order to
be near their children. Parents were free to spend time with their children
each day in the creek bed at the
Mission, and often supplied bush food to the
children. During school holidays, in particular, the six-eight week Christmas
holiday
period, boys and full-blood girls accompanied their parents on camping
trips, to be returned to the Mission for the start of the
next school year. But
half-caste girls remained at the Mission, except where they were taken out by
the missionaries. According
to Ms Morgan and indigenous witnesses, this
was because of a fear that they would be taken by the police and transferred to
Mogumber. Once Aboriginal workers began entering the pastoral industry, some
children’s parents would be absent for periods
working on cattle and sheep
stations in the region. Muller reports that by 1960 the Mission had become
‘primarily a hostel
for children whose parents were living and working on
pastoral stations’.
- Over
time, the Mission buildings came to include children’s dormitories, a
school, a hospital (established in 1936), and work-rooms,
where skills were
taught. Aboriginal families also built houses on ‘the hill’ to live
in. The children living as part
of those families were referred to as
‘the hill children’, distinguishing them from those who lived in
dormitories in
‘the Graham Home’, who were sometimes called the
‘Home children’.
- The
Mission played a most important role in the lives of many of the senior Wongatha
claimants and claimants in other Claim groups.
Its influence should not be
underestimated. A significant number of the indigenous witnesses before me had
spent their childhood
years there. Some witnesses were born in the Mission
hospital. The place where the Court first sat to hear evidence was a hall
at
the Mount Margaret Aboriginal Community, from which indigenous witnesses
indicated places where their childhood experiences
took place. As noted
elsewhere, the bringing together of children in the Mission in their formative
years influenced their language
development in the direction of
assimilation.
- To
some extent, the Mission, controlled the behaviour, associations and movements
of the Aboriginal children who lived there. For
example, the Mission
discouraged the use of Aboriginal language and encouraged the use of English.
Controls were placed upon children
leaving the Mission, although some ran away.
Mr Schenk himself complained that sometimes the parents did not bring their
children
back after holidays. There was evidence that some young women married
because that was the only way they could leave. There was
also some evidence
that the Mission pressured Aboriginal people to choose between Aboriginal Law
and Christianity. Some witnesses
said that initiated people could not live in
the Graham Homes or in the Mission itself (Thelma O’Loughlin; Elvis
Stokes).
Others testified that the Mission generally opposed and discouraged
people from participating in Aboriginal ceremonies, or at least
in those that Mr
Schenk perceived as ‘evil’. He discouraged polygamy. He succeeded
in converting some people to Christianity
and in discouraging some men from
being initiated. The Christian influence resulted in less participation in
ceremonies and law
business.
- Of
course, this general influence did not mean that ceremonies stopped at once.
Historical sources record a number of ceremonies
taking place at Mount Margaret
between the 1920s and 1940s. Margaret Morgan said that as a child she used to
hear the corroborees
at night. Indigenous witnesses also testified about
ceremonies taking place and attending ceremonies around Mount Margaret from
the
1920s through to the 1960s.
- In
1947, Mr Schenck wrote to the acting Commissioner of Native Affairs claiming
that boys at the Mission were being threatened with
being taken away to undergo
initiation. He forwarded a petition from the boys or young men, including the
parents of some prominent
claimants. The petition, referred to in
Mr Muller’s principal report,
stated:
the undersigned wish to say that we
have been educated in the Mt. Margaret School and, being educated, wish to live
on a higher plane
than the bush natives. We do not want to be initiated and cut
about by the camp natives, and have no desire to follow the customs
connected
with the initiation ceremonies.
T. C. Evans, Donald Stokes, Arthur Stokes, Morris
Brownley, Woobalie Blizzard, Charlie
Winter.’
- Margaret
Morgan said that her father did not discourage Aboriginal people from engaging
in ceremonies or following traditional laws
and customs otherwise. She said
that if the people at the Mission abandoned traditional laws and customs, they
did so of their own
free choice. I accept, however, that inevitably they or
some of them would have felt that they were under some pressure to do so,
even
if the missionaries’ hope was that they would do so of their own free
will.
- The
missionaries at Mount Margaret established another mission at Warburton in the
1930s, and in 1953 took over responsibility for
Cosmo. The UAM ceased to
function at Mount Margaret in the early or mid-1970s, and finally withdrew
from Cosmo in 1979. Ms Morgan
said that the Mission ceased to function
‘when the people moved out and ... they weren’t tied to the mission
for employment’. She said: ‘[A]lthough they ... worked on
the station owners’ properties, they still came back to
Mount Margaret.
But there came a time when they started to move and they
were accepted in the towns ... they were excluded from the towns before
that,
but they began to find employment in the towns and that’s when it [ceased
to be a mission]’.
- When
the Mission ceased to function, its assets were transferred to AMOS Incorporated
(‘AMOS’). AMOS stands for ‘Aboriginal
Movement for Outback
Survival’. AMOS took over from the Mission the management of the affairs
of the Aboriginal community
living at Mount Margaret. AMOS’s
activities have been managed by a succession of Aboriginal people (currently Ron
Bonney).
Some, perhaps all, of the managers to date have been individuals who
spent their childhood at the Mission. AMOS conducts an annual
Christian
Convention at Mount Margaret. (As will be discussed in Ch 8, the
management of the Cosmo community was also vested
in an Aboriginal corporation.
After Government funding was withdrawn in the mid 1980s, the community cased to
function, but in 1989/1990
a number of the present Cosmo claimants returned to
Cosmo to re- establish a community there.)
3.8 MEANING OF ‘COMMUNAL’, ‘GROUP’ AND
‘INDIVIDUAL’ IN S 223(1) OF THE NTA, AND THE RELATIONSHIP
BETWEEN THOSE TERMS
- At
3.6(c)(4), I referred to the nature of the claims to country made by the
indigenous witnesses as being claims by individuals of individual
rights and
interests in ‘my country’ areas that have been aggregated or pooled
to create group claims of group rights
and interests in group areas. The
present section is principally concerned with the meaning of the terms
‘communal’,
‘group’ and ‘individual’ in s
223(1) of the NTA.
- Paragraphs
(a) and (b) of s 223(1) are based on what was said by Brennan J in
Mabo (No 2) at 70: see Ward HCA at [16] (joint judgment).
In Ward HCA, the joint judgment acknowledged that account may be
taken of what was decided and said in Mabo (No 2), when the meaning and
effect of the NTA is being considered (ibid). Deane and Gaudron JJ
stated in Mabo (No 2)
(109-110):
common law native title is a
communal native title and the rights under it are communal rights enjoyed by a
tribe or other group.
It is so with Aboriginal title in the Australian States
and internal Territories.’[
- Also
in Mabo (No 2), Brennan J stated
(51):
it be necessary to categorise an
interest in the land as proprietary in order that it survive a change in
sovereignty, the interest
possessed by a community that is in exclusive
possession of land falls into that category. Whether or not land is owned by
individual
members of a community, a community which asserts and asserts
effectively that none but its members has any right to occupy or use
the land
has an interest in the land that must be proprietary in nature: there is no
other proprietor.’
(It may be noted, in passing, that the circumstances contemplated by Brennan
J are far removed from those of the present case.)
- His
Honour said (52), however, that that there was no impediment to the recognition
of individual rights, whether proprietary or non-proprietary,
‘dependent
on the community title’. He also observed
(61):
course in time the laws and customs of
any people will change and the rights and interests of the members of the people
among themselves
will change too. But so long as the people remain as an
identifiable community, the members of whom are identified by one another
as
members of that community living under its laws and customs, the communal native
title survives to be enjoyed by the members according
to the rights and
interests to which they are respectively entitled under the traditionally based
laws and customs, as currently
acknowledged and observed.’
Brennan J also referred (at 51-2, 61-2) to sub-group and individual
native title rights or interests which were ‘dependent
on’ and
‘carved out of’ the communal native title. His Honour’s
analysis therefore seems to be that the
largest entity is the
‘community’, the smallest is the ‘individual’, and the
‘sub-group’ lies
between the two.
- In
Ward FCAFC, Beaumont and von Doussa JJ also emphasised
the communal nature of native title. Their Honours said
([204]):
submissions [a reference to a
submission by the State that, inter alia, the determination in favour of the
Miriuwung and Gajerrong people was
in error because it had the effect of giving
Miriuwung people an interest in Gajerrong country and vice versa,
notwithstanding a
finding that Miriuwung country and Gajerrong country were
separate territories] fail to recognise that rights of occupation, use and
control of particular areas enjoyed by the Miriuwung and Gajerrong community,
and the estate groups within it, are a consequence of the communal title
shared by the composite community under the traditionally based laws and
customs as currently acknowledged and observed by it.’ (my
emphasis)
- The
State submits ‘that a “community” is the largest grouping of
indigenous people who (collectively) possess rights
and interests in a
particular area of land’, and is the equivalent of a
‘society’. I agree. In Yorta Yorta HCA,
Gleeson CJ, Gummow and Hayne JJ treated ‘community’ and
‘society’ interchangeably, but preferred
to use
‘society’ at 445 (fn 94) to emphasise the close relationship
between the group and the identification of
the laws and customs of that
group.
- In
my view, s 223(1) reveals a taxonomy of the kinds of native title
recognised by the NTA: communal, group and individual.
The community, the
largest possible native title owning entity, is in fact the society whose laws
and customs are in question.
The group is smaller, and will ordinarily have a
fluctuating membership (so, of course, will the community). The individual is
the
smallest possible native title owning entity.
- The
State submits that the community or society will be comprised of subgroups and
individuals who have particular rights and interests
in its land. Thus, the
submission is that the reference in s 223 to ‘native title’ or
‘native title rights
and interests’ as meaning the ‘communal,
group or individual rights and interests of Aboriginal peoples or Torres Strait
Islanders in relation to land or waters’, is a reference, first, to the
collective native title of the larger community, and,
second, to the particular
native title rights and interests of subgroups and individuals within that
community. I agree.
- I
accept the following submission made by the
State:
the Wongatha claimants’ claim
is viewed as a “communal” or as a “group” claim, the
Wongatha claimants
must establish that, collectively, whether as a
“community” or as a corporate “group” (“the
Wongatha
people”), they acknowledge and observe a (pre-sovereignty) body
of laws and customs which, for them, constitutes a normative
system and under
which they possess rights and interests in, and have a connection with, the
claim area.’
The word ‘corporate’ here merely reinforces the
‘collective’ idea, and might have been omitted.
- The
Wongatha Claim group must, possess on a collective basis, the rights and
interests in question. This is the significance of a
claim of group rights and
interests as distinct from a claim of individual rights and interests. Yet, as
the State submits, both
the Wongatha claimants and the anthropologists pointed
to claims made on an individual basis ‘unmediated by any necessity for
membership of a land-owning “group”’ (see 3.6(c)(4) for
a more detailed discussion). It may be said that this was also true in De
Rose. In De Rose, however, the Nguraritja were
a traditional group – the group constituted by the custodians of a
constellation of Dreaming sites or tracks.
- The
three statutory categories of rights and interests referred to in s 223(1)
of the NTA were considered by the Full Court in
De Rose (No 2)
FCAFC at [25]–[50]. Their Honours were of the view
that:
native title presupposes that the
claim is made on behalf of a recognisable community of people, whose traditional
laws and customs
constitute the normative system under which rights and
interests are created and acknowledged. That is, the traditional laws and
customs are those of the very community which claims native title rights and
interests. By contrast, group and individual native
title rights and interests
derive from a body of traditional laws and customs observed by a community, but
are not necessarily claimed
on behalf of the whole community. Indeed, they may
not be claimed on behalf of any recognisable community at all, but on behalf
of
individuals who themselves have never constituted a cohesive, functioning
community.’ ([38])
- This
explanation is consistent with my analysis outlined above: the community or
society is the WDCB; the traditional laws and customs
proposed are those of the
WDCB; the applications are made, not on behalf of the WDCB, and not on behalf of
individuals, but on behalf
of groups within the WDCB.
- The
difference between group and individual rights and interests is less clear. I
respectfully agree with the obiter dicta in De Rose (No 2)
FCAFC at [39]-[40]:
The distinction
between group and individual rights and interests (to the extent it matters) is
perhaps more difficult to identify.
An example of group rights and interests
may be those held by a subset of a wider community, the traditional laws and
customs of
which determine who has interests in particular sites or areas. The
members of the subset may or may not themselves be an identifiable
community,
but their rights and interests are determined by the traditional laws and
customs observed by the wider community. The
members of the subset might be
expected, under the traditional laws and customs, to share common
characteristics in relation to certain
land or waters, such as rights and
responsibilities as the custodians of particular sites. Ordinarily, it might be
expected that
the “group” holding native title rights and interests
would have a fluctuating membership, the composition of which would
be
determined by the relevant body of traditional laws acknowledged and customs
observed.
A person holding individual native title rights and
interests, by contrast, may not necessarily share common characteristics, in
relation
to land or waters, with other members of that community under the
relevant body of traditional laws and customs. Unless the traditional
laws and
customs provide for the individual rights and interests to be transmitted to
other community members, they presumably will
terminate upon the death of the
holder.’
- The
relevant difference between the four GLSC Claims and the Cosmo Claim on the one
hand, and De Rose on the other, is that in De Rose the group was
united by the sharing of a common traditional characteristic in relation to land
or waters: being the custodians (Nguraritja) of a constellation of
Dreaming sites. In the GLSC and Cosmo cases, each individual asserts individual
rights and interests over
his or her own ‘my country’ area, and the
individuals constituting a Claim group are not members of it by reason of any
unifying traditional characteristic; the unifying characteristic is that the
Claim group has decided to recognise the connection
or connections asserted by
the individual, and to admit him or her to membership. There is nothing
traditional about such decision
making.
- In
the present case, from beginning to end, all of the Claims have been framed as
claims by groups of fluctuating membership to hold
group rights and
interests.
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that although their claim is that the rights and
interests are held by the group, this does not necessarily
mean that within the
group the rights and interests of all individuals must be the same. I agree.
They note, for example, that
initiated men may be entitled to occupy and use
certain areas which are prohibited to uninitiated boys and to women. They add:
‘The
rights over the area are held by the group to be used pursuant to
laws and customs’. This accords with my understanding of
the way in which
the Wongatha Claim is put.
- I
have no difficulty with the proposition that there may be differences as to
rights and interests enjoyed, as between the group’s
members. That is to
say, the fact that particular members, or classes of members, such as
watis or senior women, may have special rights and interests, does not
necessarily signify that the group does not have group rights and
interests.
Moreover, it is conceivable that some members may have rights and interests in
some areas, but not in others (although,
by reason of being members of the
group, all would have at least nominal rights and interests in the whole).
Importantly, however,
the rights and interests of any ‘special’
members or class of members would always depend upon, and form part of, the
group rights and interests. The difficulty, explained at 3.6(c)(4), is
that it is not established that there are group rights and interests held by a
‘Wongatha People’ in the first place.
The evidence has been
directed to establishing the existence of individual rights and interests, and,
by a recent process of aggregation
or pooling, the existence of group rights and
interests.
- In
Neowarra at [384]-[398], under the heading ‘Native Title
Recognition Level’, Sundberg J addressed a claim that the Wanjina-Wunggurr
community held native title communally in the total claim area, and ‘that
in various sub-groups and as individuals they [held]
various sets of rights and
interests in various sub-areas of, and places within, the claim area’.
His Honour saw nothing in
the reference to the words ‘communal, group or
individual rights and interests of Aboriginal peoples ... in relation to land
or
waters’ in s 223(1) that was an obstacle to such a claim. With respect,
neither do I.
- His
Honour regarded the claim in Ward as similar, and referred to what
Beaumont and von Doussa JJ said in Ward FCAFC at [160]–[161] and
[239]. Their Honours there referred to the finding of Lee J at first instance
that there was a Miriuwung
and Gajerrong community that had an ancestral
connection with the Aboriginal community or communities that occupied the claim
area
at sovereignty. Their Honours addressed the State’s submission that
every relevant witness had claimed to be either Miriuwung
or Gajerrong, and that
a great majority of the Miriuwung claimed to have a full array of rights only in
an estate area, and disclaimed
other estate areas as their
‘country’.
- Their
Honours said ([239]) that it was not necessary that each named applicant
establish that he or she possessed rights and interests
uniformly over the
entire determination area. They referred to the primary judge’s finding
that the two communities (Miriuwung
and Gajerrong) once acknowledged and
recognised separate territories, but had in more recent times become regarded
(amongst themselves)
as a composite community with shared interests. They
thought that conclusion to be in accordance with the evidence.
- In
Neowarra at [391] ff, Sundberg J addressed a generally similar issue as
it arose on the facts of that case. The State’s submission
to his Honour
was that any rights and interests were held by people associated with the
particular dambun (area of land associated
with a ‘clan group’).
His Honour recorded that the State had submitted
that:
witnesses were asked to identify their
country or their rights or interests in country, they referred to a dambun or a
local site,
and not to any larger region or community.’
- A
comparison may be made with the identification of a person’s ngurra
or ‘my country’ area in the present case.
- Sundberg
J adopted ([391]) the following passage from the applicants’ submission as
an accurate description of their
case:
Applicants do not claim, and the
evidence does not suggest that rights do not have a dambun based focus, or that
each right claimed
is held equally by each and every member of the community in
relation to the individual claim area. Rather it is claimed that the
only
entity which can and does contain all of the rights and interests in relation to
the land and waters of the claim area, and
all of the persons who respectively
hold those rights, is the Wanjina Wunggurr
Community’.
- Sundberg
J characterised ([393]) the inquiry in Ward and in Newowara under
s 223(1)(a) to be whether the laws and customs were those of the subgroups or of
the community. His Honour referred to evidence
given by indigenous witnesses
demonstrating that they regarded the laws and customs as being not those of a
dambun or language country,
but as those of the larger community. Importantly,
his Honour found:
evidence does however
disclose the existence of a community that transcends individual dambun or
groups of dambun, and also individual
language
countries.’
His Honour noted ([395]) the evidence of the anthropologist, Dr Redmond,
rejecting ‘the notion that the Wanjina-Wunggur cultural
domain is a novel
creation.’
- Sundberg
J further observed ([396]) that the anthropological evidence of Dr Redmond about
‘clan clusters’ and ‘families
of clans’ and kinship
evidence was ‘fatal to the State’s dambun based submission’
(asserting that no witness
identified his or her country as extending beyond his
or her dambun).
- Neowarra
is distinguishable. The evidence here does not disclose the existence, under
traditional laws and customs, of the Claim groups.
It is not to the point that
in Neowarra the claim made was a communal claim. The present Claim
groups must establish the existence of themselves as right and interest
possessing
units within the WDCB society.
- What
unites the Wongatha claimants is the making of the present application under the
NTA. They have come together and ‘pooled’ their claimed
‘my country’ areas for that purpose. This is not to say
that the
word ‘Wongatha’ was not in use before the present Claim was made.
It was, and had been for a very long while
(see 4.6(a)(1) [1331] ff). It
had various meanings, a common one being Aboriginal people in the south-western
part of the Western Desert. In December
1998 or January 1999, the Wongatha
applicants chose ‘Wongatha’ as the name of the combined Claim newly
formed from 20 antecedent
claims, none of which was called
‘Wongatha’. All of this says nothing about the integrity of the
Wongatha Claim group
as an entity recognised by traditional Western Desert laws
and customs.
- I
can accept that once the integrity, in traditional terms, of a group is
established, a great variety of rights and interests of
members may depend upon
the group native title. That variety may exist between individuals and
subgroups, for example. One need
only consider the special positions of
watis as against all others, male against female, and adults as against
children, for example. It may even be that some members do not
have rights and
interests in particular areas, although this may beg a semantic question as to
the meaning of ‘rights and interests’:
on one view every member must
have at least nominal rights and interests in the whole area by reason of
nothing more than membership
of the group.
- I
do not accept, however, that the NTA permits recognition of group rights and
interests in a group territory, where both have been
created for the purpose of
making an application for a determination under the NTA out of claimed
individual rights and interests in claimed individual ‘my country’
areas.
- The
dividing line between the Claim groups before the Court remains a source of
bewilderment and confusion for everyone. The question
of which claim group a
person is in depends on recognition and acceptance, which, in turn, depends on
political and other circumstances
of the last 20 years or so.
- To
take certain words from the reasons for judgment in Neowarra, the
Wongatha Claim group did not ‘transcend’ its individual members, but
was a ‘novel creation’.
- In
their supplementary report, Pannell/Vachon describe the ‘my country’
relationship as a component of a person’s
identity. They also describe it
as possessory in nature, establishing rights and responsibilities in relation to
a particular place
or area. Mr Vachon agreed that the Wongatha Claim area
comprised the ngurras or ‘my country’ areas of the individual
claimants. He said that in aggregation they may not cover the entire Wongatha
Claim area, but that if one were to include ‘the connections [the
claimants] express to other parts of the Wongatha Claim area,
by mother, or
father, or occupation, or whatever ... then that would cover pretty well the
whole claim area’.
- Even
coverage of every square centimetre of the Wongatha Claim area does not remove
the objection (any deficiency in coverage could
always be overcome by reducing
the claim area). The objection is that the coverage is by a non-traditional
pooling of claimed individual
rights and interests over areas unique to the
individual.
- The
Wongatha applicants submit:
people within
the group ... may have the ability and expectation that, subject to appropriate
protocols, they can visit another group-member’s
“my country”
part of the [Wongatha] claim area following an accepted process of
“assertion and acknowledgement” referred to by Pannell/Vachon at
para 57
(p 18) of their supplementary report. These respective
relationships, abilities and limitations, however, are all part of the
traditional
rights and interests of the group to use and enjoy the area pursuant
to the group’s traditional laws and
customs’.
- Assume
that traditional laws and customs allow for visiting as between ‘my
country’ areas subject to a ‘right to
be asked’ protocol. The
submission acknowledges, however, and correctly in my view, that on the case as
put, the ‘relationships,
abilities and limitations’ would have to be
‘part of the traditional rights and interests of the group to use
and enjoy the area pursuant to the group’s traditional laws and
customs’ (my emphasis).
- The
GLSC applicants submit in their conclusion to the discussion at
hand:
[Wongatha] Applicants and the other
GLSC-represented applicant groups make their applications in relation to the
entire area of the claim and
submit that either a single determination over the
whole area or, for convenience, separate determinations over parts of that area
may be made on the basis as has emerged from the evidence ... . In either case,
such a determination, or determinations, should refer
to each of the GLSC
claimant groups as the entity enjoying the traditional rights and interests
determined to exist. No further
detailing of sub-groups or individuals, or
their rights and interests, is
required.’
- The
second last sentence in this paragraph correctly recognises that in order to be
consistent with the GLSC Claims, as brought, determinations
would have to be in
favour of the respective GLSC Claim groups as entities. But it is not suggested
that they are recognised by
traditional WDCB laws and customs as units or
entities capable of possessing rights and interests; and clearly they are not.
CHAPTER 4 – THE WONGATHA CLAIM
4.0 INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW
- According
to the Wongatha LIP, the Wongatha Claim group comprised 820 individuals in
2002. As noted at 1.1 [2], the Claim is in respect of an area of
approximately 160,000 km2, and is a combination of 20 antecedent
claims (see 1.2(a) [18]-[36]).
- The
Wongatha Claim fails because:
- The
Wongatha applicants were not authorised to make the Wongatha application as
required by s 61(1) of the NTA.
- The
evidence does not establish that the Wongatha Claim group is a group recognised
by WDCB traditional laws and customs as a group
capable of possessing group
rights and interests in land or waters.
- The
evidence does not establish that group rights and interests exist in the
Wongatha Claim area under WDCB traditional laws and customs.
- The
evidence does not establish that at sovereignty, WDCB laws and customs provided
for an ancestral group of the Wongatha Claim group
to possess group rights and
interests in the Wongatha Claim area, or for individuals to be able to form
themselves into a group possessing
such rights and interests.
- The
Wongatha Claim is an aggregation of claims of individual rights and interests,
and the Wongatha Claim area is based on an aggregation
of individual ‘my
country’ areas, the subject of those claimed individual rights and
interests, and the NTA does not
provide for the making of a determination of
native title consisting of group rights and interests in these
circumstances.
- The
Wongatha Claim area is not an area that is ultimately, whether directly or
indirectly, defined by reference to Tjukurr (Dreaming) sites or tracks.
- Approximately
the western one sixth of the Wongatha Claim area lies outside the area of the
WDCB ‘society’ on which the
Wongatha Claim is based.
- Many,
if not most or all, of the Wongatha claimants are the descendants of people who
migrated into the Wongatha Claim area from desert
areas outside that area, in
particular, to the east of it, since, and under the influence of, European
settlement, and it is not
established that their ancestors had any connection
with the Wongatha Claim area at sovereignty, or that they or the Wongatha
claimants
descended from them, acquired rights and interests in the Wongatha
Claim area in accordance with pre-sovereignty WDCB laws and customs.
- The
evidence does not establish that the claimants constituting the Wongatha Claim
group have a connection with the Wongatha Claim
area by Western Desert
traditional laws and customs as required by s 223(1)(b) of the NTA.
4.1 EVIDENCE OF COMPLIANCE WITH S 61 OF THE NTA
- The
State, the Commonwealth and Group 6A make substantive submissions that the
Wongatha application does not comply with the
authorisation requirement of
s 61(1) of the NTA. (For convenience, I will refer to ‘the
respondents’ as making
this submission.)
- I
incorporate here the factual background to the making of the Wongatha
application which was set out at 1.2(a) [18]-[36] and [61], and
2.1 [120]-[142].
Do the authorisation requirements of s 61(1) of the New NTA apply?
- Under
the Old NTA a native title determination application was able to be made by,
inter alia, ‘[a] person or persons claiming
to hold the native
title either alone or with others’: Old NTA s 61(1). An applicant
did not have to be authorised. The Amending
NTA introduced, in the amended
s 61(1), a requirement that an applicant must be authorised by the native
title claim group.
- ‘Proper
authorisation is the foundation for the institution and maintenance of a native
title claimant application under s 61
of the new Act’: Perry and
Lloyd, Australian Native Title Law (Thomson Lawbook Co, 2003) at [3.140]
p 439. Authorisation is ‘fundamental to the legitimacy of native title
determination
applications’, and is ‘not a condition to be met by
formulaic statements in or in support of applications’: Strickland
at 259-260.
- Where
the authorisation requirement of s 61(1) is not complied with, the
non-compliance is fatal to the success of the application: Moran v
Minister for Land and Water Conservation for the State of New South Wales
[1999] FCA 1637 at [48]; Strickland at [56]-[57] (approved in WA v
Strickland at [77]-[78]); Drury v Western Australia [2000] FCA 132; (2000) 97 FCR 169
at [10]; Daniel v Western Australia (2002) 194 ALR 278 (FCA) at [11];
De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J at [933]. Authorisation must be by
all the persons who constitute the native title claim group in respect of the
common or group
rights and interests comprising the particular native title
claimed: Risk v National Native Title Tribunal [2000] FCA 1589 at [30];
Dieri People v South Australia [2003] FCA 187; (2003) 127 FCR 364 at [55]
(‘Dieri People’); Tilmouth v Northern Territory [2001] FCA 820; (2001)
109 FCR 240 (‘Tilmouth’).
- This
Court’s power of summary dismissal (FCRs O 20, r 2) was
available in relation to an application made under the Old NTA. The Amending
NTA introduced s 84C,
which provides, in subs (1), relevantly, that if
an application for a determination of native title does not comply with
s 61,
a party to the proceeding may at any time apply to this Court to
strike out the application. Subsection 84C(4) provides that
s 84C
does not prevent the making of any other application to strike out, relevantly,
such an application for a determination
of native title. Accordingly, the power
of summary dismissal under O 20, r 2 continued also to be available.
- No
respondent invoked the s 84C(1) (or O 20, r 2) procedure. If I
had been of the view that any of the present Claims
failed for lack of
authorisation alone, interesting questions would have arisen, for example, as to
whether the position could be
cured by ratification, or by the authorised making
of a new application coupled with an order that the existing evidence be
evidence
in the new proceeding.
- The
Amending NTA speaks as from the date of its commencement. Accordingly, the
authorisation requirement of s 61(1) applies
to applications that are
‘made’ after the relevant provisions of the Amending NTA commenced
on 30 September 1998.
The question then arises, does ‘made’
refer to the lodgement of the form of application with the Court or does it have
an ongoing operation down to the hearing? The Amending NTA provides that
s 84C applies where, relevantly, the main application
for a determination
of native title was made either before or after the commencement, but that if it
was made before the commencement,
the reference in s 84C to s 61 is a
reference to s 61 of the Old Act: Amending NTA, s 3, Schedule 5,
Pt 5
Item 21. This provision suggests that for the purposes of s 84C,
an application is ‘made’ when the Form 1
is lodged or filed.
(This view is consistent with the decision of French J, in a different
context, that a new application
is made under the New NTA when the Form 1
is filed in the Court: see Strickland at [35].)
- What
is the position, however, where an application, lodged before the amendment of
s 61(1) (and the commencement of s 84C),
is amended subsequently?
- The
answer to this question is not authoritatively settled. The decisions in the
Court, all at first instance, were referred to by
Finn J in McKenzie v
South Australia (2005) 214 ALR 214 at [30]-[31], and I need not refer to
them.
- In
Strickland, French J said ([37]) that where the three Old NTA
Maduwongga applications were ‘combined’ after 30 September
1998, the combined application was not a ‘new’ application (made at
the time of the combination) but was treated by s 64(2)
as a species of
‘amended’ application. Subsection 64(2) operates as a qualification
on s 64(1), which provides
that an amendment of an application must not
result in the inclusion of any area of land or waters that was not covered by
the original
application. His Honour said that ‘in the case of a
combination of [O]ld Act applications, the combined application, like
its
components [see Amending NTA, Sch 5, Pt 3, Items 5 and 6],
is taken to have been made on 30 September
1998’ ([37]). In WA v
Strickland the Full Court held ([44]-[45]) that where Old NTA applications
are combined after the New NTA commenced, for the purposes of s 190C(3)(b),
the date ‘when the initial application was made’ is not
30 September 1998, but the date when the ‘initial’
application
was made to the NT Registrar. That date was the date of the making of the
last of the three Maduwongga applications
that were combined, namely,
8 April 1998 (see 2.6 [234]).
- The
scheme of ss 64(1A), (1) and (2) is plain enough. Their concern is limited
to that of the area of land or waters covered
by applications. Subsection (1A)
provides that an application may be amended at any time to reduce the area of
land or waters covered
by it (a sentence in the subsection provides that the
subsection does not by implication limit amendment in any other way);
subs (1)
provides that an amendment must not result in the inclusion of
additional land or waters; and subs (2) provides that if the
application
combines two or more claimant applications, the prohibition in subs (1)
does not apply. No legislative purpose
would be served if the subs (1)
prohibition applied where applications, in all respects identical except as to
the respective
areas covered by them, are combined, because the previous
applications in aggregate would have previously covered the area of the
combined
application.
- Subsections 64(1A),
(1) and (2) have nothing to say, however, to amendments other than amendments to
the area covered by an application.
Amendments of other kinds are generally
left at large by the NTA, although s 64(5) ensures that the authorisation
requirement
of s 61(1) applies to an amendment which changes the identity
of the applicants on a claimant application. Subsection 64(5)
assumes that
there has been no change in the composition of the native title claim group, or,
at least, does not address that situation.
- In
the case of the Wongatha Claim, upon the combination of the 20 claims
antecedent to it, there was a change of the applicants
and other aspects of the
Waljen proceeding (WG 6005/98). Did the new authorisation requirement of
ss 61(1) and 64(5) apply,
having regard to the facts that:
- the antecedent
Waljen application was made under the Old NTA; and
- according to
WA v Strickland, for the purposes of s 190C(3)(b), the combined
application was made on the date on which the last of the 20 applications
to the NT Registrar (this was 15 September 1997 – the date on
which the Youndou application (WC97/77, WAG6197/98))
was lodged?
- In
my view, the applicable test under s 61(1) is that a pre-Amending NTA
application, that was amended after the commencement of the
Amending NTA, is
‘made’ to the Court under Div 1 of Pt 3 of the New NTA if
the amended application is properly
to be regarded as a ‘new
application’ or a ‘fresh application’: see Wharton on
behalf of the Kooma People v Queensland [2003] FCA 1398 at [25]–[27]
(Emmett J) (leave to appeal refused: Branfield v Wharton [2004]
FCAFC 138); Briggs v Minister for Lands (NSW) [2004] FCA 1056; (2004) 141 FCR 17 at [28]
(Moore J); McKenzie v South Australia (2005) 214 ALR 214 at [31]
(Finn J). Against the possibility that the following authorities are
properly to be understood as
going so far, I should say, with respect, that I do
not agree that any post-amending NTA amendment necessarily triggers the
authorisation requirement: cf Quall v Risk [2001] FCA 378
(O’Loughlin J) at [63], [65]; Dieri People (Mansfield J)
at [18]; Edward Landers v South Australia [2003] FCA 264; (2003) 128 FCR 495
(‘Edward Landers’) (Mansfield J) at [4], [5].
- The
combined Wongatha application was more than a combination of areas already
claimed on behalf of the same native title claim group
asserting the same native
title. It was a ‘new application’ or ‘fresh
application’, and the authorisation
requirement of the new s 61(1)
applied to it. The pre-existing Waljen proceeding was used as a vehicle. On 30
September 1998
that proceeding in the NNTT (WC 94/8) became a proceeding in
this Court numbered WAG 6005/98. Then in January 1999,
it was
combined with 19 other proceedings. At the same time:
- there was a new
set of 12 applicants in what, until then, had been the Waljen proceeding;
- the relevant
native title applicant group became ‘the Wongatha people’ rather
than ‘the Waljen people’;
- the number of
claimants was increased greatly; and
- the native title
rights and interests claimed changed.
It is difficult to
imagine a clearer case of a ‘new’ application being
‘made’. A person who had been a Waljen
claimant became part of a
much larger group claiming a different native title over a much larger area,
including the area which had
been the subject of his or her antecedent
group’s claim.
- I
see no inconsistency between this conclusion and the judgment of Merkel J
in Sebastian (on behalf of the Rubibi Community) v Western Australia [2004] FCA 1019;
(2004) 138 FCR 536.
- If
it is assumed that the combined application of January 1999 is within s
64 (2) so that s 64(1) did not apply, nonetheless
that combined
application was a new or fresh application for the purposes of
s 61(1).
Actual holders or claimants?
- Subsection
61(1)’s description of the person or persons who may apply for a
determination of native title was set out at 1.5 [72] and
s 251B’s statement of the circumstances in which all the persons in
the native title claim group will have authorised
a person or persons to make
such an application was set out at 1.5 [75]. The authorisation must be
by all the persons who, according to their traditional laws and customs,
hold the common or group rights and interests comprising the particular
native
title claimed. Subsection 61(4) provides that a native title determination
application that persons in, relevantly, a native
title claim group authorise
the applicant to make, must either name the persons in the group or otherwise
describe them sufficiently
clearly so that it can be ascertained whether any
particular person is one of those persons. A purpose served by s 61(4) is
to enable it to be known whether all the persons in the native title claim group
have authorised the making of the application.
Subsection 61(5) provides,
relevantly, that an application must be in the prescribed form and contain such
information in relation
to the matters sought to be determined as is prescribed.
The prescribed form of application (Form 1) provides in Schedule A
for
identification of the native title claim group, and in Schedule E for a
description of the native title rights and interests
claimed.
- The
‘common or group rights and interests comprising the particular native
title claimed’ is the particular bundle of
common or group rights and
interests claimed to be held. In contrast, the reference in the
table in s 61(1) to ‘all the persons (the native title claim
group) who, according to their traditional laws and customs hold’
those claimed common or group rights and interests, is a reference
to all the
persons who actually hold them. The expression ‘native
title claim group’ is defined in s 253 as being, relevantly,
‘the native title
claim group mentioned in relation to the application in
the table in subsection 61(1)’.
- The
distinction is not accidental. As noted above, under s 61 of the Old NTA,
it was a person or persons claiming to hold the native title who could
apply for a determination. The original form of the Native Title Amendment
Bill 1997 also identified the persons who might apply as ‘A person or
persons authorised by the persons (the native title claim group) who
claim to hold the common or group rights or interests comprising the particular
native title’. But the Native Title Amendment Bill 1997 [No 2]
(by amendments (54) and (55) – Schedule 2, Item 19, pp 151
and 152) altered the description of permissible applicants
by introducing the
word ‘all’ and relocating the ‘claiming’ concept from
‘claim to hold’ to ‘particular
native title
claimed’.
- The
result is an odd use of language. It is a natural use of language to designate
the group of persons on whose behalf a claimant
application is made, as ‘a
claim group’, whether or not the application proves to be successful, and
those persons, ‘including
the applicants’, as
‘claimants’. Yet the expression ‘native title claim
group’ is defined in the NTA
as being, relevantly, all the actual holders,
according to their traditional laws and customs, of the particular native title
claimed:
NTA ss 253, 61(1). It follows that there cannot be an
authorisation within s 61(1) unless there are actual holders of
the
particular native title claimed.
- Logically,
the authorisation issue can be finally determined only after I determine whether
there are actual holders of the particular
native title claimed, and if so, who
they are. Since I decide below that there are no holders of the particular
native title claimed,
the making of the present application could not have been
authorised by all of those persons.
- Authorisation
was addressed extensively in submissions. I will address the issue
independently of my conclusion that there are no
actual holders of the
particular native title claimed. I will address it as if I were dealing with a
strike out application under
s 84C.
- How
does s 84C, which assumes that it may be possible for an application to be
struck out prior to the final determination of
an application, accommodate the
fact that the native title claim group is defined to mean the actual holders of
the particular native
title claimed? In my opinion, the answer is that the
striking out remedy is available once it clearly appears that, if the
application
were to succeed according to its own terms, the applicants would not
have been authorised by all those persons the Court would determine
to be the
actual holders of the particular native title claimed, that is to say, by all
the members of the ‘claim group’
(all the ‘claimants’).
- I
will take this approach also to the challenges to authorisation of all Claims
before the Court, that is to say, I will assume that
the claimants identified in
the Form 1 are actual holders of the particular native title claimed in that
Form.
Overlaps and authorisation
- In
the Wongatha Form 1, the particular native title rights and interests
claimed are stated in Schedule E which was set
out at [136].
Schedule E states that the native title rights and interests claimed are
subject to, inter alia, the qualification
in para (vi). In summary, that
paragraph states that while the rights and interests claimed by the Wongatha
Claim group apply
to the whole Wongatha Claim area, there are areas the subject
of the overlapping MN, Koara, Wutha, Cosmo and NK 1 Claims ‘where
Wongatha
people share rights and interests wholly or in part, with members of those other
groups’. Paragraph (vi) does not
say ‘with the members’: it
merely says ‘with members’. The suggestion is that the sharing is
only with those
members of the overlapping Claim groups mentioned, who have
rights and interests in areas within the overlaps.
- The
State and the Commonwealth submit that this acknowledgment constitutes a
concession that the applicants were not authorised by
all the persons
who, according to their traditional laws and customs, hold the common or group
rights and interests comprising the particular
native title claimed, that is to
say, that the holders of the particular native title claimed go beyond the
members of the Wongatha
Claim group. The submission is not that there cannot be
duly authorised competing claims in respect of the same lands and waters,
but
that where an application itself acknowledges that native title rights and
interests in the claim area or part of it are also
held by persons who are not
claimants on whose behalf the application is made, authorisation by them is also
required.
- The
State and the Commonwealth also refer to evidence that persons from Warburton,
Kanpa and Tjirrkarli hold rights and interests
in the Wongatha Claim area, and
Group 6A appears to extend the reference to persons from the entire area of
the WDCB.
- These
further submissions based on evidence are misconceived. I am dealing with a
hypothetical strike out application. The submissions
based on evidence are
premature until there is a determination that the non-claimants referred to do
hold the rights and interests.
- The
primary submission made by the State and the Commonwealth raises two questions.
The first question is whether, for the purposes
of s 61(1), ‘the
common or group rights and interests comprising the particular native title
claimed’ are to be
identified after the ‘carving out’ or
‘subtraction’ of the effect of the sharing. The second question is
whether the expression ‘the particular native title claimed’ refers
to the entire bundle of rights and interests claimed
as an entity, or to the
respective individual and separate rights and interests claimed? At [136] there
were set out the eleven
rights and interests claimed by the Wongatha
people.
The first question – the effect of sharing
- Paragraph
(vi) in Schedule E to the Wongatha Form 1 (set out at [136]) states
that all the rights and interests earlier
claimed are ‘shared’
wholly or in part between the Wongatha Claim group and members of the MN, Koara,
Wutha, Cosmo and
NK 1 Claim groups.
- I
think that it is the rights and interests after the effect of the
‘sharing’ is allowed for, to which s 61(1) refers.
It is only
the residue that constitutes ‘the common or group rights and interests
comprising the particular native title claimed’.
The common or group
rights claimed are defined, in part, by the effect of the sharing.
- In
the case of the Wongatha/Koara overlap, for example, para (vi) concedes that the
Wongatha Claim group and members of the Koara
Claim group have a ‘right of
access’ to the overlap. A determination in favour of the Wongatha Claim
group would acknowledge,
so far as the right of access to the overlap is
concerned, that the right was not to the exclusion of an identical right of
access
in those Koara claimants, but was enjoyed in common with them. An
analogy is the right of a member of the public to travel over
a public highway
in common with all other members of the public. The definition of one
person’s right must allow for the similar
right of others, and likewise,
the right of each of those others. Each may enforce his or her right without
joining the other ‘sharers’
of the use of the highway, because the
right of each is independent of, and neither diminishes nor is diminished by,
the right of
each of the others. It is not an infringement of one
individual’s right that another individual lawfully exercises his or
her
identical right.
- Therefore,
so far as any particular right or interest claimed to be held in common with
members of any other Claim group is concerned, the applicants need be
authorised only by all the persons who, according to their traditional laws and
customs, hold the particular
common or group rights claimed, namely, the
Wongatha claimants.
The second question – a bundle of rights and interests or individual
rights and interests
- The
expression ‘native title’ or ‘native title rights and
interests’ is defined in s 223(1) to mean,
relevantly, communal,
group or individual rights and interests in relation to land and waters. I
think that the expression ‘particular
native title claimed’ in
s 61(1) refers to the total claimed bundle of rights and interests as an
entity.
- Paragraph (vi)
of Schedule E to the Wongatha Form 1, referred to earlier,
acknowledges that the Wongatha people share
the rights and interests identified
in all eleven paras (a)–(k) of Schedule E ‘wholly or in
part’ with
members of five overlapping Claim groups. The words ‘in
part’ allow for the possibility that only one or some of the
rights and
interests claimed are shared. A sharing of, say, only one of the eleven rights
and interests claimed would not signify
a sharing of ‘the particular
native title claimed’. No Claim group claims precisely the same bundle of
rights as the
bundle claimed by the Wongatha Claim group.
- I
would not uphold the respondents’ contention that s 61(1) was not
complied with because of lack of authorisation of the
Wongatha application by
non-Wongatha claimants with whom the Wongatha Claim group acknowledges a sharing
in the respect of overlaps.
The exclusion of certain individuals
- The
description of the Wongatha Claim group in the Wongatha Form 1 is now
expressed in terms of RM and the biological or adopted
descendants of persons
named in a list, excluding certain of those descendants, namely, ‘the
descendants of Thomas Murray’
and ‘the children of Marjorie Barnes
and Ron Bonney Snr, except Barron Bonney, and their offspring, and excluding
Karen Vincent’
(see 2.1(b) [126]). The exclusion, whatever its
precise meaning, was directed to excluding certain Cosmo claimants. Similarly,
the Cosmo Form 1
excludes all Wongatha claimants. The excluded persons
were not always excluded. They were excluded by an amendment to the description
of the Wongatha Claim group in the Form 1 filed on 1 November 1999. I infer
that the purpose of the exclusion was, in each case,
to overcome any problem
posed by s 190C(3) of the NTA.
- The
Commonwealth and Group 6A submit that the exclusion of certain individuals
indicates that the claim group described is not
a properly constituted claim
group, since it must be a sub-group of the hypothetical actual holders of the
particular native title
claimed. It would follow that the Wongatha applicants
can not have been authorised by all of the hypothetical actual holders.
- The
exclusion signifies that the true Wongatha ‘native title claim
group’ did not authorise the application that is being
pursued, even if
the reduced group, the Wongatha Claim group, did. The purported authorisation
given at the Maku Stadium on 18 December
1998 was an authorisation by the
original larger group to make the original application on its behalf.
- The
Commonwealth and Group 6A rely on the related cases, Dieri People and
Edward Landers. There were two applications in those cases. The first
was brought by eight named people to whom I will refer as ‘the Dieri
Mitha’, and was expressed to be brought on behalf of ‘the Dieri
People’. The second was brought, also on behalf
of the Dieri people (but
see below), but by an ‘Edward Landers group’ which was a sub-group
of the Dieri People. The
second application was in respect of an area wholly
within the area the subject of the Dieri Mitha application.
- The
Edward Landers application added to its description of the group on whose behalf
the application was brought, the
words:
native title claim group however
specifically excludes all of those people listed as being the applicant group in
the particulars
of claim filed in the [Dieri Mitha proceeding], whilst
those people’s names appear as members of that applicant
group’
Mansfield J noted (Dieri People
at [3]) that subject to that exclusion, it was not inaccurate to describe
the Edward Landers application as being on behalf of ‘the
Dieri
People’.
- In
Edward Landers, the Dieri Mitha group sought a striking out of the Edward
Landers application under s 84C or a summary dismissal of it under O 20,
r
2(1)(a) of the FCRs. In Dieri People, the Edward Landers group
sought a striking out or summary dismissal of the Dieri Mitha application. The
grounds relied on in each
motion were in substance the same.
- In
Edward Landers, Mansfield J noted ([29] ff) that the reason for the
express exclusion in the Edward Landers application was twofold: the application
of s 190C(3) of the NTA, and the fact that six of the persons excluded had given
instructions that they did not wish to be included
in the Edward Landers
application.
- Mansfield
J said ([32]) that, whatever the reason, the Edward Landers application did not
comply with s 61(4), because it did not
describe the native title claim group
‘sufficiently clearly so that it can be ascertained whether any particular
person is
one of those persons’; rather, it described a smaller group that
remained after the exclusion. The Edward Landers applicant
group was a
sub-group of the native title claim group. His Honour said ([33]) that the NTA
does not permit the making of an application
by a sub-group of a native title
claim group or the recognition of native title as being held by such a sub-group
of the ‘real’
native title claim group.
- His
Honour dismissed the Edward Landers application.
- In
Dieri People, after referring to authorities, his Honour again observed
(Dieri People at [55]), that the NTA did not permit the making of a claim
by a sub-group of the ‘native title claim group’ or the
‘grant’
[sic] of native title to a sub-group of the
‘real’ native title claim group.
- I
agree. In my opinion, there must be a coincidence between (a) the native title
claim group as defined in ss 61(1) and 253 of the
NTA (the actual holders of the
particular native title claimed); (b) the claim group as defined in the Form 1;
and (c) all of the
persons who authorised the making of the application, and who
must be named or otherwise defined in the Form 1 as required by s 61(4).
- In
Dieri People, Mansfield J held ([56]) that the native title claim group
was ‘the community of persons comprising the Dieri People’,
but the
claim group described in the Dieri Mitha application was a smaller group of some
Dieri people only. His Honour dismissed
the application for non-compliance with
the authorisation requirement of s 61(1) of the NTA.
- I
return now to the Wongatha Claim.
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that the small claim groups in Dieri and
Landers acknowledged that they were only part of ‘the proper
claimant group’, and that the ‘Court’s reasoning
focuses’ on the authorisation by the claimants, not by those potential
native title holders who may eventually be subject to
a determination. They
also submit, in relation to the Maduwongga application, that s 61 should
not be interpreted to require
authorisation of the Wongatha application by
Ms Strickland and Ms Nudding, who elected to continue with their own
native
title claim and therefore asserted that they hold native title other than
the particular native title claimed by the Wongatha applicants.
The Cosmo
applicants submit that any apparent overlap in group membership (as between the
Wongatha and Cosmo Claim groups) is due
to claims being brought on the basis of
different views of how country is claimed, which is a matter to be decided on
the evidence.
They say that the exclusion clauses are articulations of the
operation of the traditional law of Western Desert land tenure which,
they
submit, allows for choice in claiming country.
- I
have reached the conclusion that the exclusion poses for the Wongatha Claim (and
the Cosmo Claim) the problem or problems that confronted
the Dieri Mitha and
Edward Landers applications.
- There
are really two problems or two aspects of the one problem: first, as a result of
the exclusion, the application is no longer
being made on behalf of, supposedly,
all the holders of the particular native title claimed; second, the amended
application on behalf
of the reduced group that is now being pursued was not
authorised by either the original group or the reduced group.
- As
to the first point, the foreshadowed Wongatha native title claim group, that is,
the foreshadowed actual holders of the particular
native title claimed, are the
Wongatha People. For example, the GLSC submissions
state:
simply, the Wongatha people as
described in the application are those persons of the WDCB (being the society
from which the laws and
customs are derived) who pursuant to those laws and
customs, have rights and interests in the land and waters covered by the
application.’
The Wongatha applicants
similarly refer to the holders of the group rights and interests as ‘the
Wongatha people’. The
persons excluded on 1 November 1999 were
not excluded because it was appreciated that they were not a part of the
Wongatha
People after all, and had previously been included as part of the
Wongatha People by mistake.
- I
do not see any basis on which the Court could make a determination in favour of
a group that did not include those members of the
Wongatha People who were
excluded in the Wongatha Form 1 filed on 1 November 1999. As
Mansfield J held in both Dieri People and Edward Landers, s 61
permits a native title determination application to propose only a determination
in favour of all the members of the native
title claim group. By reason of the
exclusion, the Wongatha Claim does not meet the requirements of ss 61(1)
and (4).
- As
to the second point, the authorisation at the Maku Stadium on 18 December 1988
purported to be in respect of the original combined
Wongatha application filed
in January 1999, in which the group described was larger, because it included
the individuals who were
subsequently excluded. There is no acceptable evidence
of a second meeting of all the members of the reduced group which authorised
the
making of the application on 1 November 1999. There is passing reference
to a meeting in Kalgoorlie on 26 October 1999
(see below [1248]) but I do not
think that this suffices.
- By
reason of the exclusion, the making of the Wongatha Claim that is being pursued
was not duly authorised.
Uncertainty in description of group
- Group 6A
submits that the composition of the Wongatha Claim group is uncertain, with the
result that the Wongatha applicants
cannot comply with ss 61(1) and (4).
Group 6A refers to:
- changes in the
description of the Wongatha Claim group in the various amended Wongatha
Forms 1;
- differences
between the Wongatha Form 1 and the Wongatha POC;
- the evidence of
witnesses as to their understanding of the composition of the Wongatha Claim
group; and
- the fact that
the Wongatha applicants’ counsel were also unsure as to who was a member
of the Wongatha Claim group (Group 6A
refers only to transcript references
regarding Doreen Harris). Group 6A also refers to its submission regarding
membership
of the Wongatha Claim group.
- The
Wongatha Claim group is the group described in the Wongatha Form 1 (to
which the Wongatha POC are subordinate: Harrington-Smith v WA (No5))
(2003) 197 ALR 138 at [56]. The description of that group contained
in the Wongatha Form 1 is sufficiently certain to enable it to be
determined whether
any particular person is a member of the group. Any
disparity between a Form 1 and POC, between a Form 1 and indigenous testimony,
or between a Form 1 and counsel’s understanding, does not establish that
the group description in the Form 1 suffers from an
insoluble problem of
uncertainty. Nor, necessarily, does difficulty over whether a particular
individual falls within the description,
provided the description, by a process
of construction, enables the difficulty to be resolved.
The process of decision-making allowed by the NTA: traditional and
non-traditional
- The
second general attack made by the respondents on authorisation is directed to
the process by which the applicants were authorised.
- What
it means for all the persons in a native title claim group to authorise a person
or persons to make a native title determination
application is laid down in
s 251B of the NTA (set out at 1.5 [75]). For convenience, I will
refer to the processes of decision-making identified in paras (a) and (b)
of s 251B as ‘traditional’
and ‘non-traditional’
respectively.
- A
native title claim group is not given a choice between traditional and
non-traditional processes of decision-making. Consistently
with the NTA’s
recognition of traditional laws and customs as the source of native title,
s 251B recognises traditional
laws and customs as the primary source of the
decision-making process. It is only if there is no traditional process of
decision-making
in relation to authorising things of the ‘application for
a determination of native title’ kind, that para (b) applies.
- I
accept the respondents’ submission that the evidence does not show that
there was no traditional process of decision-making,
in accordance with which
the making of the Wongatha application was required to be authorised. Not only
have the applicants not
adduced evidence that there was no such traditional
process: their affidavits accompanying the successive versions of the Wongatha
Form 1 state that there was. Yet the minutes of the NEIB meeting held at
the Maku Stadium, Kalgoorlie on 18 December 1998
(see below [1235])
suggest, not a traditional process of decision-making, but a familiar form of
decision-making procedure commonly
followed at meetings conducted in accordance
with the modern law and practice relating to meetings. The minutes refer to
‘moved’,
‘seconded’, ‘motion’ and
‘resolution’.
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that there ‘is no reason why a process cannot
be both traditional and also agreed to’.
They point out that Aubrey Lynch
said that the decision was ‘won by consensus’, which the submissions
describe as ‘the
more traditional method’, and also by
‘unanimous vote’.
- It
is true that if the traditional process of decision-making was ‘by
consensus’, and if the persons in the Wongatha Claim
group authorised the
Maku Stadium procedure, it would be arguable that both paras (a) and (b) of
s 251B were satisfied, the
consensus being the agreement by all to be bound
by the result of the meeting. But there is no evidence that the Wongatha
claimants
did authorise the Maku Stadium meeting procedure.
- The
making of the Wongatha application is not shown to have been authorised in
accordance with s 251B and I think that the probability
is that it was not
so authorised.
The evidence of authorisation: the meeting at the Maku Stadium, Kalgoorlie, on
18 December 1998
- Notwithstanding
this conclusion, I will now consider the evidence of the making of the decision.
Although lengthy, I think it desirable
to set out passages from the minutes of
the meeting of 18 December 1998 at the Maku Stadium, Kalgoorlie, relating
to resolutions
2, 3 and 4 (resolution 1 was a resolution that the NEIB
incorporate):
Bowers –
Solicitor
- here to
discuss the Ngurludharra/Waljen and the Waljen claimant group being incorporated
as one. Advice to his clients has been that
these 2 should look at
amalgamating because of the new amendments to the Native Title Act
- claims
registered later in time should be on the 1st claims run as a single
claim
- Politicians
have amended the Act to do away with the right to negotiate.
- there is
growing support for the amalgamating of claims – the consequences of not
amalgamating claims will mean that those claimants
will lose the right to
negotiate
- TIMING is
crucial as it effects Native Title claimants right to negotiate – but, on
what basis do you amalgamate? Its important
that the wording that effects
amalgamation of claims needs to be precise and important (may like to get some
advice from the GLC
[later, GLSC] on how best to facilitate this
process)
- both
Ngurludharra/Waljen and Waljen claims are quite advanced in getting the
information necessary for their claims
Vincent – Solicitor
(GLC)
- the problem
that currently exist with the overlapping claims is that both claimants can be
knocked out even though first in time –
with the new registration test
requirements
- the likely
solution would be to lodge a NEW claim that will incorporate ALL existing
claimants, that will take in all the outside
parameters [my
emphasis].
- the benefits
from implementing this would be that you don’t lose the right to
negotiate, it will also eliminate the overlaps
and the smaller areas will
benefit from the larger ones – therefore ALL Wongutha peoples can come
under the one (1) big claim
- there has
already been some set back in the Federal Courts in relation to Native Title
claims – namely Yorta Yorta claim in
the Eastern States, where the Federal
Court has knocked this claim out of the court
- will need to
focus on getting Native Title Determination first and foremost so that as a
large claimant group the benefits will be
for everyone
- the question
then is who will form part of the large claimant area as some of the 51 claims
in the area will include some claims from
the North West and form other North
East groups as well as Cosmo Newberry. The NEIB area will include all of the
known claimants
in the area which are:
- Waljen
- Ngurludharra/Waljen
- Thithee
- Tucker
- Tjinintjarra
- Brownley
- Bibila
Lungutjarra
- Cosmo
Newberry
- Mundanjarra
- Milangka/Purungu
- Yulbarri
- Mugung
- Nardoo
- Youndou [14
claims]
- as the Cosmo
Newberry claim falls within the NEIB, the issue has been raised with the
claimant group and it was found that the Cosmo
claim includes a reserve which is
for the purpose and benefit of ALL Aboriginal people – so its been decided
that Cosmo be
included into the large NEIB claim area
- its important
to note that Native Title rights that have accrued to date will be held to be
valid (that includes the current negotiations
with the various Mining Companies
etc ...) – with the amalgamation of claims, all future negotiations will
go through the NEIB
and onto the Trust and everyone will be a Native Title
holder
- all Wongutha
people will be defined by genealogical information to get the process formalised
through the courts, needing a list of
claimants who will be the trustees for the
land in question – they include:
- Pearlie
Wells
- Elvis
Stokes
- Les
Tucker
- Cyril
Barnes
- Aubrey
Lynch
- Leo
Thomas
- Ron
Harrington-Smith
- Murray
Stubbs
- Dimple
Sullivan
- Thomasisha
Passmore
- Sadie
Canning
list comprises 11 persons – a
twelfth, Thelma O’Loughlin, who is also a Wongatha applicant, is not
included, but she is
included in the list below.]
- these named
persons will have the same standing as the larger group – there is no
longer going to be A3’s – ie:
there will be the above mentioned list
as well as a description of the larger claimant group. Instead of saying just
Wongutha people
(which is too broad and won’t satisfy the registration
test) the larger group will be defined by genealogical family trees.
- with the
registration test there are two (2) choices, that is a list for every single
person or a descriptive list. The problem with
the list for every single person
is that you can never be sure that every person will be included. With the
descriptive list of
Wongutha people it will include – those persons who
are biological descendants of; those adopted by biological descendants
or with
marital relations; those people who for cultural and historical reasons be
included – need to be specifically precise.
Anthropologists to do work
and lodge for large claim. There was a suggestion for all members names be on a
separate list at a later
date, for list involved in the NEIB
incorporation.
application will have means of identifying
the Wongi people. Applicants list will be
needed.
#2
that the NEIB claims (as listed) [14 Claims are
named in the list below] unite to form one combined claim called the Wongutha
claim.
Ron
Harrington-Smith
Vivian
Forrest Carried
unanimously
about the twelve (12)
names?
#3
this is the right meeting to decide on the names of
the applicant for the Wongutha Claim.
Gningala
Yarren-Clanton
Alan
Bonney Carried
unanimously
#4
names are to
be:Harrington-Smith Leo
ThomasPassmore-Skelly Cyril
BarnesTucker Dimple
SullivanStokes Pearlie
WellsLynch Murray
StubbsO’Loughlin Sadie
Canning
12 Wongatha applicants, including Thelma
O’Loughlin, are now listed.]
Ron
Harrington-Smith
Mary-Ellen
Passmore-Edwards Carried
unanimously’
- I
accept the following submission by the
State:
evidence does not fully disclose how
[the] attendees learned of the meetings, what qualifications were
necessary for those wishing to attend or participate, or how the meeting
was
conducted. Based on the information that is available, the meetings appear to
be meetings of some members of the Aboriginal
community of the Goldfields area,
namely those who had lodged claims under the NTA at a time when authorisation
for making claims
was not a requirement of the statute. It also appears that
the meetings were convened and conducted in conformity with ordinary,
common law
based principles and procedure, for the purpose of forming a coalition of
claimants to prosecute consolidated proceedings
under the NTA, and for the
purpose of authorising the prosecution of those proceedings. This is consistent
with the description
given by Mr Aubrey Lynch of the factors that led to
the meetings:
we had separate claims, we’re finding it very
difficult to amalgamate, mining companies were finding it very difficult to talk
to with all these separate claims and I as a leader in the area really stressed
that if we’re going to get on and get native
title at the end of the day,
it’s important that we amalgamate.”
interpretation of events is consistent with
Mr Lynch’s description of who attended and the purpose for which the
meeting
was called:
call a meeting with all the applicants that had
actually lodged a claim in the area to come to a meeting at the Maku Stadium so
that
we can discuss amalgamation.”
is also consistent with his uncertainty as to how the
decision-making process worked:
HUGHSTON: How was the resolution passed? Was it by
a majority or by more than a majority?
LYNCH: We had a problem with that, with majority and
consensus. We also have under the pressure of reaching a consensus. But you
know being an Aboriginal and being involved in Aboriginal organisations, we
always passing things with a majority. I think it was
consensus at the time
period, won by consensus.
HUGHSTON: I’m sorry, the meeting, was it a
unanimous vote or a majority vote?
LYNCH: No or was it a unanimous
vote.
HUGHSTON: Unanimous vote, everyone at the
meeting?
LYNCH: Everybody at the meeting.’
Affidavits
- The
Wongatha applicants rely on para 4 of an affidavit of Mark Mony
De Kerloy of Mony De Kerloy, the solicitors for
the applicants, sworn
3 February 1999, which annexed a form of further amended native title
determination claimant application:
The
Applicants are entitled to make this application as being members of the native
title claim group and authorised by the native
title claim group to make the
application and deal with matters in relation to
it.’
- Also
in evidence was an affidavit by Mr de Kerloy sworn 24 December
1998 to which was annexed a combined form of application
by the Wongatha
applicants and accompanying affidavits by them, sworn variously on 21, 22 and
23 December 1998. Those affidavits
were in the form set out at [1257]
below. Mr de Kerloy’s affidavit stated,
relevantly:
I am principal and solicitor of
the firm Mony De Kerloy Barristers & Solicitors and have at all material
times had the conduct
of this matter as the legal representative of the North
Eastern Independent Body (“NEIB”), which includes the abovementioned
Applicants and native title claimant groups to this
application.
- I
confirm that I and Mony De Kerloy Barristers & Solicitors act as agents for
the Goldfields Land Council Aboriginal Corporation
(“G.L.C.”) which
is a representative body under section 202 of the Native Title Act 1993, for the
Goldfields region.
- On
Friday 18 December 1998 I attended an NEIB meeting in Kalgoorlie being a
representative meeting of the native title claimant
group and confirm being
present when the native title claimant group agreed by way of resolution to
amendments to and amalgamation
of the abovementioned native title determination
claimant applications.
- The
Applicants are entitled to make this application as being members of the native
title claim group and authorised by the native
title claim group to make the
application and deal with matters in relation to it.
- Attached
hereto and marked “MMdK1” is a copy of the amended and amalgamated
application.
- I
confirm that this claim is brought on behalf of the Wongatha People being those
persons identified in Attachment “A”
of the Application.
- This
affidavit is in support of the application by way of combination and amendment
of the “original applications” under
s.64 of the Native Title Act as
outlined in Schedule B of the Application and the external boundaries of
this claim are the external lines of the area as
set out in the map attached
being Schedule C of the Application.’
- Paragraphs
3, 4 and 6 are general conclusory statements made in support of a motion for
leave to amend. The applicants’ affidavits
which accompanied the
successive Wongatha Forms 1 are similarly general, conclusory and
formulaic: cf Strickland at 260 (see [1178] above).
- I
take all the affidavit material into account, but that material is not the only
evidence before me. I have before me the more detailed
evidence provided by the
minutes. There is no suggestion that the authorisation referred to in the
affidavits is to be found elsewhere
than at the meeting to which the minutes
relate.
- According
to the minutes, the following 40 persons attended the meeting (I omit
‘observers’): ‘Mirander Farmer,
Vivian Forrest, Gningala
Yarran-Clanton, Ron Harrington-Smith, Cyril Barnes, Hector O’Loughlin,
Paddy Walker, Betty O’Loughlin,
Thelma O’Loughlin, Pearlie Wells,
Dennis Smith, Dimple Sullivan, Hilda Dimer, Kathy Tucker, Les Tucker, Patricia
Tucker, Leo
Thomas, Preston Thomas (Jnr), Mary-Ellen Passmore-Edwards, Phillip
Tucker, Allison Tucker, Ross Lynch, Margie Bonney, F Bilson, Allan
Bonney, Glen
Barnes, Bessie Dimer, Daisy Rundle, Maisie Harkin, Sadie Canning, Doreen
O’Loughlin, Robyn Wells, Sonya Hills,
Jane Beasley, Ron Bonney, Rosina
McGrath, Ashley Blake, Aubrey Lynch, Beverley Lynch, Leslie-Ann
Conway.’
- The
evidence of the link between some of these individuals and the 20 antecedent
claim groups is problematical. For example, on the
evidence, Gningala
Yarran-Clanton, Paddy Walker, Dennis Smith, Sonya Hills, Ashley Blake and
Leslie-Ann Conway do not appear to have
been members of any of the 20 antecedent
claim groups, which were combined to form the Wongatha group. They may have
been, but the
evidence does not establish that they were. There are others of
the individuals who attended the meeting who may not have been members
of any of
the 20 antecedent claim groups either.
- On
the assumption that all 40 who attended were members of the new combined
Wongatha Claim group and participated by voting, and that
that group comprised
some hundreds of people (in 2002 there were 820 according to the Wongatha LIP),
it seems clear that only a very
small proportion of the group voted in favour
of the resolution. There is no evidence of notification of all the Wongatha
claimants
of the meeting and of the resolutions proposed to be put at it.
- Although
20 antecedent claims were combined to make the Wongatha application in January
1999, not all are referred to in the minutes
as ‘the NEIB claims (as
listed)’, and it is not clear on the evidence that members of all the
antecedent claim groups
attended or were represented at the meeting. There is
no evidence of an authorising by any antecedent claim group of a representative
to attend the meeting and to vote at it on behalf of the antecedent claim group.
Resolution #2 refers to the ‘NEIB claims (as
listed)’. The minutes
state: ‘The NEIB area will include all the known claimants in the area
which are listed [then
the 14 claims are listed]’. Literally,
‘claimants’ refers to people, but I do not read the minutes as
referring
simply to all claimants in the NEIB area. Rather, and understandably,
the reference is to all who were known, namely, the members
of the 14 named
groups.
- If
I assume that the first NEIB claim listed in the minutes, ‘Waljen’,
refers to the five antecedent ‘Waljen’
claims listed in
Annexure B to these reasons, and that ‘Bibila Lungutjarra’
listed in the minutes refers to the
three antecedent ‘Bibila
Lungutjarra’ claims listed in that annexure, then Resolution #2 may be
thought to refer to the
20 claims that were combined in January 1999 to
give the present Wongatha application. But this is not so. The NEIB claims
listed in the minutes include ‘Cosmo Newberry’ and
‘Mundanjarra’, which were not among the 20 claims
that were
combined. With those two claims omitted, ‘the NEIB claims (as
listed)’ number only 18. Moreover, two claims
that were included in the
20 that were combined, the Goolburthunoo (Waljen) and the United North
East, were not mentioned in
the NEIB claims listed in the minutes. (It is
conceivable that ‘United North East’ was a combination of certain
NEIB
claims listed, and that ‘Goolburthunoo (Waljen)’ is covered by
the reference in the minutes to Waljen, but the applicants
did not submit or
attempt to show that this was so).
- In
the result, I am not satisfied, on the face of the resolution, that the
applicants were authorised to make the Wongatha application
by all of the
members of the 20 antecedent claim groups indicated in Annexure B that
were combined in the Wongatha application
in January/February 1999, and I think
that the probability is that they were not.
- There
is no evidence of authorisation in respect of post-January 1999 amendments to
the Wongatha Form 1. The amended application
filed on 1 November 1999
contained in Schedule R, a statement similar to that in the s 62
affidavits set out at [1257] below, and added as
‘PARTICULARS’:
to the above
process of decision making, the native title claim group authorised the
Applicants to act on behalf of all of the members
of the native title claim
group by consensus decision of the native title claim group at a number of
meetings of the native title
claim group including a meeting held at Kalgoorlie
on 26 October 1999.’
- There
is no evidence directed to this meeting on 26 October 1999. If it had been a
meeting of the Maku Stadium kind, evidence would
have been led of it. I am not
persuaded to accept this passing reference to a meeting on 26 October 1999 as
evidence that all the
claimants in the reduced Wongatha applicant group met in
Kalgoorlie and authorised the application that was made by the filing of
the
amended Form 1 on 1 November 1999. It is more likely that it was a meeting of
some of the leaders of the various groupings within
the Wongatha Claim group to
give instructions to the GLSC.
- Attached
to the amended application was an affidavit of Mony De Kerloy, dated
1 November 1999 and s 62 affidavits by the 12 applicants.
- The
further amended application dated 11 April 2003 and filed on 14 April 2003
referred to the meetings of 18 December 1998
and 26 October 1999 in
terms similar to those set out at [1247] above. There were no accompanying
affidavits.
- Group 6A
submits that no evidence has been provided of authorisation of the further
amended application of 2003. It also submits
that the Wongatha applicants imply
that later amendments were authorised by a s 251B(b) process. It is not
clear to which amendments Group 6A is referring. It is not clear that the
amendments made in 2003 required
authorisation. They did not relate to a change
of applicants (cf NTA ss 64(5), 66B) and they may have been within the
Wongatha applicants’ power to ‘deal with all matters arising under
[the NTA] in relation
to the application’: NTA s 62A and Drury v
Western Australia [2000] FCA 132; (2000) 97 FCR 169 at [9]- [15]). Most of the 2003
amendments were designed to make the application conform to the law; cf
Daniel v State of Western Australia [2003] FCA 666 at [69].
- I
cannot find any other evidence regarding authorisation at post-January 1999
meetings. No witness referred to meetings authorising
later amendments.
- For
the above reasons, my conclusion is that the Wongatha application, in its
original and subsequent forms, was not authorised by
all the persons who
(hypothetically) hold the group rights and interests comprising the particular
native title claimed, as required
by s 61(1) of the
NTA.
The accompanying affidavits under s 62(1) of the NTA and Browne v Dunn
(1893) 6 R 67
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that there is sufficient compliance with s 61(1)
and that ‘[t]he evidence on authorisation was simply not
disputed’.
- They
submit that the allegations raised in final submissions were not put to the
applicants in cross-examination. Fourteen of the
40 persons who attended the
Maku Stadium meeting testified, but only four of them were cross-examined about
the meeting at all, and
none as to how they learned of it. Aubrey Lynch
said:
call a meeting with all the applicants
that had actually lodged a claim in the area to come to a meeting at the Maku
Stadium so that
we can discuss
amalgamation.’
- If
the word ‘applicants’ in this passage were to be understood in a
literal sense, it would signify that it was only antecedent
applicants, not
antecedent claimants, who attended. There would then arise in stark form the
question of their authority to commit
their respective claim groups to a
combination. Apart from Aubrey Lynch, no applicant was cross-examined on the
decision making
process at the meeting. Doreen Harris said that she was aware
of the meeting but could not attend. Eleven of the 12 Wongatha applicants
testified, and none were challenged on the content of their s 62
affidavits. The Wongatha applicants submit that in the circumstances a failure
to cross-examine witnesses on authorisation enlivens
a principle analogous to
that associated with Browne v Dunn (1893) 6 R 67 (‘Browne v
Dunn’).
- Subsection
62(1) of the NTA provides, relevantly, that a claimant applicant must be
accompanied by an affidavit sworn by the
applicant:
that the applicant is authorised
by all the persons in the native title claim group to make the application and
to deal with matters
arising in relation to it;
and
stating the basis on which the applicant is
authorised as mentioned in subparagraph
(iv).’
In a case such as the present one, all 12 Wongatha applicants are jointly
‘the applicant’: NTA s 253 (‘applicant’),
s 61(2). Authorisation is dealt with in s 251B (see 1.5 [75]).
There is no prescribed form of accompanying affidavit. Each of the 12
affidavits that accompanied the Form 1 that was annexed
to Mr de Kerloy’s
affidavit sworn 3 February 1999 and filed on 8 February 1999, stated,
relevantly:
am authorised by all the persons in the native title
claim group to make the application and to deal with matters arising in relation
to the application pursuant to the process of decision making
that:
under the traditional laws and customs of
the persons in the native title claim group, must be complied with in relation
to authorising
things of that kind; andthe
persons in the native title claim group have also agreed to and adopted in
relation to authorising the making of the application
and dealing with matters
and in relation to doing things of that
kind.’The 12 s 62 affidavits that
accompanied the Form 1 filed on 1 November 1999 contained an almost identical
formulaic paragraph.
- On
10 December 2003, the last day of the taking of evidence, in Perth, months
after all indigenous testimony had concluded in
the Goldfields, the Wongatha
applicants tendered the successive Wongatha Forms 1 and accompanying
s 62 affidavits. Group 6A objected to the tender of the affidavits.
In response to a question by me, counsel for the Wongatha applicants
said that
he wished to rely on them as if they were read and as evidence of the truth of
their contents. He claimed that the Wongatha
applicants had indicated to the
other parties since April 2003, that they intended to tender the documents and
that no one had raised
an objection. On 23 February 2004, I ordered
that:
shall be two folders of Forms 1
including affidavits annexed to them, without prejudice to the right of any
party to make submissions
that no weight or little weight should be given to the
affidavits.’
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that the failure to raise detailed objections to the
authorisation of the Wongatha Claim until final
submissions is grossly
unfair.
- The
State submits that authorisation was placed in issue ‘from the outset of
these proceedings’. While it is true that
authorisation was raised as an
issue in opening addresses and at other times comparatively early in the
hearing, the point then made
was a different one.
- Senior
counsel for the Wongatha applicants suggested in his opening address that I may
find that not all the Wongatha claimants had
rights and interests in the whole
of the Wongatha Claim area, and that I might find it appropriate to
‘group’ them by
reference to five ‘Determination Areas’
(see 3(g) [316]). This position taken by the GLSC applicants signified,
according to a submission then (and now) made by the respondents,
that the
Wongatha application was not authorised by all the persons referred to in
s 61 because it was not authorised by those members of the other Claim
groups. The ground mentioned was referred to in the State’s
and
Commonwealth’s Amended Points of Response both filed on 11 March 2002
and in Group 6A’s Amended Points of Response
filed on 17 April 2002.
- This
ground of challenge to authorisation (which I rejected above) did not give
notice to the Wongatha applicants that authorisation
would also be challenged on
the various procedural grounds now relied upon.
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that the respondents should have brought a strike out
application under s 84C. The possibility of such an application on the
basis mentioned above (the concession that other claimants had or may have
rights
and interests in the Wongatha Claim area), was raised and discussed on
the second day of the hearing. As noted below, on the twentieth
day
(17 June 2002), the minutes of the 18 December 1998 meeting at the
Maku Stadium were produced by the Wongatha applicants
pursuant to a notice and
were identified by Mr Harrington-Smith in cross-examination. They were
then marked for identification.
They were tendered by Group 5A and
admitted into evidence later on the same day, without objection, in the course
of the cross-examination
of Aubrey Lynch concerning the meeting.
- If
a s 84C application is made early in a proceeding, the determination of it
may still be deferred pending a determination of the identity
of the holders (if
any) of the particular native title claimed (eg Williams v Grant [2004]
FCAFC 178 (Lander J) at [56]-[60], Bodney v Bropho [2004] FCAFC 226; (2004) 140
FCR 77, (Stone J) at [54], Bodney v WA [2003] FCA 890 at [45],
Thomas v SA [2004] FCA 951 at [18], [23]). If a strike out
application had been made here, it would have succeeded on the basis of the
exclusion of Cosmo claimants
and the minutes of the Maku Stadium meeting, with a
saving of significant hearing time and costs. If the Wongatha application were
to be dismissed now only on the ground of lack of authorisation, a question
would arise as to whether a costs order should be made
reflecting the
respondents’ failure to apply under s 84C.
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that little weight should be placed on the
respondents’ submissions regarding the ‘technical’
aspects of
authorisation as a result of their failure to raise the issue earlier or to
cross-examine in relation to it. They submit
that the Court should not be
‘overly technical’ or ‘pedantic’ in its approach to
procedural aspects of the
authorisation process, and refer to Lawson on
behalf of the ‘Pooncarie’ Barkandji (Paakantyi) v Minster for Land
and Water Conservation for the State of New
South Wales [2002] FCA 1517. I
agree with Stone J’s statement in that case that the effect of
s 251B is or may be to give the word ‘all’ in s 61 a more
limited effect than it might otherwise have. In that case, however, there was
evidence that all the claimants were given
a reasonable opportunity to
participate in the authorising process. Other judges have observed that
notwithstanding the references
to ‘all’ in s 61, it may be
sufficient, at least in some cases, that applicants are authorised by a majority
of the persons in the claim group (Moran v Minister for Land and Water
Conservation for the State of New South Wales [1999] FCA 1637 at [40]),
or all of those whose whereabouts are known and have capacity to authorise
(Quall v Risk [2001] FCA 378 at [33]), or ‘“all”
those who are reasonably available and who are competent to express an
opinion’ (De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin at [928]).
- The
difficulties for the Wongatha applicants here are that:
- there is no
evidence of any attempt at notification, in any form, of all Wongatha claimants
of a meeting and of the business to be
transacted at it;
- the exclusion of
Cosmo claimants may have been an irremediable problem;
- the minutes of
the Maku Stadium meeting clearly expose deficiencies in the authorisation
process; and
- the Wongatha
applicants have not suggested that if there had been a strike out application or
these matters had been otherwise brought
to their notice earlier, they could
have led evidence to overcome them.
- In
the somewhat unusual circumstances, I do not think that the failure to
cross-examine all the Wongatha applicants who testified on their
s 62(1) affidavits activates a principle analogous to that of Browne v
Dunn. All parties proceeded on the basis that a return to the Goldfields
for cross-examination of the remaining 11 Wongatha applicants
who testified on
their affidavits was out of the question, and that it was a matter for me to
determine the weight to be given to
the affidavits in the light of all the
evidence on authorisation that was before the Court.
- The
Browne v Dunn principle is one of fairness. I do not think there is
unfairness to the Wongatha applicants in the respondents being permitted to
succeed on the authorisation point. Of course, if the applicants’
Browne v Dunn submission had succeeded, the result would not be that the
Court would be required to treat the Wongatha application as if it had
been duly
authorised.
Conclusion on authorisation
- Authorisation
goes to the Court’s jurisdiction to make a determination on the present
application: see the authorities cited
at [1171] and [1172] above. I am not at
liberty to fail to resolve the issue over jurisdiction that the respondents have
raised.
- I
hold that the Court does not have jurisdiction to hear and determine the
Wongatha application. Against the possibility that I am
wrong, however, I will
proceed to deal with the Wongatha Claim on its
merits.
4.2 RELEVANT SOCIETY AT THE TIME OF SOVEREIGNTY
(‘THE ANCESTRAL
SOCIETY’)
- ‘Native
title’ is defined in s 223(1) of the NTA as being, relevantly, group
rights and interests possessed under traditional laws acknowledged and
traditional customs
observed. In Yorta Yorta HCA, the High Court
made clear that the traditional laws and customs under which the rights and
interests are possessed, must be, or
be part of, a pre-sovereignty body or
system of laws and customs; that laws and customs giving rise to rights and
interests necessarily
point to a normative system; and that there is an
inextricable link between the notion of a body of laws and customs and the
notion
of a ‘society’.
- I
understand the parties’ choice of the expression ‘the ancestral
society’ to be intended to refer to nothing other
than the society to
which the High Court so referred. The expression ‘ancestral
society’ is perhaps an unfortunate one,
since it may imply that claimants
cannot succeed unless they can prove a genealogical link back to ancestors who
lived at sovereignty.
Certainly, claimants must prove, with the aid of
permissible inferences, a body or system of laws and customs that existed at
sovereignty,
but it should not necessarily be assumed that that body of laws and
customs will provide for a particular process of succession from
group to group
over the generations. It may be that the expression ‘the normative
society’ would have been preferable
to ‘the ancestral
society’, as a form of reference to the pre-sovereignty society. As noted
in 3(e) [304]-[307], all of the Claim groups rely on the WDCB as that
normative society.
- The
Wongatha applicants’ submissions under this heading can be summarised as
relying on:
- De Rose
FCAFC;
- the
archaeological evidence of Professor Veth;
- historical
evidence;
- the
anthropological evidence found in the participating anthropologists’ joint
report and the Pannell/Vachon primary report
pp 199-202; and
- indigenous
testimony as to the Wongatha claimants’ ancestors.
- The
Wongatha applicants’ submissions correctly focus attention on the time of
sovereignty. They address at length the testimony
of Professor Veth, which I
discussed at 3.5(c) [469] ff.
- I
dealt with the issue of the Western limit of the WDCB area at 3.6(a)(b).
I have accepted that the WDCB existed at sovereignty and has continued to exist,
and that it extends west, through a fading out
zone, to the Menzies-Lake Darlot
line.
- Was
that pre-sovereignty cultural bloc a ‘society’ with laws and customs
that gave rise to rights and interests in relation
to land and waters? I
addressed this question at 3.6(c)(1) [710] ff, and
3.6(d) [979] ff.
- De
Rose does not bind me in the present respect because the issue referred to
is one of fact. Moreover, the issue was not extensively discussed.
In
De Rose FCA O’Loughlin J, the primary judge noted that
the applicants sought to place the claimant group within the larger
‘Western Desert Bloc’ ([33]).
Significantly, his Honour
observed that the claimant group described itself as a group within the Western
Desert Bloc, ‘the
members of which adhered to the same set of rules that
prevailed throughout that Bloc’ (ibid). Similarly, his Honour
noted that the claimants sought to establish that the Nguraritja were
‘part of the greater western desert culture’ ([38]). His Honour
seems to have accepted that the rights and interests
of the Nguraritja
were grounded directly in the laws and customs of the WDCB, without any
intervening ‘regional society’ or ‘sub-society’.
- In
De Rose (FCAFC), the Full Court similarly noted ([275]) that the
normative system on which the applicants relied was ‘that acknowledged and
observed throughout the Western Desert region’. Their Honours spoke of a
‘Western Desert Bloc society’ ([276]).
They noted, however, that it
did not appear that at trial it had been contended that the Western Desert Bloc
society did not exist
at sovereignty or that its laws and customs did not then
provide for Nguraritja to possess rights and interests in relation to
land. Their Honours also noted that it did not appear to have been contended at
trial
that that society had ceased to exist or that members of it had ceased to
observe traditional laws and customs between sovereignty
and trial. They said
([279]) that there was ample support for the proposition that Western Desert
society had continued to exist
since sovereignty, and that its traditional laws
and customs had continued substantially uninterrupted throughout that
period.
- The
possibility that the relevant ‘society’ was not the WDCB but a
regional society did not occupy either the primary
judge or the Full Court. I
have referred earlier (3.6(b)(3)[554] ff, to a degree of confusion
in the anthropological evidence on this issue.
- Group
6A submits that historical and anthropological evidence is irrelevant to
ascertaining the relevant society at sovereignty.
Group 6A refers to the
cross examination of Dr Pannell, who, when asked about pre-contact culture,
said: ‘I’m
not an archaeologist, I’m not an expert on
pre-contact culture’. She maintained, however, that she was in a position
to offer guidance and expertise as to what the laws and customs of the people of
the Wongatha Claim area may have been at the time
of first contact and at
various subsequent times, and, on that basis, said that she could draw
inferences as to the position at earlier
times.
- I
reject Group 6A’s submission that historical and anthropological evidence
cannot be relevant to the identification of a society
at sovereignty. It may be
appropriate to draw inferences of retrospective continuance based on
anthropological and historical evidence
of the existence of a society and of its
laws and customs at later times: first contact, European settlement, the times
of the observations
made by early historians and anthropologists, and even the
times of the making of observations by more recent historians and
anthropologists.
- There
is a difficult question as to the proper respective roles of the anthropologist,
for example, and the Court, in drawing such
inferences. This issue cannot be
usefully discussed in hypothetical general terms.
- One
thing is clear: the WDCB does not conform to the kind of ‘wider
unit’ or ‘society’ described in Berndt
1959 as ‘formed
seasonally by members of a number of hordes coming together for the purpose of
performing certain sacred rituals’
(p 104). But neither does any
regional society, such as the ‘Wongatha society’ referred to in the
evidence in this
case. Professor Berndt, with whom the expression
‘Western Desert cultural bloc’ may be taken to have originated, used
the word ‘society’ not to refer to the WDCB, but to the seasonal
coming together of a number of ‘hordes’,
as mentioned above.
- Pannell/Vachon
seem to alternate between supporting and disclaiming the idea that the WDCB is a
single society with a single body
of laws and customs. Sometimes they suggest
that it comprises several societies in the Western Desert. As a matter of
language,
a ‘WDCB society’ is awkward. Analysis suggests three
possibilities:
- a single society
whose laws and customs vary as between regions;
- multiple
societies with some similar and some different laws and customs, but sufficient
similar ones to constitute a ‘cultural
bloc’; and
- an overarching
society with regional societies within it.
- To
my mind, it is the second meaning that is more naturally suggested by Professor
Berndt’s reference to a ‘cultural bloc’.
It was the meaning
adopted in the anthropologists’ joint report, para (a)(ii)
(see 3.5(a)[411]). That report was dated June 2003, prior to the
decision in De Rose (FCAFC) in December 2003.
- The
anthropological construct of a ‘cultural bloc’ refers, however, to
an antecedent underlying reality, and the question
is whether that underlying
reality is a ‘society’ in the sense explained by the High Court in
the joint judgment in Yorta Yorta HCA, where their Honours said
([49]):
this context, “society”
is to be understood as a body of persons united in and by its acknowledgment and
observance of
a body of law and
customs.’
They also said ([50]):
speak of rights and interests possessed under an
identified body of laws and customs is, therefore, to speak of rights and
interests
that are the creatures of the laws and customs of a particular society
that exists as a group which acknowledges and observes those
laws and
customs.’
These passages suggest that for
a society to exist for present purposes, there is no essential element apart
from a number of people
who acknowledge and observe the same body of laws and
customs. It is not necessary, for example, that they be aware of their number
or identity.
- Perhaps
the present issue is, after all, academic. No-one has suggested that the laws
and customs under which rights and interests
in land are held vary from one
region to another within the Western Desert (it has been suggested that other
laws and customs may
do so). Their content is the same, whether they are seen
as depending on a regional society or on the larger WDCB.
- The
notion of a single overarching society with regional societies within it seems
useful. Accordingly, although with some doubt,
I proceed on the basis that the
WDCB is a ‘society’ in the sense described in Yorta Yorta
HCA.
- The
joint report on the anthropologists’ conference recorded, in relation to
‘traditional Western Desert cultures and
societies’, that they have
a ‘social structure wherein there are multiple pathways of
connection’ (discussed at
3.5(a)[411] ff). The joint report
uses the present tense. Dr Brunton, the anthropologist called by
Group 6A, participated
in the joint conference and was a joint author of
the report. He therefore agreed that by taking together the seven matters
listed
in para (a)(ii) of the report, it was, ‘given regional
variation, .... possible to identify traditional Western Desert
cultures and
societies’.
- Was
the anthropologists’ agreement in the report intended as an agreement as
to the circumstances that prevailed in 1829? Does
the use of the word
‘traditional’ suggest this? At least, it indicates an absence of
European influence. Similarly
Dr Brunton, said in his supplementary
report:
certainly do not quarrel with the
depiction of traditional societies in the Western Desert cultural bloc or its
fringes as accommodating
a greater amount of individual choice in residence and
“ownership” of country than was the case in many non-Western
Desert
Aboriginal societies, ...’
I take Dr Brunton to be agreeing that the multiple pathways of connection
aspect to which he agreed in the anthropologists’
joint report was a
characteristic of the WDCB, at least as it was, uninfluenced by the European
intrusion.
- Even
if the authors of the joint report and Dr Brunton did not use the word
‘traditional’ in the sense of ‘pre-1829’,
they at least
used it to refer to circumstances in the early twentieth century, in the desert,
uninfluenced by the European presence.
On this basis, I would infer
retrospectively that the same position prevailed in 1829.
- Accordingly,
I find that there was in 1829 a WDCB society that had a body of laws and customs
that provided for multiple pathways
of connection, through which an individual
might hold rights and interests, and that the Wongatha Claim area, but no
further west
than the Menzies-Lake Darlot line, was subject to that body of laws
and customs. This says nothing, however, as to the subject matter of the
rights and interests, that is, the identification of the land the subject of
them (see 3.6(3)[828] ff).
4.3 RELEVANT LAWS AND CUSTOMS AT THE TIME OF SOVEREIGNTY
- This
heading, chosen by the parties in their agreed structure for submissions, like
many of their others, is elliptical and unclear.
- Since
the normative society propounded is the WDCB, I take this heading to raise the
question: ‘What was the traditional (pre-sovereignty)
body or system of
laws and customs of the WDCB?’ The answer to this question is relevant to
the issues of:
- the continued
acknowledgement and observance of the body of laws and customs by the respective
Claim groups; and
- the
identification of those particular pre-sovereignty laws and customs that
provided for the possession of rights and interests.
- The
parties refer to their submissions elsewhere.
- Laws
and customs which do not themselves relate to land or waters may make their
contribution to proving the existence of a body or
system of laws and customs.
An example is the law or custom under which initiation ceremonies are performed,
discussed by Sundberg J
in Neowarra at [229]. Of course,
s 223(1)(a) of the NTA requires that the body of laws and customs
include laws and customs under which rights and interests in relation to
land or waters are possessed. The Wongatha applicants must prove
existence of
the WDCB body or system of laws and customs in general, and of those providing
for the possession of rights and interests
in land or waters, in
particular.
- Inevitably,
there is an absence of direct evidence of laws and customs that existed at
sovereignty and in the period from sovereignty
to ‘first contact’ (I
discussed ‘first contact’ at 3.7 [1044]). Generally
speaking, I am prepared to infer that in 1829 things were as they were found to
be at first contact. There
is, however, a question as to what this means
(see 3.1 [341] ff). There are difficult questions arising
from the semi-nomadic nature of indigenous life in the Western Desert
until the
migration and sedentarisation that followed European settlement. I would not
necessarily infer, for example, from the
fact that a family or families camped
or hunted at a particular place in the 1890s, that their ancestors camped and
hunted at the
same place in 1829. I would need to have further evidence before
drawing that inference.
- The
Wongatha applicants rely on the participating anthropologists’ joint
report, that I set out at 3.5(a)[411], and discussed at
3.6(c)(2)(iv)[799] ff. I will not repeat that discussion here. I
infer retrospectively that the characteristics of the WDCB discussed in
3.6(c)(2) were characteristics of the WDCB in 1829.
- Surprisingly,
Group 6A submits that there is ‘no evidence, let alone proof of the
laws and customs that made up the asserted
normative system as at Crown
sovereignty’, and that therefore the claim fails. Of course, there is no
direct evidence of them,
but the submission leaves out of account the
permissible drawing of an inference of retrospective continuance. I infer, at
least,
that any WDCB laws and customs shown to have existed at first contact
also existed in 1829.
- There
is evidence of some indigenous laws and customs at first contact. David
Sanderson McDonald of Murrin Murrin, Kenneth Young
of Salt Soak (some 15 km
south-west of Duketon), Constable John Dodd of Kookynie, and the early
ethnographers RH Mathews
and Daisy Bates, recorded laws and customs that
were being acknowledged and observed in parts of the Wongatha Claim area in the
period
1895-1910. For example, Mr McDonald states that when a boy reached
a certain age, he would be taken to a chosen spot and made
‘Bundoo’,
which Mr McDonald explains meant ‘man’, after which ‘he
would be allowed to marry’
(see 3.6(c)(2)[739] ff. I doubt
that Group 6A seriously suggests that I should not infer, on the basis of
Mr McDonald’s record,
the existence of the same law or custom of male
initiation in 1829?
- There
are various possible taxonomies of WDCB laws and customs. For example,
Groups 5B/5F submit:
early
ethnographers and other recorders identified the laws and customs of the persons
of the area to be or include at least the
following:
knowledge of and belief in
the Tjukurrpa (including learning about and enacting Tjukurrpa by
constant and repetitive song and dance at
ceremonies);acknowledgment of places as
Pika Ngurlu;kinship
systems;ritual and regional ceremony
(initiation);distinctions in behaviour and
relatedness in relation to age and
gender;section
system;requirements re
marriagerules about food
prohibition/distribution;criteria for obtaining
rights in land;reference to Ngurra or
Ngurraraknowledge of sites and/or names
places;burial;mother
in law avoidance;avoidance of use of names of
deceased people;totems;
and
- (xvi) language’
(my emphasis).
- There
may be argument about particular laws and customs, including whether some of
these are laws or customs at all, but there can
be no argument that there are
records of acknowledgment and observance of laws and customs uninfluenced by the
European presence,
that provide a basis on which I may properly infer that the
same laws and practices were being acknowledged and observed in
1829.
4.4 MEANING OF ‘COMMUNAL’, ‘GROUP’ AND
‘INDIVIDUAL’ IN S 223(1) OF THE NTA, AND THE RELATIONSHIP
BETWEEN THOSE TERMS
- The
topic is addressed at 3.8.
4.5 RIGHTS AND INTERESTS HELD AT THE TIME OF SOVEREIGNTY
- I
take this topic heading to raise the question: ‘What native title rights
and interests were held in the Wongatha Claim area
under WDCB traditional laws
and customs at sovereignty?’ Various parties refer to their submissions
at 3.1, 3.6(c), and 4.3.
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that at
sovereignty,
rights and interests were the
right to the possession, occupation, use and enjoyment of the area subject to
any shared rights or co-existing
interests in others pursuant to traditional law
and customs.’
- Neither
the submission nor the evidence suggests who held those rights and interests at
sovereignty, but this does not matter, because
the criteria for membership of
the Wongatha Claim group do not depend on a genealogical or other link back to
pre-sovereignty owners.
What must be proved, however, is that pre-sovereignty
laws and customs provided for rights and interests in the Wongatha Claim area
to
be held by a group, the criteria for membership of which are those of the
Wongatha Claim group: (1) birth and growing up within
the Claim area, or (2) the
connection of an ancestor to that Claim area, and, in each case, (3) recognition
of the connection by
the group.
- The
GLSC applicants cite, in general terms, the Pannell/Vachon primary and
supplementary reports and documents tendered in support
of them. Those
documents represent three lever arch files of documents. Such non-specific
references are unhelpful. I have read
all the parts of both reports and
supporting material that were specifically referred to in evidence or in
submissions.
- The
GLSC applicants refer to Professor Elkin’s work on the Western Desert and
to the discussion in the Pannell/Vachon primary
report (at p 129 ff under the
heading ‘Elkin’s Model of the Aluridja’). I have discussed
Elkin’s model of
the Aluridja at 3.6(c)(2)[575] ff.
Pannell/Vachon observe:
the Aluridja, their
concept of “country” derives from the location of both the sites and
the tracks of the Tjukurr
ancestors.’
As noted at 3.6(c)(3) [831] ff, this is fundamental. The multiple
pathways of connection available to the individual were to country so
conceived of. Pannell/Vachon also explain (p 131) that according to Elkin,
a person’s local totem depended
on his place of birth and on the totem
associated with that place.
- The
Wongatha applicants rely heavily on Berndt 1959, which I discussed at some
length at 3.6(c)(3) [831] ff, to whom, of course, Pannell/Vachon
refer.
- In
the general conclusions to Part 2 of their primary report in which they
review ‘previous ethnographic evidence’ in relation to the
Aboriginal presence
in, and connection to, the Wongatha Claim area,
Pannell/Vachon state:
and R Berndt
showed that in the Western Desert an individual is connected, through
birth-place and descent, to a portion of the mythological tracks of
Tjukurr. It is on the basis of such connection that an
individual becomes identified with a portion of the regional cultural
landscape, enjoys rights to it and becomes a custodian of the Western
Desert tradition.’ (my emphasis)
- It
will be recalled that Professor Berndt considered that the landowning unit in
the Western Desert was the ‘local group’,
that was based on
patrilineal descent, was part of the ‘horde’, and was defined by
reference to birth on a Dreaming track
or site.
- The
GLSC applicants submit that at pp 96-98 of Berndt 1959, Professor Berndt sets
out his ‘view of Western Desert rights and
interests in land’, and
they submit that those rights and interests ‘can inferentially be accepted
by the Court as being
those applicable at the time of sovereignty’. In
fact, at pp 96-98, Professor Berndt did not set out particular rights
and
interests (such as a right to ‘hunt’ or to ‘perform
ceremonies’ or even to ‘occupy’): rather,
he set out who
constituted ‘the land owning group’, that is to say, who held rights
and interests. I take the GLSC submission
to be that I should infer that at
sovereignty the holders of rights and interests were as described by Professor
Berndt in Berndt
1959 at pp 96-98. It seems clear that this is the
submission, since the Wongatha applicants quote from Berndt 1959, pp 96-97,
98 and fn 69, passages which are included in the passages quoted by me
below.
- In
view of the GLSC submission, it is desirable that I set out the relevant passage
from Berndt 1959 at length. At 96-97, Professor
Berndt stated (footnotes and
references to them omitted):
this whole
region there is a bias toward patrilineal descent, and a desire that a child
should be born at or near a particular sacred
site, or constellation of such
sites, with which his father is closely associated, to facilitate inheritance of
his totemic affiliations.
In this respect, it is a certain stretch of
territory and its associations which are important. Usually it is not only one
site and the country immediately
surrounding it which are involved, but more
often a number of sites, the majority having totemic connections. Thus the area
in question
may vary considerably in size and in totemic complexity. A
child born at one place within that territory inherits, so to speak, all the
totemic aspects linked with it. One totemic ancestor,
object, or action (or
sequence of actions) attributed to that being may be emphasized; but the rest is
implied. Although only one waterhole, soak or rockhole may be mentioned in
relation to a given person the inference is that others, as well
as
physiographic features like hills, stones, sand dunes and so on, are connected
with it: and it is these which in totality make
up the “country of ones
birth”. (I am not considering conception totemism in this context).
The most important site economically is normally given prominence, usually a
watering place; it is not always the actual birth-site
which is important, but
the fact that it takes place within the territory or constellation of sites
associated with the principal
waterhole. Mentioning the waterhole at which he
was born a person may say, “That’s my gabi my
country”; this is his most important tie with the land, and he is not as a
rule articulate concerning any larger territorially
based unit.
whole Western Desert is criss-crossed with the
meandering tracks of ancestral beings, mostly though not invariably following
the known
permanent and impermanent waterhole routes.’ (my
emphasis)
- Berndt
noted that several waterholes would have the same ancestral being associated
with them. He continued (at 98):
the
“country” in which a person is born is in a sense unique, and is
connected (ideally) with all members of the patrilineal
descent group, the
totemic associations are not – although the actions performed by that
particular ancestor, either alone
or in conjunction with others, are. It is the
ancestor and his actions which are enshrined by that group and which, when
viewed
in relation to the whole chain of sites connected with him or her,
constitute the total mythology. Each group holds in custody part
of this myth
and the ritual relevant to it.
persons united by common patrilineal descent, who
share a given site or constellation of sites, constitute the local group;
this is the land-owning group, with special spiritual and ritual ties, of which
the land itself represents the most obvious, most
enduring, and most
consistently visible, tangible focus. Executive powers are almost entirely in
the hands of initiated males, who
control, and possess the right to perform, the
major totemic rituals relevant to that group and various other religious
activities. The female members of such a group move out of it at
marriage, but are expected to maintain spiritual and emotional ties with their
“country”; they do not relinquish their totemic affiliations. We
may therefore speak of this local unit as a patrilineal descent group. Its male
members have the most active associations with
their country and all it stands
for, and with their wives form a relatively closely knit
body.
local group is associated with one or more ancestral
beings; and this fact entitles its members to participate in the system of
ritual
and myth (totemic cult lodge) which is connected with a being(s), and
which a number of local groups hold in common in virtue of
their
“ownership” of certain sites along the track(s) of that being(s).
This system of ritual and associated beliefs
is usually referred to as
patrilineal cult totemism. The cult totem is of central importance in this
arrangement.’ (my emphasis)
- In
a footnote [69] to the expression ‘local group’, Professor Berndt
stated:
is territorially based; but the
local group country is defined not by boundaries explicitly demarcating it from
similar units, but by the actual sites connected
with the ancestral being and
his acts. Such territory is, ideally, unalienable; but members of other
local groups are not debarred from entry, or from hunting game or collecting
food within its precincts, although
they may be denied access to a sacred
site where objects of ritual use are stored.’ (my emphasis)
There are two elements of the basis of the holding of rights and interests
that I would emphasise: first, the holding was at the
individual level; and,
second, the subject matter of the holding was defined by reference to Tjukurr
sites or tracks.
- The
State submits that there is no direct evidence of the rights and interests (if
any) that were held at sovereignty, and that there
is no sound basis from which
inferences can be drawn as to what (if any) they were. Group 6A also refers to
its submissions at 4.3.
- The
anthropologists’ joint report states (para (a)(ii) 3) that it is a
characteristic of ‘Western Desert cultures
and societies’ that
‘[d]espite some ethnographic accounts, [perhaps a reference to Elkin and
Berndt] the model of land
owning patrilineal clans does not apply to the Western
Desert’, and it substitutes a ‘[s]ocial structure wherein there
are
multiple pathways of connection.’ This substitution was concerned only to
displace linkage exclusively through patrilineal
clan with multiple pathways of
connection. It confirms that rights and interests are held by the individual,
and leaves intact the
definition of the subject matter of rights and interests
as based upon Tjukurr sites or tracks.
4.6 APPLICANT GROUP AND THE RELEVANT SOCIETY
- It
is unclear what the parties intended when they formulated this heading and its
various subheadings. The only safe course is to
deal with their
submissions.
(a) Membership criteria
- In
this section, the Wongatha applicants address the question of a distinct
identity of ‘the Wongatha people’. They begin
with a sweeping
submission:
simply, the Wongatha
people as described in the application are those persons of the WDCB (being
of the society from which the laws and customs are derived)
who, pursuant to
those laws and customs, have rights and interests in the land and waters covered
by the application.’ (my emphasis)
This statement is to the effect that the Wongatha people are all those
Western Desert people who have rights and interests, by any
pathway of
connection, in the vast Wongatha Claim area. Although the submission does not
say ‘any part of the land and waters
covered by the application’, it
must mean this. The submission suggests that the Wongatha Claim group is
‘the people’ for the Wongatha Claim area, but the Wongatha
witnesses agreed that some members of other Claim groups satisfy the
description.
It would follow that, according to the submission, these
non-Wongatha Claim group members must also be members of ‘the Wongatha
people as described in the application’, and that their authority was
required for the making of the Wongatha application.
- The
State attacks the GLSC’s sweeping submission quoted above as
follows:
defining of the Wongatha group as a
subset of the larger Western Desert cultural bloc, one that is distinctive only
because it comprises
people who, by the laws of the larger group are connected
with the claim area, is (a) inconsistent with the case put in the Form 1
and the Points of Claim, and (b) leaves no room for (and provides no explanation
for) the suggestion that underpins the overlapping
applications, namely that
distinct groups have independent entitlements in respect of the country within
the claim area and independent
entitlements to the areas in which the various
claimants’ applications overlap. Using the description contained in
paragraph
[581] alone, all members of the Mantjintjarra Ngalia, Koara, Wutha and
Cosmo Newberry respondent groups who have rights and interests
in the claim are
“Wongatha” people.’
I accept this submission. (I would add a reference to the members of the
Maduwongga and NK 1 and NK 2 Claim groups.)
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that the affidavits of the 12 Wongatha applicants
accompanying the Wongatha Form 1 that are to
the effect that ‘all of
the statements made in the application are true’, provide credible
evidence that those 12 applicants
recognise all of the persons described in
Attachment A to the Form 1 (set out at 2.1(a) [126]) as
comprising ‘the Wongatha people’. The affidavits do provide some
evidence to that effect, but they are of very
little weight. The Wongatha
Form 1 states that the application is brought on behalf of ‘the
Wongatha people being’
RM and the biological descendants of the ancestors
named, subject to the exclusion of certain Cosmo claimants. This general
conclusory
statement cannot carry the day against the vast amount of other
evidence in the case. The affidavits are expressed in general, formulaic
terms,
designed to satisfy s 62(1) of the NTA.
- Moreover,
the affidavits were read long after the Wongatha claimants had testified. It
was always clear that many of the assertions
in the Wongatha Form 1 were in
issue and they were in fact the subject of oral testimony, both in chief and in
cross-examination.
In any event, any weight accorded to the 12 affidavits would
also have to be accorded to the affidavits that accompanied the 20
antecedent
claims which were combined to constitute the Wongatha Claim, in many cases sworn
by the same deponents, that is, by Wongatha
applicants. (The earlier 20
Forms 1 and accompanying affidavits were in evidence.) Those affidavits
had supported claims by
smaller antecedent groups to hold native title to
smaller areas within the Wongatha Claim area. The evidence does not explain
how,
for example, the Waljen were ‘the people’ for an area, and now
the Wongatha are ‘the people’ for that area.
- The
State addresses the issue of overlaps. This problem takes its most acute form
as between the four GLSC Claim groups, the criteria
for membership of which are
identical, mutatis mutandis. However, it arises in relation to all
overlaps. If the Claim groups are, indeed, landowning groups, what are the WDCB
rules for
resolving the overlap conflict, and for determining whether an
individual is a member of one overlapping group rather than of another?
The
evidence provides no answer. This suggests that Western Desert laws and customs
do not recognise the Claim groups as landowning
groups.
- The
State suggests that an alternative to such a conflict rule would be available if
the rights and interests claimed were non-exclusive
and usufructuary,
‘compatible with the concurrent and continued undiminished enjoyment of
the land by others’. This
is a matter to which I referred at 4.1
[1201] ff. The State submits that in earlier times, the concurrent existence of
usufructuary rights is liable to have been readily
accommodated, and
that:
small population, comprised of small
groups that did not dwell in a single place and did not exhaust or attempt to
permanently harness
and utilise the resources of a locale is, it is suggested,
suggestive of a population that did not approach the world with any
consciousness
of exclusivity. It is to be noted, however, that none of the
applicant groups have suggested that the native title in the present
case takes
this non-exclusive form.’
The anthropological evidence is uniformly to the effect that roaming,
camping, hunting and gathering did not give rise to rights and
interests over
the area (‘range’, ‘run’, ‘orbit of
occupation’) used for these purposes. In
the areas of responsibility for
sacred sites and the right to speak for country, the Claim groups assert
exclusive rights. In this
respect, there are fundamental conflicts as between,
for example, the Wongatha Claim group and the Cosmo Claim group, and the
Wongatha
Claim group and the Maduwongga Claim group. The Cosmo Claim group
asserts that it alone is the body entitled to determine whether
a person’s
claim to hold rights and interests in the Cosmo Claim area is to be sustained.
The Maduwongga Claim group asserts
that it alone is the body entitled to speak
for the Maduwongga Claim area.
- The
State suggests, ‘[f]or completeness’, a third possible
rationalisation for the concurrent existence of rights in independent
groups:
the existence of a state of anarchy in which might would prevail. However, the
common law would not recognise that solution:
see s 223(1)(c) of the NTA.
- The
Wongatha applicants address the issue of ‘Membership criteria’ under
the headings: (1) ‘Wongatha people’
(a reference to
self-identification by Wongatha claimants as ‘Wongatha/Wangkayi’);
(2) ‘Wongatha language’
(a reference to self-identification arising
from the speaking of a ‘Wongatha’ language); and (3) ‘Wongatha
Law’
(a reference to self-identification arising from recognition of
‘Wongatha’ law).
- In
relation to (1) (‘Wongatha people), the Wongatha applicants refer to the
evidence of Leo Thomas, Dimple Sullivan, Mervyn
Sullivan, Christopher Johnson,
May O’Brien, Thelma O’Loughlin and Kado Muir. The Wongatha
applicants rely on this testimony
in support of the contention that ‘the
Wongatha or Wangkayi people’ identify themselves as a ‘group located
in
a particular area of the Western Desert being an area, which includes the
Wongatha claim area’ and that ‘they [the Wongatha
people] and
others identify and acknowledge this group’ (my emphasis). They also
submit that the same testimony supports the contention that
a person’s
identification is derived from being born, or growing up, in the area. I will
discuss their evidence below.
- Additional
references to the meaning of ‘Wongatha’ are found in the
Pannell/Vachon supplementary report and in GLSC Appendix
D2a. Pannell/Vachon
simply list the names of witnesses with transcript references beside them: in
relation to the use of ‘Wongatha/Wangkayi’
to refer to an Aboriginal
person (nine witnesses); as a term of identity for self and/or other Aboriginal
people connected to the
Wongatha claim area (13 witnesses); to refer to a
country, territory or area (10 witnesses); and as a name for ‘own’
and/or forebears’ language (19 witnesses). The list includes, without
differentiation, the names of claimants who are members
of various Claim groups.
This is also true of the other listings by Pannell/Vachon in their supplementary
report (in some instances
they have given their Claim group membership). This
does not always matter; for example, both Wongatha and non-Wongatha claimants
could give evidence relevant to the issue of the Wongatha Claim group’s
identity as ‘Wongatha’. But observance
of men’s law, for
example, is different. Observance by a Koara claimant or a non-claimant is not
probative of observance by
the Wongatha Claim group. The GLSC applicants should
have allocated evidence of that kind to their submissions in relation to the
respective Claim groups.
- In
relation to (2) (‘Wongatha language’), the Wongatha applicants refer
to the joint report on the linguists’ conference
(3.5(c) [447])
and the testimony of RM, Patrick Edwards, Lorraine Griffiths, Danny Harris,
May O’Brien, and Phyllis Thomas (an MN claimant).
They also rely on
further transcript references to the use and recognition of Wongatha (or
Wangkayi) language noted in the Pannell/Vachon
supplementary report and in GLSC
Appendix A10a.
- In
relation to (3) (‘Wongatha law’), the Wongatha applicants refer to
the testimony of Christopher Johnson, Rhys Winter,
Murray Stubbs, Preston
Thomas, and Paddy Walker (a MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant), and rely on
further transcript references
to Wangkayi/Wongatha law noted in the
Pannell/Vachon supplementary report and in GLSC
Appendix A6a.
(1) ‘Wongatha’ people
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that the Wongatha Claim ‘is brought on behalf
of the Wongatha people, who are described in genealogical
terms in
Attachment A to the Wongatha Form 1. That Form 1 also states
that the application is brought on behalf of
‘the Wongatha people’
(2.1 [126]).
- But
the word ‘Wongatha’ refers to a much wider group than the Wongatha
Claim group. Although the word ‘Wongatha’
has been used with
several meanings, at least one common meaning is something like
‘Aboriginal people of the south-western
part of the Western Desert’.
According to this meaning, the Wongatha Claim area is part of that area where
the people who are
referred to as ‘Wongatha’ live.
- What,
then, is to be gained by evidence that the Wongatha claimants have been called
‘Wongatha’? The comment is invited:
‘They may have been
called Wongatha, but so have many other people, including members of overlapping
Claim groups’.
- Nonetheless,
I will refer to the parties’ submissions and to some of the evidence
referred to in them. It must be remembered
that the Wongatha applicants submit
that the Wongatha Claim group and ‘the Wongatha people’ are one and
the same. Since
I take the expression ‘the Wongatha people’ to
refer to all the Aboriginal people who are referred to as
‘Wongatha’,
they are not the same: the Wongatha Claim group is part
of the Wongatha people.
- Leo
Thomas said that it was the people who went through the Mount Margaret
Mission, who drew the map of the Wongatha Claim area, and that they
based that
area on the areas they and their grandfathers and grandmothers came from. He
said that those who drew the map were ‘Wangkayi
people’, and
‘went back through their area as Wangkayi’. Mr Thomas’s
testimony does not assist greatly
in identifying ‘the Wongatha
people’.
- When
asked which ‘people’, such as the Noongar people or the Yamatji
people, she was from, Dimple Sullivan replied: ‘Wongatha. Wongatha
people’. Unfortunately, immediately beforehand counsel had asked her if
she knew the word
‘Wongatha’, to which she replied ‘Wongatha,
yes, is people’. Later she said, ‘Wongatha people mean
the black
people’, and appeared to agree that a Nangana person is also Wongatha.
Dimple Sullivan seems to have meant that
she was an Aboriginal person of the
Goldfields. She said that when she was a young girl (in the 1920s), she stayed
with her family
in Kalgoorlie for a month or two, and agreed that a lot of
‘Wangkayis’ were then living at Coolgardie (Kalgoorlie and
Coolgardie are south of the Wongatha Claim area and within the Maduwongga Claim
area).
- Mervyn
Sullivan said he described himself as ‘Wangkayi’, and later said
that the Aboriginal people in ‘this’ area are called
‘Wongatha’.
- Christopher
Johnson said that ‘Wongatha’ means an ‘Aboriginal man,
black man’. He said that if he goes somewhere and sees a
Nyungar person,
he still classes that person as a Wangkayi, adding, ‘And they’d say
the same thing in Anangu, but they
don’t say Wangkayi, they say Anangu
there’. He explained that ‘Wangkayi’, ‘Nyungar’,
‘Anangu’
and ‘Mardu’ all mean ‘Aboriginal
person’ to the people who use those terms.
- Mr
Johnson’s testimony seems to be to the effect that the four words he
mentioned are simply words from various dialects for
an Aboriginal person.
Asked if there were people called ‘Wongatha people’, Mr Johnson
replied:
that’s where I come from,
and the Wongatha people it really follows from say like here [Kalgoorlie]
we talk the lingo; it goes on right to Warburton, but the Warburton mob call
their mob Ngaanyatjarra people’.
Mr
Johnson said he did not know where people stop calling themselves
‘Wongatha’ and start calling themselves
‘Ngaanyatjarra’.
- Mr
Johnson appears to be saying that the Wongatha people are the people whose word
for Aboriginal person is ‘Wongatha’
or ‘Wangkayi’. He
places the people who use this term in an area from Kalgoorlie to Warburton. He
also said that the
area from Menzies to Laverton is ‘the Wangkayi
country’. Finally, he said that in his view, there was a time when
everyone
was ‘Wangkayi’, and that the people at Cosmo are all
Wangkayi. When asked what people he was from, he said ‘I
am really from
the Wangkayi tribe’.
- The
effect of Mr Johnson’s evidence is that although he cannot identify the
precise limits of the area where the Wongatha are,
it extends south and east of
the Wongatha Claim area, and people such as the Cosmo claimants are
Wongatha.
- May
O’Brien said that ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’
(she said that when they were children in the Mission they cut
‘Wongatha’
short to ‘Wangkayi’) meant ‘[t]he
Aboriginal people of the area’, ‘black people from the area’.
She did not elaborate on what she meant by ‘the area’, and was not
asked to do so.
- Thelma
O’Loughlin was asked what her ‘country’ was, and replied:
‘All the Wongatha country and Karonie side’. She explained
that Karonie was her mother’s country and was not in the Wongatha Claim
area. (Karonie is about 105 km east
of Kalgoorlie, and about 75 km
south of the Wongatha Claim area.) She identified her ‘my country’
area, which was
smaller than the Wongatha Claim area. She said that she shared
her ‘my country’ area with certain Wongatha people, and
named some
families. Ms O’Loughlin therefore distinguishes between Wongatha
country and her mother’s country at
Karonie.
- The
State submits that there is a confusing diversity of meanings of
‘Wongatha’ and ‘Wangkayi’. It does so
by reference to
the indigenous testimony.
- The
State refers to the evidence of certain witnesses that ‘Wongatha’ or
‘Wangkayi’ means ‘Aboriginal
person’. Those witnesses
include Dimple Sullivan (referred to above), Eric Thomas, Estelle Blizzard, and
the Cosmo applicant,
Harvey Murray. Dennis Forrest acknowledged that some
people gave the term this meaning, but said he believed that Wongatha was
‘a
specific group of people’. Witnesses who gave this meaning,
however, explained that it was the term used for ‘Aboriginal
person’
only by the people in a certain area, while other Aboriginal people, including
others within the Western Desert, used
different terms to mean ‘Aboriginal
person’ (see the testimony of Christopher Johnson, Janice Scott, Doreen
Harris, and
Paddy Walker).
- The
State also refers to witnesses who say that ‘Wongatha’ refers to
people from the Goldfields or north-eastern Goldfields,
although not
specifically the Wongatha Claim area or the Wongatha Claim group.
- Ivan
Forrest said that he thought the term ‘Wongatha’ described the
‘people from the north-eastern Goldfields or from around
the Wongatha
claim ... And some of the people on the outside too’. He did not
elaborate on ‘outside’, but appears
to have meant ‘outside the
north-eastern Goldfields and the Wongatha Claim area’. Interestingly, he
said that when he
was growing up at Kookynie, he heard only the word
‘Wongatha’, and did not hear ‘Wangkayi’ until he heard
it used by ‘people who came through from Mt Margaret’. He referred
to ‘Wangkayi’ as a ‘slang’
form of
‘Wongatha’, which he thought had been introduced by white people
(apparently at the Mount Margaret Mission).
The evidence of Margaret Morgan
(3.7(e) [1116]) and May O’Brien (4.6(a) [1347])
also locates the origin of ‘Wangkayi’ at the Mission.
- For
Ron Harrington-Smith, ‘Wongatha’ related to ‘the
Wongatha people in the Goldfields’. He compared the term with the use of
‘Mardu’
at Wiluna and ‘Ngaanyatjarra’ elsewhere. Janice
Scott, Maisie Harkens, Phillip O’Donoghue, Murray Stubbs and Kado
Muir
also said that ‘Wongatha’ referred to Aboriginal people from the
Goldfields region. The State also refers to certain
witnesses who referred to,
or agreed to the existence of, a Wongatha ‘tribe’ or group.
- Garry
Sullivan said that ‘Wangkayi is a person ... Like you are a white
person’. He said that other people knew him, his brothers,
aunts, uncles
and cousins as ‘Ngarlipa’. He said that one could tell if a person
was Ngarlipa by the way the person
spoke, although it was nearly the same as the
way other Wangkayis spoke. Ultimately, his evidence seems to be that
‘Wangkayi’
refers to a person, while ‘Ngarlipa’ refers
to a people who speak a dialect.
- Paddy
Walker said that the Sullivans were Ngurludharra people. However, he said
that that was because Roy Sullivan was Ngurludharra. Dimple
Sullivan (and her
sons) were clear that Roy Sullivan was from a different group than Dimple
Sullivan’s group, and that his
country was further west and south than
hers. Paddy Walker constantly referred to ‘Wangkayi’ in his
testimony. He said
that ‘Wangkayi’ meant ‘Aboriginal
person’, but when asked if an Aboriginal person from Alice Springs would
be a Wangkayi, he said ‘No, they call it by some different word’.
- Doreen
Harris (a non-claimant) said that she was Ngaanyatjarra, and that
Ngaanyatjarra is the same as Wongatha. For her, Aboriginal people everywhere
are Wongatha. Thus, she said that the people out towards South Australia are
Wongatha. She seemed to modify her ‘Aboriginal
people everywhere’
position, when she said that some have different names. At least, however, the
people from Warburton ‘to
here’ (she was testifying in Kalgoorlie)
were Wongatha. She said that she was a Wangkayi.
- Janice
Scott described the people she grew up with in the Goldfields area as
Wongatha people. She said:
up here [she
was testifying in Kalgoorlie, but did not explain “here”]...
Wongatha means Yananga person. ... It’s the colour of the skin ...
Aboriginal person. ... [In my] father’s language they call them
Yananga. The same thing’.
- Estelle
Blizzard said that a Wangkayi is a person who is Aboriginal born. Eric
Thomas said he thought all Aboriginal people were Wangkayi, including
those from
Cundeelee and Warburton (respectively, south and east of the Wongatha Claim
area). Maisie Harkens defined a Wangkayi person as an Aboriginal person
who, like her mother, had been in the Goldfields area for a long time.
Phillip O’Donoghue said he considered the land over which his
grandmother had roamed was open to all Aboriginal people, ‘be it if
they’
Wangkayi people, and that ‘everybody Wangkayi people’.
He also said, however, that his grandmother told him that the
Wangkayi area was
through the Goldfields, and was distinct from the Noongar and Yamatji areas. He
said that every Aboriginal person
born in Kalgoorlie or the Goldfields was part
of the Wongatha group. Murray Stubbs said that ‘Wongatha’
and ‘Wangkayi’ meant the same thing, and that a Wongatha person is a
person from the
north-eastern Goldfields.
- While
the State submits that there was no uniform explanation for the difference
between ‘Wongatha’ and ‘Wangkayi’,
and Group 6A
lists people who identified as ‘Wangkayi’ as examples of people
using a different term of group identity
from ‘Wongatha’, I accept
that ‘Wongatha’ and ‘Wangkayi’ were approximate
synonyms. There was
some indigenous evidence that ‘Wangkayi’ is a
colloquial or slang form of ‘Wongatha’ that emerged from the
Mount
Margaret Mission; and also that one form was singular and the other plural.
- The
significance of the term ‘Wongatha’ was also the subject of
anthropological evidence. In their primary report, Pannell/Vachon
described the
Wongatha claimants as being part of a wider ‘Wongatha society’,
which included Wiluna, Warburton, Coonana,
and, to a lesser degree, Ooldea and
Tjuntjuntjarra. In cross-examination, Dr Pannell explained that she had
meant that the
Wongatha claimants had ‘connections’ and
‘interactions’ with people at the places named, and that by
‘society’
she had been referring, not to ‘a bound and discrete
entity, but a network, a shifting network of interaction and
communication’.
She said, however, that the Wongatha Claim area
‘broadly coincides’ with historical recordings of the term
‘Wongatha’.
She did not mean, however, that the boundaries of the
Wongatha Claim area represent approximate boundaries of the people identified
as
‘Wongatha’, as the following further references to her testimony
make clear.
- Dr Pannell
said that ‘Wongatha’ can be applied to Aboriginal people both inside
and outside the Wongatha Claim area
and that not all people who identify as
‘Wongatha’ are part of the Wongatha Claim group. She said that
‘Wongatha’
is a term of identity used ‘generally [in] the
south-western area of the Western Desert, but not exclusively’. She
agreed
that ‘Wongatha’ can be used as a ‘generic term for an
indigenous person’. She also said that ‘Wongatha’
is a term
used in different contexts and that Wongatha claimants also use other terms of
identity for themselves.
- In
Berndts, World, Professor Berndt and Dr Berndt stated (p 35):
result of alien impact, and of increasing
estrangement from traditional Aboriginal ways, is the attempt to arrive at a
general social
identification in terms of Aboriginality: labels, not tribal
names, like Jamadji (‘friend’), Nunga or Nyoongar
(‘people’),
Wonggai or Wongi (‘speech’), are used to
signify ‘people of Aboriginal descent’ as contrasted with
‘white
people’.
This passage was
taken up with Mr Vachon, who agreed that throughout the Western Desert,
different words are used to distinguish Aboriginal
people from Europeans, such
as ‘Wonggai’, ‘Anangu’, ‘Martu’ and
‘Pintupi’. As noted
above, Dr Pannell also said that
‘Wongatha’ can be used as a generic term for indigenous persons. Of
course, bearing
only the significance ‘Aboriginal person as distinct from
a European’, ‘Wongatha’ and the other terms mentioned
must
have post-dated first contact. However, I do not think that that exhausts their
meaning.
- Dr Sackett
said that the Cosmo claimants are not part of ‘the Wongatha society’
as it has been described (by Dr Pannell
and Mr Vachon), adding,
however, that they are part of a larger society that includes the Wongatha
society. He conceded that
more of them had links to Wongatha claimants than had
links to Ngaanyatjarra people, and that ‘they say that they’re
Wangkayi at times’. They use ‘Wangkayi’ to refer to their way
of speaking, and to mean ‘Aboriginal person’,
and can speak of
people at Kalgoorlie and Wiluna as ‘Wangkayi’. Dr Sackett said
that when he first went to Wiluna
in 1972, the people there constantly referred
to themselves as Wangkayi, but that nowadays they call themselves
‘Mardu’.
Similarly, he said that the Ngaanyatjarra ‘seem to
have expanded lately, so that many more people identify as Ngaanyatjarra
than
did in the past’. Dr Sackett agreed that ‘all of these
self-identifications move over time’
- Over
some 40 pages, Group 6A addresses the question of the membership criteria
of the Wongatha Claim group. Group 6A identifies
numerous Wongatha
witnesses who identified the group to which they belonged by reference to a name
other than that of their Claim
group. However, Group 6A wrongly included
claimants who identified as ‘Wangkayi’, which, as noted above, I
regard
as an approximate synonym for ‘Wongatha’. The evidence to
which they refer demonstrates that some witnesses identified
themselves in a
number of ways, including what appeared to be subgroups or family groups within
the Wongatha Claim group or other
groups based on the identities of relatives,
or on their connection or presence in areas outside the Wongatha Claim area.
Some non-Wongatha
Claim group members, such as Estelle Blizzard and Elton Polak,
identified as ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’. The
following
summaries of indigenous evidence demonstrate its diversity.
LIP listed Wongatha claimants
|
|
‘[I belong to] I think the Wongatha group, but another group called
the Ngurludharra group’.
|
|
Ashley Blake
|
‘Wangkayi’ group. Prior to Native Title, everyone was Wangkayi
but since Native Title, groups such as Koara and Wutha
have arisen.
|
|
Jessie Evans
|
Did not know the group to which she or her husband belonged. It had a name
which she had forgotten.
|
|
Leo Thomas
|
Called his original claim ‘Waljen’ because RM, his
“grandfather”, told him to do so. He did not call it
‘Wongatha’,
‘Because we all one people’. Asked why he
claimed for the Waljen people rather than the Wongatha people, he said
‘because
the Waljen people and the Wongatha people, they all
family’.
|
|
Dennis Forrest
|
Considered himself part of Wongatha group, but said that when he was
growing up and when he was in Kalgoorlie, ‘people used
to call us the
Lungkutjarra mob’, around the Kookynie area. He believes that Wongatha
country is larger than the Wongatha
Claim area and is made up of
sub-groups.
|
|
Ivan Forrest
|
‘An elder on the Lungkutjarra group’. Said in relation to the
Bibila Lungkutjarra Waljen Claim, that the Bibila Lungkutjarra,
who call
themselves Waljen people, have an entitlement with the Koara people and the
Goolburthunoo, who are Waljen people, against
everybody else. He said
‘the bulk of the [Wongatha] Claim area is Waljen, Lungkutjarra Waljen, and
Goolburthunoo was Waljen
and Bibila Lungkutjarra was Waljen’. He said
‘we’ve put the Wongatha claim right over the top and we’re
one
people’. It brings in people who are entitled to this country.
|
|
Anthony Harris
|
Because he lived in Wiluna for seven years, he was both Wangkayi and Mardu,
but the people in Kalgoorlie and Leonora are Wangkayis.
When in Wiluna, he is
Mardu because he is there with them, in Kalgoorlie he is Wangkayi (which is what
his grandmother was), and
in Leonora he is Tjupan, following his grandfather.
|
|
Cecily Harris
|
‘Tjupan Wangkayi’ on the basis that her mother was Wangkayi and
her father Tjupan.
|
|
Elvis Stokes
|
When Native Title arrived, people segregated themselves into Waljen, Koara
and other groups. He asked what ‘Waljen’ meant
and was told that it
was the Wongatha people, then ‘Waljen’ ceased to be used in favour
of ‘Wongatha’ or
‘Wangkayi’. His understanding was that
there was a Waljen group and a Waljen language, which were converted into a
Wongatha
group and Wongatha language.
|
|
Christopher Johnson
|
He is a Wongatha man. Can be classified as Wongatha or Mardu (his
mother’s side). When he went through the law at Cundeelee
he also became
part of the Anangu, although when he was initiated he was asked to leave that
place.
|
|
Janice Scott (not listed on any LIP but called as a Wongatha claimant)
|
Used to be a member of the Kulputjanu group, which is now combined in the
Wongatha claim, and also described herself as part of the
Spinifex people. She
grew up in the Goldfields area. The people in that area are the Wongatha
people. Her father told her the
traditional owners for Yundamindra were the
Wongatha people. She is related to them. When they came in from the bush they
intermarried
with the Wongatha people at Laverton and the Mission. When she was
growing up, she only ever heard of the Wongatha group.
|
|
Garry Sullivan
|
Belonged to Wangkayi mob and is also known by other Wangkayis as
‘Ngarlipa’ meaning the people who live around the Laverton
and
Leonora areas. He also described Wangkayi as a person and
‘Ngarlipa’ as a language.
|
|
Eric Thomas
|
Was involved in the Ngurlutjarra Waljen claim, but withdrew because of
fighting. Said his country is Waljen country, meaning his
mother’s
country. ‘Waljen’ was the name of the tribe according to what his
mother told him before she died.
|
|
Geoffrey Stokes
|
The Goolburthunoo people are his ‘immediate family’, and his
family are Waljen and his people are Wongatha, and he considers
himself a
Waljen. His father always told him that he was Wongatha. He heard the other
names only with Native Title. Waljen is
a clan of the Wongatha tribe.
|
|
|
|
LIP listed MN claimants
|
|
Nancy Gordon
|
Before being ‘invited’ to be a MN claimant by her aunties
Phyllis Thomas and Dolly Muir, she was part of the Thithee Birni
Bunna Wiya
claim (that was combined into the Wongatha Claim in January/February 1999). She
said that this name meant ‘Children
Without Land’, and that that
claim had been made on behalf of all the children who had gone through the
Mission. She said
that that was the reason why she was a claimant on that
claim.
|
|
Kalman Murphy
|
Belongs to two groups: Mantjintjarra and Ngaanatjarra.
|
|
MM
|
Unsure of the name of the group to which he belongs, but in
cross-examination said it was ‘Ngalia’. He said that the
names of
groups are constantly changing, but that he did ‘not really’
consider himself Ngaanatjarra because he grew up
around Leonora. However, he
knew that his father and grandfather were Ngaanatjarra. He said he did not know
if he had ever attached
the name ‘Mantjintjarra’ to himself. He had
heard of ‘Ngalia’, and said that he was Ngalia.
|
|
Elton Polak
|
Described himself as Wangkayi.
|
LIP
listed Wutha claimant
|
|
Verna Vos
|
Described herself as belonging to the ‘Tjupan people’.
|
- Group 6A
also provides a table identifying who were the applicants and claimants on the
twenty claims that were combined into
the Wongatha Claim. Group 6A
submits that ‘[v]irtually all witnesses had been members of various claims
that ultimately
came together as the Wongatha Claim’ and that this fact
alone ‘negates the contention of a group comprising the [Wongatha
claimants]’.
- I
do not know what Group 6A means by ‘virtually all witnesses’. If
Group 6A means ‘all witnesses who are LIP
listed Wongatha
claimants’, my response is: ‘Of course: what else would one expect,
in view of the fact that the Wongatha
Claim is a combination of the 20
antecedent claims?’
- In
any event, Group 6A’s submission goes too far. Wongatha is an overarching
or umbrella grouping: Aboriginal people of the
south-western part of the Western
Desert. It is true that the course of events leading to the combination in
January/February may
suggest that the notion of the Wongatha as an overarching
or umbrella group was an afterthought; in other words, that the groupings
which
first, and therefore presumably more naturally, suggested themselves, were the
20 pre-combination claim groups. There must
be taken into account, however, the
fact that several witnesses gave evidence:
- that people were
being advised to lodge claims according to family groups;
- that people
thought they were not included in other claims and were going to miss out, so,
in the rush, lodged those family group
claims; and
- that there was
general confusion at the time (see Dennis Forrest, Geoffrey Stokes, Aubrey
Lynch, Dimple Sullivan, Ron Harrington Smith).
Several
witnesses also said that they did not know the meaning of the names of their
earlier groups, and some said that prior to Native
Title, everyone was just
‘Wongatha’. Ivan Forrest said: ‘We’ve put the Wongatha
Claim right over the top
and we’re one people’.
- Although
this evidence touching the circumstances of the making of the 20 antecedent
claims was of a non-specific kind, I accept
it. It is credible that in the
rush, claims were made by relatively small family groups. The term
‘Wongatha’, which
appears to have had a geographical reference that
included, inter alia, the 20 antecedent claim areas, was appropriated as
the
name of the combined claim.
- I
do not draw any inference adverse to the significance of ‘Wongatha’
as an identifier of the Wongatha claimants from
the fact that it was not used in
the name of any of the 20 antecedent claims. This is not to say that I
consider that ‘the
Wongatha’ (or any of the antecedent claim groups)
was recognised as a landowning group by Western Desert law and custom.
- I
conclude as follows:
- (1) A claim
group is not required to have the identity that a name gives, in order to
establish that it is a group that has group
rights and interests;
- (2) A group name
used as an identifier by the group and by others is, however, some evidence that
the group has an identity, at least
from some perspective (such as a dialectal
or landowning perspective);
- (3) The name
‘Wongatha’, when referring to people, has been used with various
meanings, the two main ones being: (1) Aboriginal
people in the south-western
area of the Western Desert, and (2) as the term used by the people there to
identify Aboriginal people
anywhere as distinct from non-Aboriginal people;
- (4) Perhaps the
more common meaning is the first: Aboriginal people in the south-western area of
the Western Desert;
- (5) The evidence
does not permit me to determine when the term ‘Wongatha’ was first
used with that meaning;
- (6) The area
referred to (the south-western area of the Western Desert) is greater than, but
includes, the Wongatha Claim area;
- (7) There is not
a ‘Wongatha people’ with identifiable membership criteria; rather,
the people who live in the south-western
area of the Western Desert are loosely
called ‘Wongatha’;
- (8) Those people
are more numerous than the Wongatha Claim group;
- (9) Contrary to
the Wongatha Form 1 and POC (2.1 [126], [129]), the Wongatha Claim
group is not ‘the Wongatha people’;
- (10) The
Wongatha claimants and the members of the other Claim groups are part of the
large but ill-defined south-western part of
the Western Desert, the inhabitants
of which are sometimes identified as ‘Wongatha’; and
- (11) The
‘Wongatha’ identity is not probative of the separate existence of
the smaller Wongatha Claim group as a recognised
group within the Western
Desert.
(2) ‘Wongatha’ language
- I
referred to the linguists’ joint report at 3.5(c)[447] ff, and
I discussed language further at 3.6(f)[1024] ff. The Wongatha
applicants submit that the linguistic evidence also supports the proposition
that ‘the Wongatha’
regard themselves as ‘an identifiable
people from a particular region which includes the [Wongatha] claim area’.
Dr Clendon
and Dr Sommer agreed that the Wongatha claimants’
language, ‘insofar as it [was] attested, [was] indisputably of
a Western
Desert type’. ‘Wongatha’, as the name of a speech variety,
is, as acknowledged by Dr Sommer, the
linguist called by the State,
‘indexical of the general area of the south-west of the Western Desert
area’. By ‘south-west
of the Western Desert’, he meant to
refer to generally the Wongatha Claim area and country to the north-east of it,
towards,
and perhaps including, Warburton.
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that the evidence of claimants clearly referred to a
Wongatha or Wangkayi language, although it was
sometimes described as ‘the
same as or similar to neighbouring varieties’. Eric Thomas, for
example, called the
language he spoke ‘Wangkayi’, and said that the
language of the people of Cundeelee and Warburton was a bit different.
- The
Wongatha submissions quote from the testimony of RM, Patrick Edwards, Lorraine
Griffiths, Danny Harris, May O’Brien and
Phyllis Thomas (an MN claimant).
As well, they refer to the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report and to GLSC
Appendix A10. Pannell/Vachon
simply give the names and transcript page numbers
of 13 witnesses and then, later, 19 witnesses. The list is an undiscriminating
mixture of Wongatha and other GLSC claimants. In this case (language), that
does not necessarily matter: it depends on what the
witnesses say.
- GLSC
Appendix A10 is headed ‘Language’, and the divisions in it are,
as usual, allocated to the respective GLSC Claim
groups. The divisions and the
numbers of witnesses whose testimony is referred to in them respectively are as
follows:
|
Division
|
Claim Group
|
Witnesses referred to
|
|
A10a
|
Wongatha
|
40
|
|
A10b
|
MN
|
8
|
|
A10c
|
Koara
|
6
|
|
A10d
|
Wutha
|
4
|
|
TOTAL
|
|
58
|
- GLSC
Appendix A10 does not include testimony relating to language given by non-GLSC
witnesses, ie, Cosmo, Maduwongga, NK 1 and
NK 2 claimants.
- A
lengthy critique of the indigenous testimony relating to the ‘Wongatha
dialect’ is contained in Groups 5B/5F’s
submissions. Groups 5B/5F
suggest that Appendix 10 seems to have been prepared to include everyone
who had even the slightest
knowledge of Aboriginal language. They point out,
for example, that it includes Adele Phillips, who only gave the Aboriginal words
for stone and little black berry, and said she could not remember the Aboriginal
word for ‘hunting’. Groups 5B/5F point
out, with some reason, that
at least in terms of knowledge of Aboriginal language, I should infer that the
remaining 35 indigenous
witnesses could not have assisted.
- The
following conclusions emerge from Groups 5B/5F’s analysis of the
evidence:
- Wangkayi is not
used as a primary means of communication by the members of any GLSC Claim
group;
- Often language
knowledge and fluency were overstated;
- Several
witnesses said they could not speak Wangkayi but could understand it or parts of
it;
- There was less
knowledge among the Wongatha claimants of Aboriginal names of places, in
particular, places where mythological beings
were said to have resided or gone
through, than Mr Vachon would have expected.
- As
noted elsewhere, the view generally accepted by linguists and anthropologists is
that the Western Desert was characterised by a
‘chain’ or
‘spread’ of mutually intelligible ‘dialects’. Dr
Clendon notes that variation would
take on a ‘dialectal’ level of
distinctiveness only over a significant distance. Not surprisingly, there was a
loose
relationship between dialect and territory: speakers of the same dialect
were associated with the same part of the Western Desert.
Professor Berndt said
that dialect was directly associated with (a) the local group, and (b) a
constellation of more or less contiguous
local groups (Berndt
1959 (p 102)). He said that a dialect ‘could be taken as
extending over a specified tract of
country’ (ibid). However,
migration and intermarriage complicate the picture, and it would be wrong to
think that all within a certain territory
necessarily spoke or speak the same
dialect.
- The
State submits that Wongatha is not a territorially based dialect of the kind
described in Berndt 1959, but is a hybrid language
that resulted from the mixing
together in the Mount Margaret Mission of people from different dialectal
groups. There is, indeed,
evidence that at the Mission the children spoke a
‘mixed up’ language. Dr Sackett seems to adopt this view as to the
origin of the Wongatha language, based in part on what Cosmo claimants, Frances
Murray and Estelle Ross, told him. Other witnesses,
such as Janice Scott, Danny
Harris and Cyril Barnes, expressed the same view.
- Harvey
Murray, the Cosmo applicant, said, in relation to the teaching of Aboriginal
language at the Cosmo school, that he called the
language ‘Wongatha
language’, and continued:
when I refer
to Wongatha it means an Aboriginal person, and that means Wongatha is a mixture
of languages that came out of Mount Margaret
Mission and the language I grew up
with here is mostly Ngaanyatjarra so it’s a mixture of both, and I just
refer to it as Aboriginal
language.’
Harvey Murray’s evidence is not just that the word
‘Wangkayi’ originated in the Mission, but that the actual mixed
up
language called ‘Wongatha’ did.
- No
doubt there was a mixing up of language in the Mission, and elsewhere near
European centres where Aboriginal people from different
locations came to live
side by side in communities and came to speak what have been termed
‘communilects’. Even on the
view that the dialect now called
‘Wongatha’ originated in the Mission, constituent elements of it
must have pre-dated
the Mission.
- The
State submits that the indigenous testimony does
not:
decisively to any particular language,
or any consistent form of language, that is understood amongst the Wongatha
claimants, the
other claimants represented by the GLSC, or by any other section
of society to attach to membership of the Wongatha group’.
- As
I appreciate the evidence, the position in relation to language as an identifier
is much the same as the position in relation to
the identification of Aboriginal
people as the group labels, ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’.
The most that can
be said is that a speech variety which has been, and is,
designated as a ‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’ language,
is
associated with the south-western part of the Western Desert, including, but not
limited to, the Wongatha Claim area. It has
been spoken by more people than the
Wongatha claimants, and is associated with members of other Claim groups, and no
doubt with other
people outside the Claim groups. Evidence of the speaking of
‘Wongatha’ by non-Wongatha claimants was given by Richard
Evans,
Stewart Evans, Brett Lewis and RB. Jane Beasley, an MN claimant, said that her
mother spoke Mantjiltjarra/Koara but also
spoke the language of her father and
grannies, namely, Wongatha language, which, she said, is the only language
spoken in the Goldfields
these days. Other non-Wongatha witnesses who gave
evidence of the speaking of Wongatha include Troy Chapman, Nancy Gordon, Adele
Phillips, Hudson Westlake, Justine Westlake and Wayne Westlake. A number
of other Cosmo witnesses could be added.
- The
volume of evidence given in relation to Aboriginal language was great. For
example, GLSC Appendices A10a comprised 147 pages
of extracts; A10b,
20 pages; A10c, 20 pages; and A10d, 4 pages – a total of
191 pages of extracts. Rather
than reserve consideration of GLSC
Appendices A10b, A10c and A10d to Chs 5, 6 and 7 respectively, because
the testimony
in each Appendix refers to more than one language, it is
convenient to arrive at conclusions in relation to language as a group
identifier
in respect of all four GLSC Claim groups.
- Dr Clendon
saw connections between the words recorded by the early anthropologists as being
used at the turn of the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries. However, he said
that the speech varieties denoted by such labels as ‘Wongatha’
result from
the ‘collocation in recent history of certain families at the
settlements ... and do not necessarily represent traditional
(pre-contact)
linguistic configurations’. He
added:
we observe at present is a number of
different speech varieties peculiar to, and characteristic of particular
settlements administered
along modern European
lines.’
- I
accept Dr Sommer’s evidence:
is
evident from a consideration of [Dr Clendon’s linguistic report for
the Wongatha Claim] that the evidence of named speech varieties is so
complex and (recently) confused as to be unreliable if not worthless in
attaching speakers to country, or
identifying social groups in an
unambiguous fashion.’
- I
accept, however, that there is continuity between early records made at places
in the Wongatha Claim area and Waljen (or Wongatha
– if they are
distinct).
- The
most that can be said is that elements of the dialect spoken by the Wongatha
claimants or their ancestors are of a south-western
Western Desert type. I do
not accept that there is a language or dialect that distinguishes the Wongatha
Claim group from other
Claim groups.
- In
relation to the MN, Koara and Wutha Claim groups, Dr Sommer referred to the
‘bewildering linguistic complexity of the
[Western Desert] area’ and
expressed the opinion that, as in the case of the Wongatha Claim group, the
linguistic situation
is so complex and daunting that it was not possible to
identify unambiguously connection with country or linguistic distinctiveness
of
the various Claim groups. I agree. This is not to say that the claimants from
the four GLSC Claim groups do not descend from
people who spoke a Western Desert
dialect – they did. The problem is one of relating this conclusion to (a)
land, and (b)
the issue of the distinctiveness of the Claim
groups.
Conclusions on language as an identifier of a Claim group
- My
conclusions are as follows:
- I
find that there has been considerable language death or loss in the Wongatha
Claim area, with the result that much of the indigenous
testimony related to
Aboriginal language that was spoken by the witness’s parents, grandparents
or other persons belonging
to a generation older than that of the witness.
Similarly, such ability to speak Aboriginal language as remains is possessed by
elderly or middle aged people, not by the young. Some younger people know a few
Aboriginal words but do not have Aboriginal language
as a means of
communication.
- All
witnesses testified in English, and it was not asked that any witness testify in
an Aboriginal language, aided by an interpreter.
However, with very few
exceptions, the witnesses were not fluent in English. Moreover, there were
occasions when witnesses resorted
to Aboriginal words when they encountered
difficulty in English. There were also instances of a person who apparently
knew the witness’s
Aboriginal language sitting with the witness to
interpret any particular word or question that, in English, might cause the
witness
difficulty.
- The
indigenous witnesses gave evidence of language that he or she or someone else
spoke, or a certain name, such as ‘Wongatha’,
‘Koara’,
‘Tjupan’, ‘Mantjiltjarra’, ‘Waljen’,
‘Ngaanyatjarra’. Whether
all people would call the particular
language or dialect by the same name was not clear. Dr Clendon observed
that dialectal
groups were sometimes given more than one nickname.
- Frequently,
the evidence was that certain people spoke ‘a little differently’
but that the witness could understand them.
Evidence of this kind is consistent
with the ‘dialect chain’ or ‘dialect spread’ of related
and mutually
intelligible dialects across the Western Desert that linguists
accept. Dr Clendon referred to ‘the received understanding
of the
various speech varieties traditionally spoken over most of Australia’s
central arid zone as being mutually intelligible
varieties of a larger
linguistic taxonomic category referred to as the Western Desert
language’.
- It
is not possible to align particular languages with particular Claim groups, eg
the language of the Wongatha claimants and their
ancestors is Wongatha; the
language of the Koara and their ancestors is Koara.
- The
mixing of people from different areas that has occurred at centres of European
settlement in missions and otherwise since first
contact, make it impossible to
reconstruct the linguistic landscape that existed at sovereignty.
- There
was and is a language or dialect of a Western Desert kind called
‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’ that was,
and is still to a
more limited extent, used in the south-west of the Western Desert.
- Dialectal
groups in the Western Desert are not landowning
groups.
(3) ‘Wongatha’ law
- There
is a difficulty with this elliptical heading. It will be recalled that the
general heading is ‘4.6 Applicant group and
the relevant society’,
and the general sub-heading is ‘(a) Membership criteria’.
Apparently, then, it is intended
to show that there is a ‘Wongatha’
law that somehow contributes to identification of the Wongatha Claim group.
- Shortly,
there is no ‘Wongatha’ law, ‘Koara’ law,
‘Maduwongga’ law, or law peculiar to any other
Claim group. Nor is
there a law peculiar to any ‘Wongatha people’ or ‘Wongatha
society’ wider than, but
including, the Wongatha Claim group, yet short of
the WDCB society. All the Claim groups rely on Western Desert law. Western
Desert
law does not recognise, let alone differentiate between, the respective
Claim groups.
- The
Wongatha applicants refer to the testimony of the following witnesses regarding
the law: Christopher Johnson, Rhys Winter, Murray
Stubbs, Preston Thomas and
Paddy Walker. They also refer to the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report and to
GLSC Appendix A6. Pannell/Vachon
simply give a list of the names of 16 Wongatha
and non-Wongatha witnesses, without distinguishing between them, and the
transcript
citations for any references made by these witnesses to the matter of
following ‘Wongatha’ law (referred to in various
ways, such as
‘Wongatha law’ or ‘Wangkayi way’), in relation to
various practices, including birth, burial,
kinship, marriage, claiming country
and attending ceremonies, as well as initiation. GLSC Appendix A6a gives
extracts of the
testimony of 35 indigenous witnesses under the heading
‘Wongatha – Ceremonies and Law Business’.
- I
treat the numerous references by the indigenous witnesses to
‘Wongatha’ or ‘Wangkayi’ law as references
to
‘Aboriginal’ law. The witnesses were not thinking about
distinctions between Claim groups or between parts of the
Western Desert. They
were merely thinking about Aboriginal law as they understood it to be. Murray
Stubbs, for example, gave evidence
that if he did something wrong under Wongatha
law, he or a close family member could be punished. Paddy Walker said that
under ‘Wangkayi
law’, mining companies should see the wati
prior to mining. Statements such as these refer to ‘Aboriginal law’
known to the witness.
- Group 6A
attacked the Wongatha applicants’ reliance on ‘Wongatha law’
as going to identify the Wongatha Claim
group. Group 6A refers in detail to the
testimony of numerous witnesses relied on by the Wongatha applicants, including
Rhys Winter,
Anthony Harris, Murray Stubbs, Garry Sullivan, Preston Thomas,
Paddy Walker, Dennis Forrest, May O’Brien, Eric Thomas, Pearlie
Wells,
Lois Laidlaw, Doreen Harris, Phyllis Thomas, LA and Dolly Walker. I need not
discuss all this evidence or Group 6A’s
submissions. Often the criticism
was to the effect that the particular passage does not demonstrate present day
acknowledgement
and observance – the subject matter of 4.7.
- No
witness, expert or lay, has suggested that there is a Wongatha law, different
from the law applying in the Western Desert generally.
The passages of
transcript referred to in GLSC Appendix A6 (and GLSC Appendix F1),
which relate to initiation, do not
point to any specifically Wongatha law.
Further, Mr Vachon was not able to identify any feature of the laws and
customs of
the respective Wongatha, MN, Koara or Wutha ‘peoples’
that distinguished between them.
(b) Relationship with the ancestral society
- I
discussed the expression ‘ancestral society’ at 4.2 [1272]
above.
- Again,
this heading on which the parties agreed is ambiguous. Relationship of what or
whom with the WDCB society – the Wongatha
Claim group or the Wongatha
claimants, individual by individual? Is the expression ‘the Ancestral
Society’ intended
to refer to the WDCB society as it was in 1829 or as it
is today?
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that their submissions indicate ‘a close
historical relationship between Aboriginal people in
the [Wongatha] claim area
and the wider WDCB’. They refer to the archaeological evidence. I have
noted previously that I
accept Professor Veth’s testimony that Aboriginal
people who were at various sites within the Wongatha Claim area were of a
Western Desert adaptation.
- In
their primary report Pannell/Vachon discuss the question of the relationship
between the Wongatha claimants and the WDCB. They
note that they have
identified antecedents of Wongatha claimants in records dating from as early as
1896 and in the records of the
anthropologists, Bates, Elkin and Tindale, and of
the Mount Margaret Mission.
- Pannell/Vachon
state that, with only a few exceptions, the Wongatha claimants identify their
immediate antecedents as ‘coming
from’ or ‘belonging to’
places within the Wongatha Claim area. They accept that for ‘a handful of
senior
individuals’, their immediate antecedents originate from places
outside that area, such as the Warburton Ranges and further
east and north-east.
Nonetheless, according to Pannell/Vachon, those immediate antecedents belonged
to other Western Desert communities,
and, therefore, would have acknowledged
laws and customs similar to those acknowledged by ‘the Wongatha
group’. They
state:
not physically
connected to the claim area through birth or “growing up”, as adults
these antecedents lived within the
claim area together with the forebears of the
other Wongatha claimants. Presumably, the basis of this co-occupation is the
acknowledgment
of their similar laws and customs.’
- Moreover,
according to Pannell/Vachon, although these particular claimants may not be able
to trace their genealogical ancestry to
forebears who had a physical connection
to the Wongatha Claim area, those claimants themselves ‘express a
connection to [that]
area in accordance with the Western Desert-style laws and
customs of the Wongatha claimant group’. Notably, Pannell/Vachon
say
(ibid) that these claimants:
born on
the [Wongatha] claim area, “grew up” on and walked around the claim
area, and, through their interactions with
other Wongatha claimants and their
immediate forebears, acknowledged the same laws and customs. These claimants
trace their ancestry
to the claim area through their co-occupation with the
previous occupiers and their observation of the same social and cultural
traditions’.
(It will be recalled that tracing one’s ancestry to a person whose
‘country’ was within the Wongatha Claim area
was the ‘pathway
of connection’, alternative to ‘birth and growing up’, of an
individual’s membership
of the Wongatha Claim group, according to the
Wongatha POC – see 2.1 [129])
- The
Wongatha applicants refer to a Pannell/Vachon ‘draft’ or
‘working document’ listing senior Wongatha claimants
and their
forebears, and to a history of pedigrees constructed by Daisy Bates, bearing
working notes by Mr Vachon. In addition,
Wongatha claimants testified of
their own ancestries, which, generally speaking, was not the subject of
cross-examination. In many,
but not all instances, Wongatha claimants could
point to certain forebears who had lived, at some time or times, at some place
or
places within the vast Wongatha Claim area.
- This,
however, is not to be equated with having one’s ‘my country’
area (either theirs or the Wongatha claimants’)
within that area. The
fact that a person has spent some part of his or her life living at a place or
places within an area the size
of the Wongatha Claim area is not, without more,
particularly significant. I note that it is a claimant’s place of birth
and
growing up that is referred to in the Wongatha POC.
- The
Wongatha applicants also rely on the anthropologists’ expert conference
report (see 3.5(a)[411]) which, in relation to ‘(d) Continuity of
Traditional Laws and Customs’, expresses the agreement of the
participating
anthropologists that ‘there has been continuity in
occupation and use in some parts of the [Wongatha] claim area by the [Wongatha]
claimants and their forebears since sovereignty’.
- The
Wongatha applicants are apparently attempting to show a genealogical connection
between the Wongatha claimants and occupants of
the Wongatha Claim area in 1829.
But such a connection is relevant only if there is a law or custom by which
membership of the Wongatha
Claim group is necessarily genealogical or partly so,
and/or there exists a law or custom by which native title rights and interests
in respect of land are able to be exercised by a person by reason of a
forebear’s having had such rights and interests.
- This
is not the Wongatha case. According to the Wongatha POC, there is no need to
prove a pre-sovereignty connection of Wongatha
claimants’ ancestors with
the Wongatha Claim area. If the ‘ancestor’s connection’ basis
of a claimant’s
own connection is relied on at all, apparently any
ancestor, including a more recent one, will suffice. And, if the
‘ancestor’s
connection’ basis is not relied on, but the
‘birth and growing up in the Claim area’ basis is relied upon,
ancestors
are irrelevant.
(c) Relationship with other Claim groups
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that the Wongatha POC and the MN, Koara and Wutha
Points of Response, show that the four GLSC Claim
groups ‘claim shared
rights and interests in areas of overlap.’ Their primary submission is
that the evidence shows
that ‘all of the [Wongatha] claim area falls
within the WDCB’. Alternatively they submit that the bulk of it does,
with
an area to the south-west being at the margin. I resolved this issue at
3.6(a)(b). They submit that the inter-group relationships are
underpinned by the fact that many of the claimants in the Wongatha and
overlapping
Claim groups have common ancestors, and by the intermarriage that
has occurred.
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that accessing and utilising the ‘my
country’ area of other claimants involves what Pannell/Vachon
describe in
their supplementary report as a ‘process of assertion and the recognition
that inter-relatedness exists’, which includes individuals advising
or presenting themselves to senior men and women in the area.
- This
advising or presenting process incorporates concepts of shame. More precisely,
the Wongatha applicants submit that failure to
carry out this process is acting
kunta wiya (with no shame). Pannell/Vachon’s supplementary
report states:
our opinion, the key
consideration from the claimants’ point of view is not about gaining
permission to hunt/gather and camp.
And, in any case, we have found nothing in
the primary evidence to suggest that a person would be refused if such a request
were
to be made. Rather, the process of assertion and acknowledgement concerns
making oneself known, either as a kinsman or an affine
or the relation of a
person who “comes from” that country. If this is not done, a person
is acting kunta wiya, with “no
shame”.’
- The
expressions ‘access protocol’ and ‘kunta wiya’
refer to a ‘right to be asked’. In Myers, Pintupi, Professor
Myers said (p 99): ‘For the Pintupi, to own something is to have the
right to be asked about it’. Similarly,
Professor Tindale said in
Tindale, Aboriginal Tribes, p 18, that a Western Desert man had said:
‘my country is the place where I can cut a spear or make a spear thrower
without
asking anyone’. The question of access protocols arises in this
Chapter and later Chapters. It is put that the holder of
a ‘my
country’ area, not the representatives of the respective Claim groups, has
the right to be asked under traditional
law and custom, and that only a person
without a sense of shame (kunta wiya) would fail to show that person the
respect to which he or she is entitled. Kado Muir, an MN, NK 1 and NK 2
claimant explained the
basis of the access protocol as a duty to be open and
inform, and not to come by stealth: see 10. 5(c) [3822] ff.
- The
Wongatha applicants refer to the evidence given on this matter by Dennis Forrest
and Luxie Hogarth (a senior Koara claimant),
and to the citation in the
Pannell/Vachon supplementary report, of the testimony of nine further claimants,
including five Wongatha
claimants: Eric Thomas, Leo Thomas, May O’Brien,
Dimple Sullivan and Garry Sullivan.
- The
Wongatha applicants also refer to the practice of papaluku (a practice of
greeting and acknowledgement (there are other spellings such as pupulagu
and papula), and to the supporting testimony of Eric Thomas, Cyril
Barnes, Phyllis Thomas and Kado Muir, the last two being non-Wongatha
claimants.
- Before
I turn to the evidence, I note an incongruity in the Wongatha applicants’
submission. The access protocol relates to
the ‘my country’ area of
the individual Wongatha claimant. The submission says so, and it is difficult
to understand
how it could be otherwise, since the Wongatha Claim area was
unknown to traditional law and custom. Yet it is put that those who,
under the
protocol, have a right to be asked, are ‘senior men and women in the
area’. The hiatus between the individual
‘owner’ and the
senior men and women in the area is not explained.
- Eric
Thomas said that he can come to Mulga Queen without asking, because it is
the country of his wife, Phyllis Thomas, and he thinks ‘it’s
okay’. He also said that when people from Warburton visited at Mulga
Queen, they would camp on the outskirts and go hunting
in the mornings. He said
he did not take them out hunting – they went out by themselves. He said
that, before hunting the
next day, they would come and speak to him and his wife
and ‘just sit down and talk about old times, about the old people
who’
used to be there, and ‘stories like that’. This can be
seen as a process of ‘presenting oneself’. It is
also, however, a
form of introductory social courtesy that would apply in many non-Aboriginal
situations.
- Leo
Thomas said that his brother Preston Thomas had ties in Kanpa (Kanpa is
outside the Wongatha Claim area – Preston Thomas lives in
the community
there) ‘because he went through – because that’s where his
father come from’. Leo Thomas said
that he does not have to get
permission from any Aboriginal people to stay at Kanpa because ‘the people
up at Warburton’
know that he has ties up there because of his father. So
far as other places are concerned, the right thing to do Wangkayi way is
to talk
to the old people first and they will tell you that you can come to their area
– ‘it’s a courtesy thing’.
- May
O’Brien said that she can go anywhere because she is known everywhere
on account of her work in education. She said she can go the Mulga
Queen
because the people there know her – she is a Wongatha person and can go
around the area without asking permission. However,
she added that there are
‘protocols’ that require you to ask. In this case, Ms Thomas
is respected because Mulga
Queen is ‘in her country’. She said that
people will ring up Ms Thomas and ask if they can come, and Phyllis Thomas
will say ‘Come, with open arms, come’.
- Later,
May O’Brien said, if she wanted to go into the Cosmo area, she would ask
the Murray family first because she has respect
for the Murrays there. She said
the Murrays are still friends of hers, that Frances Murray grew up at the Mount
Margaret Mission,
as did her late husband, and she (May O’Brien) taught
some of their children at the Mount Margaret Mission school, so she would
telephone Frances Murray and say ‘Look, Frances, can I come?’. Her
answer in the present respect is best set out in
full:
the Murray family, and the other
family and yes, but once and for all my spiritual and emotional ties are in the
Linden and that area,
but because the, taking into consideration the other
Aboriginal people who are from that area [the Cosmo Claim area], and who
are on the Wongatha Claim, so be it, we’re claiming
it.’
- Dennis
Forrest said that if he went to the Aboriginal community at Warburton
(outside the Wongatha Claim area) without advising the community members
in
advance, he would be likely to be speared. He also said that he would not visit
the Cosmo community (within the Wongatha Claim
area) without first telephoning
Harvey Murray to ask where he could camp. He said that he would not ‘just
plonk [himself]
there and say, “You can try and push me off”’,
because, like most people, he has ‘a bit of kunta’, ‘a
bit of shame’ in him. Asked about his own ngurra, he said that if
people came and started ‘building a community or something like that ...
common courtesy would be to ask the Aboriginal owners, so to speak, for
their permission to come on that country because otherwise it’s kunta
wiya’ (my emphasis). He said that the reason why he would ring
Mr Murray is because that is ‘Wongatha way’.
- Mr
Forrest’s evidence addresses three distinct situations. The first relates
to the Aboriginal community at Warburton. His
evidence in this respect is
consistent with other evidence in the case that the law is strictly observed in
that community. The
second situation relates to a hypothetical visit to the
small remote Cosmo Aboriginal community. The circumstances of its small
size
and remoteness make it inevitable that any person wishing to go and camp there
would establish contact first (the same observation
applies to the community at
Warburton). It would be discourtesy not to do so. The third situation relates
to Dennis Forrest’s
own ‘ngurra’. I suggest that his
answer is frank and illuminating. I think it clear that he was not prepared to
say that there was a
general rule that under traditional law and custom, an
Aboriginal person wishing to enter upon his (Mr Forrest’s) ngurra,
should either seek permission or let him know that the person was going to be
there. The references to the extraordinary building
of an Aboriginal community,
‘common courtesy’ and ‘the Aboriginal owners, so to
speak’ are also revealing.
Kunta wiya becomes their failure to
show ‘common courtesy’ and respect to the Aboriginal elders of the
area.
- Kado
Muir, an MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant, gave evidence that people
entering on Ngalia country should ‘alert us’
of their movements.
This evidence is not evidence of papaluka. He accepted that non-Ngalia
people would frequently in fact use Ngalia country, and, on the spot, he could
think of only one instance
of persons seeking permission – a family
checked with his mother, Dolly Walker, if they could take wutha (bush potatoes)
from
a site (the site, the timing and the surrounding circumstances were not
identified). His state of mind on this matter is not probative
of that of the
Wongatha Claim group, because he is not a Wongatha claimant. If his reference
to non-Ngalia people includes Wongatha
claimants, his is some evidence that the
Wongatha claimants do not acknowledge and observe the law or custom suggested,
at least
in so far as it relates to land that the Ngalia claim.
- Garry
Sullivan said that when he goes hunting kangaroos out Mulga Queen way, he
always calls into the community to see the people in Mulga Queen,
in particular,
his cousin Phyllis Thomas and her daughter Vanessa Thomas. He also said that he
goes hunting up to Cosmo or to see
his brother Mervyn Sullivan or cousin, Rhys
Winter, who live in the community there.
- Eric
Thomas’s evidence of the lighting of a fire incident in the 1950s is noted
below at 5.6(a)(b) [2335]. Dimple Sullivan also gave evidence of an
event when she was a child (she was born in 1922) in which a group of naked
Aboriginal
people were encouraged by her family to come into Laverton for
‘white fella food’, and the two groups communicated by
smoke
signals. On this occasion, her family lit fires to let approaching people know
where they were camped. Cyril Barnes gave
evidence of a practice of
‘pupulagu’, which he last saw when he was about 13 or 14
years old at Mount Margaret and at Leonora (he was born in 1935). The practice
he described was one of drafting Aboriginal people into their skin groups when
they came together in large gatherings (Gay Harris
also described such a
practice). It is irrelevant to the present topic.
- Phyllis
Thomas, an MN claimant, said that when she calls to see her aunty, Dimple
Sullivan, in Laverton, they ‘papula’ or greet each other.
This is likewise irrelevant to the present topic.
- It
is not suggested that access protocols apply at the boundaries of the Claim
areas. If that were suggested, the existence of the
overlaps would present
difficulty.
- According
to Group 6A, the fact that all GLSC Claim groups rely on the WDCB as the society
whose traditional laws and customs give
the group rights and interests claimed,
gives rise to the following ‘unanswered and unanswerable
conundrums’:
(a) What is the basis of the differentiation
between the four GLSC Claim groups (and between each of them and overlapping
non-GLSC
Claim groups)?
(b) If laws and customs of the WDCB allow for overlapping but separate
groups, what are the laws and customs that provide for reconciliation
of
conflict?
(c) Why have overlapping claims been made in the areas around Leonora and
Laverton, but not further to the east?
- The
evidence does not provide satisfactory answers to (a) and (b). Indeed, the
statement at of the GLSC submissions, that the Wongatha
and overlapping
claimants ‘have common ancestors and are intermarried’, reinforces
the absence of differentiation. The
reason why the evidence does not answer (a)
and (b) is that Western Desert traditional laws and customs do not recognise any
of the
GLSC Claim groups (or any of the other Claim groups) or the Claim areas:
see 3.6(c)(3) and (4).
- In
relation to (c), Group 6A asks these rhetorical
questions:
it is asserted by the GLSC
applicants that they are all part of the WDCB and the WDCB extends to the north
and east of the [Wongatha] claim area, is it not startling that in areas
to the east there are no discrete groups who assert native title rights
over the claim area or parts of it? Is it not an odd WDCB traditional law
or custom that allows for identical rights of different groups in the north
and western part of the claim area, but nowhere
else?’
I do not find (c) to be a
conundrum. In fact there was an overlapping claim, the Pilki Claim, to the
east, and the Wongatha applicants
amended the Wongatha application to excise the
part of the original Wongatha Claim area that was the subject of that Claim (see
1.1 [4]).
- It
is telling that the GLSC submission is not that access protocols apply at the
boundaries of the GLSC Claim areas. Thus, the GLSC
submission is not, for
example, that at the Wongatha/Cosmo boundary, Western Desert traditional laws
and customs oblige Cosmo claimants
to present themselves to representatives of
the Wongatha claimants before entering the non-overlap Wongatha area. Yet this
is the
kind of case that would have to be made if mutual recognition of Claim
group areas and Claim groups as the holders of rights and
interests in them,
were sought to be proved.
- Again,
who would have the right to be asked where a stranger wished to enter upon an
overlap area?
- In
fact, as noted earlier, the GLSC submission relates to the ‘my
country’ areas of individuals. This is yet another
illustration of the
fact that, on the evidence, if anything, native title rights and interests are
held at the individual, not the
group, level. This does not, however, overcome
all difficulty. Apparently the holder of a ‘my country’ area is not
entitled to be asked by another claimant within the same Claim group.
- Some
witnesses gave evidence to the effect that the seeking of permission is not
required today. Examples are Christopher Johnson,
Geoffrey Stokes, Mervyn
Sullivan and Thelma O’Loughlin. Some said that while protocols relating
to the seeking of permission
technically or theoretically existed, they were
ignored. In assessing the testimony on this topic, it is necessary to remember
that
the protocol as suggested, must relate, not to visiting a community, but to
entering upon an individual’s ‘my country’
area. Evidence
that a person would telephone the Cosmo or Mulga Queen Aboriginal Community
before going up there for a visit does
not advance matters. For example, Luxie
Hogarth said that when she used to visit her daughter when she (her daughter)
was living
at Mulga Queen, she would telephone Phyllis Thomas’ daughter
Vanessa Thomas and ask her to let Ms Hogarth’s daughter
know that she (Ms
Hogarth) was coming up for a visit. The circumstances would make prior contact
of that kind inevitable.
- It
is possible that, traditionally, an ‘access protocol’ operated
simply when one group approached the camp of another
group (consider, for
example, the evidence of Eric Thomas as to the lighting of a fire by which one
group announced to another that
it was approaching). It may have originally had
to do with intrusion into an area where one group was already deriving
sustenance
from the land. This idea would have something in common with
contacting a remote community before visiting it. It would have to
do with
respecting the people already in place, as distinct from their
‘ownership’ of, or rights in, the land.
- Group 6A
submits that the evidence touching the protocols or conventions relating to
visiting or engaging in activities on the
land the subject of an
individual’s ‘my country’ assertion is not clear, and does not
support the acknowledgment
or observance today of a law or custom of the kind
proposed. I agree. I am not persuaded to accept that there is either common
acknowledgment or common observance among the Wongatha claimants of a protocol
relating to access of the ‘my country’
area of another.
- Evidence
was given by various witnesses which, in my view, support the following
propositions:
- An
access protocol has no application in the towns where many people live.
- It
has no application where the person is already known to the residents of the
area in question.
- In
the case of such remote communities as Mulga Queen and Cosmo, practical
exigencies and common courtesy require that a person will
not go there to stay
or perhaps to camp and hunt or in any other way be a potential intrusion on the
community without first letting
those in charge know that he or she is
coming.
- Other
reasons given for establishing contact in advance of a visit were that the
newcomer wished to know the best hunting areas or
wished to avoid any sacred
sites.
- There
may also be a protocol according to which the elders in an area are entitled to
be asked before any significant Aboriginal activity
is undertaken in
‘their’ area. This respect for the elders would not have anything
to do with the holding of rights
and interests in a ‘my country’
area, and, in any event, the evidence relating to it was slight.
Conclusion
- In
my opinion, it is not proved that there is acknowledged and observed a law or
custom relating to a right to be asked for access,
that has a reference either
to the Wongatha Claim area or to any of the other Claim areas before the Court,
or to individual ‘my
country’ areas within it or any of them.
- This
subject (the ‘right to be asked’ access protocol, and the associated
kunta wiya concept) is also addressed in subsequent
chapters.
(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising the native title
- The
Wongatha applicants state:
is submitted that
the evidence supports a finding that the holders of the common or group rights
comprising the native title within
the claim area are the Wongatha people and
the three other GLSC applicant groups in relation to their respective overlap
areas, all
as members of the WDCB who through Western Desert laws and customs
are entitled to assert rights and interests under a “my
country” or
broader familial relationship to their various claimed
areas.’
- This
submission betrays the ever present problem of the composition of the GLSC and
other Claim groups, in so far as they are based
on rights and interests
possessed by individuals in ‘my country’ areas. The submission
begins by suggesting that the
holders of the particular native title claimed are
the Wongatha Claim group (referred to as ‘the Wongatha people’) and
the three overlapping GLSC Claim groups. Then the submission elides group
claims and individual claims. I do not understand how
the Claim groups can hold
group rights and interests ‘as members of the WDCB who through Western
Desert laws and customs are
entitled to assert rights and interests under a
“my country” or broader familial relationship to their various
claimed
areas.’ A Claim group is not a member of the WDCB and does not
have a familial relationship to its Claim area. Those concepts
are relevant to
individuals and to ‘my country’ areas claimed by individuals.
- If
the Wongatha applicants’ submission amounts to a concession that the other
three GLSC Claim groups or individuals in fact
share the very particular native
title claimed by the Wongatha Claim group, a problem for authorisation would
arise (see 4.1 [1170] ff). However, I do not understand the
submission to go so far.
- Why,
it must be asked rhetorically, does the Wongatha Claim group have group rights
and interests in the first place? Consistency
demands either that the sharing
be at a group level or at an individual level. There is no more or less reason
to say that the Wongatha
Claim group has group rights and interests in the
Wongatha/Wutha overlap and it shares that overlap with particular individual
Wutha
claimants, for example, than there is to say that the Wutha Claim group
has group rights and interests in that overlap which it shares
with particular
individual Wongatha claimants. Again, the underlying problem is that claims of
group rights and interests have been
mounted on claims of individual rights and
interests.
- The
Wongatha applicants refer to their submissions at Ch 17, headed
‘Draft Determinations/Other Orders’, and the
State and Group 6A
refer to their submissions in response. At the risk of oversimplification, it
seems to me that in Ch 17,
the GLSC applicants invite me to mould a
determination or multiple determinations that reflect my findings, irrespective
of the groupings
represented in the GLSC Claim groups. I assume that I would be
required to identify all of the ‘my country’ areas in
question, and
the individual claims of rights and interests that have been established in
respect of them. The Map of Five Possible
Determination Areas (Annexure E
to these reasons) is said to be one option available to the Court. The Wongatha
applicants
submit:
claims by the GLSC
applicant groups are made on behalf of, a group enjoying, it is submitted, as a
group, the rights and interests
claimed to all of the area of their application.
The delineation of that group is a matter for the court, on the evidence
although
descriptions have been submitted in the various Forms 1 and Points of
Claim. As submitted earlier in these submissions, the court
need not descend
into ultimate detail: it need not and is not required at law, to identify each
and every individual, at a given
point of time, comprising the claimant group.
Broad delineation only is required.
the purposes of the determination sought in these
proceedings, no differentiation is sought as between different individuals or
sub-groups
or in respect of rights or interests enjoyed to all, or only parts,
of the claimed area. The practical distribution and enjoyment
of the
group’s rights and interests for example, as between different classes of
persons (eg “Wati” and others, men and women, mature adults
and children or “boys”) under the group’s customs and
traditions,
is an internal matter for the claimant group to administer pursuant
to traditional law [and] custom. Those detail[s], need not
concern the court in the making of determinations in these
applications.’
- While
it may be that some matters can properly be left to intramural group governance,
a determination must comply with s 225 of the NTA (set out at
1.5[67]). In particular, it must identify the group of persons holding
the group native title rights and interests, with sufficient
precision to enable
it to be known whether a person is or is not part of that group.
- The
failure of the Wongatha claimants to formulate a determination that would
satisfy s 225 points to the fundamental difficulty that the Claim groups
and Claim areas are artificial constructs that came into being for the
purpose
of the making of the present applications, based on claimed individual rights
and interests in ‘my country’ areas.
4.7 RELEVANT TRADITIONAL LAWS AND CUSTOMS
(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still acknowledged and
observed; Acknowledgment and observance of laws
and customs by the members of
the applicant group and their ancestors since sovereignty
- As
noted at 3.6(c)(5) [976] ff for reasons there given, and at [1875]
below, I have decided not to reach a final view as to acknowledgment and
observance
by the respective Claim groups.
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that the Wongatha claimants acknowledge
pre-sovereignty laws and observe pre-sovereignty customs, subject
to adaptations
permissible in accordance with them. They rely upon the
following:
(1) acknowledgment and observance of men’s law;
(2) acknowledgment and observance of women’s law;
(3) acknowledgment and observance of Tjukurr/Tjukurrpa (‘The
Dreaming’);
(4) acknowledgment and observance of the concept of ngurra/ngurrara
(country);
(5) acknowledgment and observance of the concept of pika ngurlu;
(6) acknowledgment and observance of gender restricted knowledge and
protocols;
(7) observance/understanding of the section system or similar principles
(‘skins’);
(8) common kinship system;
(9) acknowledgment and usage, in varying degrees, of Wongatha language;
(10) acknowledgment and acquisition of a personal ‘dreaming’
(totem); and
(11) personal relationship laws and customs.
Notwithstanding the
references to ‘acknowledgement’ and ‘observance’, it is
not clear how some of the matters
mentioned are said to be laws and customs.
The clearest example is ‘(i) Acknowledgement and usage, in varying
degrees,
of Wongatha language’. Another difficulty is the Wongatha
applicants’ failure to identify precisely the respective laws
and customs
contended for.
- The
GLSC submissions frequently refer to GLSC Appendix A. GLSC Appendix A
bears the general heading ‘Observable Behaviour/Use/Activities’,
and
is divided up as follows:
Appendix A1 Residence in the Claim
area
Appendix A2 Travelling and camping in the Claim area
Appendix A3 Hunting in the Claim area
Appendix A4 Bush tucker and medicine
Appendix A5 Use of natural resources
Appendix A6 Ceremonies and law business
Appendix A7 Caring for country and protection of sites
Appendix A8 [this appendix was not used]
Appendix A9 [this appendix was not used]
Appendix A10 Language
- Appendices
A1 to A5 are instances of behaviours which do not necessarily point to a
normative system, that is to say, to laws or customs. For example, people must
reside somewhere. The question is whether
they reside where they do because of
some standard or norm. There can be many reasons why people reside where they
do: employment
opportunities; the availability of transport, educational or
medical facilities; location of relatives and friends; a finding that
a place is
congenial; comfort with the familiar; limited experience of places further
afield; a timid or unadventurous spirit; lack
of financial resources to enable a
relocation; and so on. And a person may have more than one reason. The
question is whether all
the circumstances make it proper to infer that the
choice of place of residence is attributable to a law or custom.
- Similarly,
travelling and camping was to be expected of semi-nomadic people. So were
hunting and the use of bush tucker, bush medicine
and other natural resources.
Did they betoken a norm then? Do they betoken a norm today? I discussed this
matter generally at
3.6(c)(5)[933]ff.
- Appendix A7
(Caring for country and protection of sites) calls for special comment. Caring
for pools, rockholes and soaks may
be akin to the environmental protection of
Western society, but overlaid with necessity in times gone by, when survival
depended
on them. On the other hand, there may be a traditional obligation to
care for a particular ‘country’. The evidence
must be carefully
studied to see why country was cared for in pre-sovereignty times and why it is
cared for today. Nomadic survival
is no longer a reason. On the other hand
‘care for’ a claimed ‘my country’ area and nowhere else
would be
significant. Dreaming sites would fall into a special category, and
Dreaming sites are often water sources, or associated with them.
- It
is necessary to consider what the witnesses say in relation to any particular
activity, in order to know whether it is normative;
that is, logically probative
of acknowledgement and observance of laws and customs. That which may appear to
be non-normative at
first blush, may, on closer examination, prove to be
normative after all.
- I
addressed Appendix A10 (Language) at 3.6(f) [1024] ff and
4.6(a)(2) [1366] ff. Language does not point to a normative system.
- With
respect to the GLSC submissions, a particular shortcoming to which I have
previously referred is their omission to formulate
each propounded
pre-sovereignty law or custom. To take the ‘Acknowledgement and
observance of men’s law’ as an
example, one way of expressing the
law or custom is that ‘All boys must be initiated’. However, the
reference in the
GLSC submissions to gender sensitive material suggests that a
wider or more complex law or custom is perhaps propounded, such as:
- All boys must be
initiated;
- Initiation marks
the transition from boyhood to manhood;
- Only an
initiated man (‘wati’) may marry;
- Only a
wati may learn of sacred sites and sacred stories; abd
- A wati
must protect sacred sites and keep secret sacred
stories.
It is only if one knows what the pre-sovereignty
law or custom was, that one can know if it is still being acknowledged and
observed.
- I
will address below the evidence on these matters. It is voluminous, as are the
parties’ related submissions. I do not propose
to embark upon my own
independent testing of all the submissions made against the voluminous evidence
before the Court. I am addressing
the parties’ submissions and have not
pursued lines of inquiry that are not the subject of them.
- In
assessing whether the Wongatha Claim group still acknowledges and observes the
pre-sovereignty body of Western Desert laws and
customs, it is not only those
listed at (1)-(11) in [1441] above that must be considered. It is also
necessary to take into account
those mentioned at 3.6(c)(2)[739] ff
which, it is common ground, are no longer acknowledged and observed, including,
for example, spirit-children beliefs and
cicatrisation.
- In
making the findings of fact that I make in relation to the Wongatha and other
Claim groups in relation to particular laws and customs,
I have not relied on
the demeanour of the indigenous witnesses, whom I accept as witnesses of truth.
Of course, this is not to say
that I have been persuaded by the entirety of the
testimony of every witness – human recollection fails and can be distorted
by factors of which the witness is not conscious, and one witness’s
testimony can be more persuasive than that of another.
(1) Acknowledgment/observance of men’s law
General
- I
will deal only with male initiation in this section. Other aspects of
men’s law are dealt with below, such as, men’s
restricted evidence
relating to Tjukurr stories and sites (see 4.7(a)(3)
[1513] ff) and pika ngurlu (see 4.7(a)(5)
[1609] ff).
- In
sum, the requirement is that all males must be initiated and that no male may
marry and raise a family unless and until he has
been initiated (see
3.6(c)(2) [816] ff). A wati is entrusted with knowledge of the
sacred stories and sites, and has a responsibility to safeguard both.
- There
can be acknowledgement and observance without 100 percent acknowledgement
and observance. Nonetheless, there must be acknowledgement
and observance by
the Claim group. For this reason I think it necessary to pay some attention to
the size and composition of the
group.
- According
to the Wongatha LIP, there were 820 Wongatha claimants at the date of filing (22
April 2002). The GLSC submissions do not
propose a figure, range or proportion
of male claimants one would expect to have undergone initiation if the
requirement was completely
and without exception observed. If one were to
assume one half (410) to be males and to eliminate, say, one quarter of these as
being below the age of initiation, one would be left with some 300 males whom
one would expect to be watis. However, analysis of this kind has not
been carried out by the Wongatha applicants. I do not, of course, suggest that
my proportions
are correct: it was for the Wongatha applicants to suggest an
approach that would demonstrate acknowledgment and observance of the
rule by the
Wongatha Claim group.
- As
noted at 4.6(a)(3) [1386] ff, there is no suggestion that
men’s law is a distinguishing feature of any particular Claim group.
Western Desert
law transcends the Claim boundaries. Indeed, the GLSC
submissions themselves refer to ‘a vibrant and continuing Western
Desert men’s law amongst members of the various GLSC applicant groups
asserting connection to claimed lands’ (my emphasis). On the evidence,
men’s law belongs to all watis, whether from the Wongatha Claim
area or from elsewhere in Western Australia, the Northern Territory or South
Australia. Thus, any
rights and interests associated with the status of
wati are either individual rights and interests or group rights and
interests where the group is ‘wati-based’. This does not
mean, however, that male initiation is irrelevant to the present Claims: it is
relevant to the acknowledgment
and observance by the Claim groups of WDCB laws
and customs.
- The
Wongatha applicants rely on evidence that Wongatha claimants have ‘gone
through the law’, that is, been initiated
into the ceremonial and secret
aspects of men’s law. These initiated claimants include: Christopher
Johnson, Anthony Harris,
Patrick Edwards and persons mentioned by Murray Stubbs,
namely, Warren Blowes, Preston Thomas Jnr, Greg Newland, and Irwin Sullivan.
Mr
Stubbs said that he knew those four men were watis because of their
having worn red headbands, a sign of an initiated man.
- The
evidence does not reveal in detail the nature of male initiation (variously
described as ‘going through the law (or business)’
or ‘being
put through the law (or business)’). It was unnecessary for it to do so.
In what follows I give certain general
facts touching initiation, of which some
evidence was given in public. I will use the present tense, but this does not
imply anything
about the practice taking place today.
- At
law time or ‘business’ time, a number of watis travel
‘on business’, and, in the course of their journey,
‘grab’ boys and take them to an initiation site,
where the boys are
‘put through’. The boys will have been drawn from a wide area. The
process involves the boys spending
a period of time living in the bush and
learning secret matters from the watis, before returning to resume their
normal lives. There was some evidence that at the end of the initiation period,
when the time
comes for the boys to rejoin their families, their sisters perform
a dance welcoming them back. Patrick Edwards said that before
the boys are
taken away too, their sisters perform a dance for them, and that the boys’
parents, lying down on the ground,
cry for them.
- Once
put through, a boy is called ‘a wati’ or ‘a man’.
As mentioned above, only watis may tell and be told about sacred sites or
the stories associated with them, and they are ‘responsible’ for
such sites.
While the evidence did not define exhaustively the meaning of
‘responsibility’ in this context, it clearly included
safeguarding
against destruction, vandalism or other sacrilegious treatment.
- The
Wongatha applicants also rely on the testimony of the following claimants in
overlapping Claim groups that they had been through
the law or were going
through: Kado Muir (MN, NK 1 and NK 2), Kalman Murphy (MN and NK 1) and Troy
Chapman (MN). But the fact that
these non-Wongatha claimants have gone through
the law is not probative of the Wongatha Claim group’s acknowledgment and
observance
of a law and custom relating to male initiation.
- The
Wongatha applicants refer to GLSC Appendix F1, headed ‘Claimants who
have been initiated – transcript references’.
This one-page
Appendix purports to list, with corresponding Claim group identification and
transcript references, 28 Wongatha claimants,
6 Wutha claimants, 6 MN
claimants and 1 Koara claimant (total 41 claimants) as the GLSC claimants
who are said to
have been initiated.
- Of
the 41 men, eight do not appear in the LIP for the relevant Claim group, and
apparently 11 do not appear in the genealogical chart
for the groups. It is
therefore difficult to identify the basis on which these persons’ names
have been included as members
of Claim groups.
- Fourteen
of the 41 men testified, leaving 27 who did not. In some cases the basis on
which a witness concluded that a man who did
not testify was initiated is not
apparent, and, in other cases, it is unreliable. I do not suggest that the only
way to prove that
a person is a wati is to call him as a witness. It
should not be thought, however, that the gender-restricted nature of the
evidence may explain why
a wati could not have testified on the matter.
It was always possible for the Court to hear evidence in gender-restricted
session. Where
evidence of initiation was led, it was at a very general level,
eg, the fact of initiation, and where and approximately when the
ceremony
occurred. It would be unreasonable to expect more, having regard to the subject
matter.
- As
noted earlier, 28 men were listed as ‘Wongatha’ in GLSC
Appendix F1 (‘Claimants who have been initiated
– transcript
references’). Of them, I can recognise 22 in the Wongatha LIP. Eight of
them testified: Patrick Edwards,
Anthony Harris, Danny Harris, Christopher
Johnson, RM, Barney Morrison, Johnny Phillips, and Rhys Winter. Fourteen of the
28 were
not called: Warren Blowes, Patrick Edwards’s son (who is not
otherwise named in Appendix F1), Clarrie Green, Andrew Harris,
Derrick Harris,
Edward Harris, Brent (Dado) Johnson, Kirk Johnson, Greg Newland, Noel
O’Loughlin, Irwin Sullivan, Lloyd Sullivan,
Roderick Sullivan, and Rodney
Winter. The Appendix labels a further six men as ‘Wongatha’ whom I
cannot identify in
the Wongatha LIP, or who are not identified sufficiently to
confirm their status: Clint Harris, Jason Harris, Noel Harris (he is
an LIP
listed MN claimant), Kirk Johnson Jnr, Nye Johnson and Sean Vincent.
- Based
on their omission from GLSC Appendix F1, 19 male witnesses who are on the
Wongatha LIP have not been through the law.
They include all seven male
Wongatha applicants.
- The
Wongatha applicants submit:
evidence, it is
submitted, shows the existence of a vibrant and continuing Western Desert
men’s law amongst members of the various
GLSC applicant groups asserting
connection to claimed lands. In addition many claimants gave evidence that they
were aware of the
existence and importance of men’s law or men’s law
business. This has relevance for their own behaviour, and is also
particularly
important in regard to the concept of Pika Ngurlu, ...
.’
I do not think that the figures alone in relation to male initation show a
vibrant and continuing Western Desert men’s law among
the Wongatha
claimants, particularly in relation to the size of the Claim group and,
generally speaking, how long ago the initiations
took place.
- The
Wongatha applicants also draw attention to the fact that from time to time in
the course of testimony, when there was reference
to people having gone through
the law, it was met with consternation by indigenous observers. I agree that
this did happen. There
were times during the hearing when there was, what
appeared to me to be, a spontaneous reaction by indigenous people attending the
hearing to the giving of testimony, related, albeit indirectly, to men’s
law. A notable occasion occurred early in the hearing
when a number of women
rose from their seats and expressed concern that a male witness should be giving
evidence which they said
they should not be hearing. In addition, at times
individual witnesses demonstrated discomfort about certain lines of questioning
relating to men’s law. I accept that there is sensitivity on the part of
the Wongatha claimants to discussion of men’s
law and matters related to
it.
- I
also accept that the Wongatha claimants respect watis and acknowledge
their special position as custodians of the old traditions and of sacred stories
and sites.
- The
Wongatha applicants also refer to the importance of initiation in relation to
‘sensitive matters, such as heritage sites’.
They refer to the
testimony of Aubrey Lynch, who said:
only
use Warburton People and heritage survey to assist – assist us in
sensitive areas – areas, you
know.’
The evidence is, however, a two-edged sword. While it shows that Wongatha
applicants appreciate the necessity of having a wati participate if a
sensitive area was involved, the implication is that there were no Wongatha
watis with the knowledge required to perform the role, and that it was
necessary to go to Warburton to find one.
- Aubrey
Lynch agreed that, on a field trip in November 2000, he may have said that, if
the Wongatha applicants could not ‘sort
out’ the MN claimants’
claim to the Wongatha/MN overlap, they would have to get ‘the Warburton
mob to tell us who
is connected’. He explained that this was because in
the old days information as to ‘who was connected to country’
in the
Wongatha/MN overlap would probably have been passed on from elder people in the
Wongatha area to some of the tribal people
in the Warburton area. When it was
suggested the same information would have been passed on to Wongatha people, Mr
Lynch replied
that all the Wongatha people who had had an involvement had passed
on, that all the ‘real tribal people [whom they] roamed
with’ had
died. Mr Lynch said that the Wongatha people only used the Warburton people and
heritage surveys to assist them
in sensitive areas. This did not, however,
include identifying which people were connected with which parts of the Wongatha
area.
- I
do not see how any kind of dependence by the Wongatha claimants on the
‘tribal’ Warburton people assists their Claim.
- The
Wongatha applicants also rely upon gender-restricted (male) evidence, given
at:
(a) Nyukali (Kado Muir)
(b) Station Creek (Kalman Murphy, Anthony Harris)
(c) Golden Cliff (Patrick Edwards)
(d) Cox’s Find/Murphy Hills (Patrick Edwards, FB, Dan Harris)
(e) Conference Centre, Kalgoorlie (Anthony Harris)
(f) Conference Centre, Kalgoorlie (Kalman Murphy)
The knowledge of stories and sites possessed by Kado Muir, Kalman Murphy and
FB does not count as knowledge of the Wongatha Claim
group because they are not
Wongatha claimants. In any event, FB knew nothing about the site in relation to
which he was called,
and Dan Harris had learned about it only during the
six-months preceding his being called, when he visited it with an
anthropologist,
apparently in preparation for the hearing. This leaves Patrick
Edwards and Anthony Harris. The extent of their knowledge appears
at [1476] ff
below.
- Most
of the men in the Wongatha Claim group have not been through the law, and,
therefore, do not know about sacred sites or associated
Dreamtime stories, or
have responsibility for such sites.
- Some
witnesses frankly acknowledged that law business has ceased to occur. The areas
to which this testimony related, however, was
not always clear. Moreover,
evidence to this effect did not signify that there were no longer sites regarded
as sacred because of
their association with the Tjukurr and the law.
Although criticisms can be made of individual parts of this testimony, I accept
that its general effect is that law
business and ceremonies have ceased to be
vital within the Wongatha Claim area. Some of the witnesses spoke in terms of
today’s
generation not following the law, in contrast with ‘the old
people’, or of male initiation in the area having died out,
or of a change
brought by Christianisation, or simply of a change in the times. See MW,
Christopher Johnson, Cyril Barnes, Dolly
Walker, Marjorie Strickland, and Mervyn
Sullivan.
Testimony of Anthony Harris and Patrick Edwards
- Two
witnesses, Anthony Harris and Patrick Edwards, gave evidence to a contrary
effect, and I will turn to their evidence now.
- Anthony
Harris gave evidence that men on law business pass through Leonora and other
places on their way to Wiluna and Warburton.
He said he has seen boys grabbed
in the towns, taken away, and later return wearing the yakirri –
the red headband indicating that the wearer has been through the law. He said:
‘I’ve seen them grab a couple
from Leonora, Laverton, all over.
Seen them grab them in Kalgoorlie as well’. Anthony Harris did not say
when he saw these
events, or, apart from the ‘couple from Leonora’,
the numbers of boys involved, or their names.
- In
cross-examination, Anthony Harris said he had seen grabbing of boys take place a
dozen times before and a dozen after, he was initiated
in 1995/6. He then said
he saw the law men travelling through when he ‘was a kid’. He said
he saw them grab Douglas
Bingham and Sean Vincent in Leonora. Then his evidence
as to his seeing Douglas Bingham grabbed in Leonora became unclear. He said
Dougle Bingham was a Mardu person. He then said that he did not actually see
Sean Vincent grabbed, but has seen him wearing the
headband, and he lives in
Leonora.
- So
far as Laverton is concerned, the boys in question were on the truck with
Anthony Harris when he was grabbed for initiation in
1995/6. Asked whether he
had seen anyone than Mardu men grab boys, he said he had seen Patrick Edwards
‘grab a few people’.
He did not say when or where. Nor did Patrick
Edwards.
- Patrick
Edwards said that the responsibility under the law for the men’s site at
Minnie Creek (within the Wongatha Claim area)
rests with him and with other
watis from Cosmo, Tjirrkarli and Warburton. He said that Minnie Creek
was an important site under men’s law for indigenous people
of South
Australia and the Northern Territory, as well as of Western Australia. He said
that he had been on law business at Warburton,
Wiluna, Jigalong, Laverton,
Tjuntjuntjara, Warakurna and Blackstone. Of these seven places, all except
Laverton are outside the
Wongatha Claim area. He said that he had travelled on
law business through Mulga Queen to Wiluna, and, on another occasion, through
Leonora to Wiluna. He said he went through Mulga Queen about four times, the
last time being about four months before he testified
(that would be about July
2002), and through Leonora once in the year 2000. No men or boys from Mulga
Queen joined them. He said
they stayed in Leonora for about a day. Asked if
any men or boys from Leonora or around Leonora took part, he replied ‘I
think
some blokes jumped on’. He said he could not remember how many, and
could not say the names of any of them.
- With
perhaps one exception, wherever a place of initiation has been referred to in
evidence it has been, unless the evidence related
to a time in the past, a place
outside the Wongatha Claim area, such as, at Wiluna and Warburton. The
exception is that Patrick
Edwards gave evidence that about three or four months
before he testified, five boys were put through outside Laverton, and that
they
comprised two boys from Laverton (one being his son and the other his nephew),
one from Cosmo, and two from Warburton. He gave
that evidence on 20 November
2002, and was therefore referring to an event of July/August 2002. Mr Edwards
said that about 25 men
were involved, and that he himself was involved over a
period of some three weeks.
- Groups
5B/5F described this evidence as ‘anomalous’. However, Mr Edwards
was not challenged on it. I accept his evidence
that there was one initiation
ceremony at Laverton in recent years, although I am not persuaded by all aspects
of Mr Edwards’s
testimony concerning it and otherwise. Moreover, I
do not think that this single instance demonstrates an ongoing practice of male
initiation within the Wongatha Claim area.
- In
view of Group 5B/5F’s description of Mr Edwards’ evidence on
the point as ‘anomalous’ and my view
that it is a one-off event, I
should say a little more about it. Mr Edwards gave the evidence in
question in the final tranche
of the hearing in November 2002. He identified
his nephew who went through the law as the son of Desmond Jennings and Christine
Smith, the former being a distant relation of his mother’s. Neither
Desmond Jennings nor Christine Smith appears on any LIP.
Mr Edwards identified
the boy from Cosmo as Gerald Westlake.
- Mr
Edwards insisted that the law ground at Laverton was still being used when he
went through the law at Amata in South Australia
in about 1989/1990. He said
that for about the last five years he has been storing men’s law objects
in a locked sea-container
near the Aboriginal village at Laverton because they
were being stolen.
- According
to the agreed open statement of the evidence that Patrick Edwards gave at Golden
Cliff (see [1501] ff below), he also said
that there are three law grounds in
Laverton, and that one of them had been used ‘about three times’
that year (2002).
However, that evidence apparently related to the use of
‘the law ground’ at Laverton by the law men from Warburton on
their
trip to Wiluna. Mr Edwards said that the men from Warburton are the bosses for
the law and what they say must be done. He
said that there are ‘a lot of
young people’ going through the Law in the Goldfields region; but agreed
that most of the
men in the Wongatha group have not been through the Law. When
it was put to Mr Edwards that most of the males from Kalgoorlie, Laverton,
Leonora and Mount Margaret are not going through the law, he replied ‘Not
most of them but most of them don’t, most of
them do.’
- Mr
Edwards’s evidence seems to be that the men from Warburton conducted the
ceremony at which his son went through. He said
that it was because no one
locally was taking responsibility for sacred sites, that the Warburton
watis had insisted that he (Mr Edwards) store the sacred objects in the
sea-container.
- Importantly,
Patrick Edwards accepted that if law business was being conducted in the
Laverton area, Aboriginal people living in Laverton
generally, including
non-watis, would be aware of the fact. Several witnesses live there,
including Dimple Sullivan, Lois Laidlaw, Garry Sullivan, Celia Sullivan,
and
Danny Harris. Danny Harris is a wati, yet evidence was not led from him
or the others that law business was still being conducted recently in Laverton.
- It
will be clear that I do have some reservations about certain aspects of the
testimony of Patrick Edwards. If all of his evidence
to the following effect
were to be accepted at face value, I would have expected evidence to have been
led from other witnesses corroborative
of some of these matters:
- that there are
three law grounds in Laverton (elsewhere, a law ground at three places);
- that one of the
three was used three times in 2002 (but apparently by the Warburton bosses of
the law passing through);
- that ‘a
lot of young people’ are going through the law in the Goldfields region
(but his evidence to this effect seemed
to be qualified); and
- that there was a
male initiation ceremony outside Laverton in July/August 2002 attended by 25
watis.
- I
have the impression from his testimony that Mr Edwards is committed to the
observance of Aboriginal law. In relation to the
ceremony of July/August 2002,
perhaps the visitors were not as numerous as 25, and perhaps they did not enter
the town. There does
seem to be a close relationship between Mr Edwards
and the law bosses at Warburton. They had asked him to store the sacred
objects
in the sea-container.
- I
do not accept Mr Edwards’s generalisations at face value, and I do not
accept that the one ceremony of July/August 2002 demonstrates
an ongoing current
practice of male initiation within the Wongatha Claim area.
- Of
course, initiation of the sons of Wongatha claimants anywhere is probative of
acknowledgement and observance by the Wongatha Claim
group of a law and custom
relating to male initiation. The relevance of the location is that the question
is raised whether the
reason for the holding of the ceremonies outside the
Wongatha Claim area is that there are insufficient occasions for the initiation
of the sons of Wongatha claimants to warrant the holding of initiation
ceremonies within the Wongatha Claim area.
- It
should not be overlooked that the Wongatha Claim area is vast. Moreover, it is
clear that, in the past, initiations did take place
at Leonora and Laverton.
Why have they ceased? The answer ‘[b]ecause there are insufficient boys
in the Wongatha Claim group
going through’ at least suggests itself.
Again, the position seems to be different in the desert areas of Wiluna,
Warburton,
and Jigalong.
- There
was evidence that several men who were initiated, some of them quite some time
ago, were initiated at places outside the Wongatha
Claim area; eg Sean
Adams (Wiluna), Garry Ashwin (Wiluna), LA (Jigalong, Wiluna, Leonora and later
at Wiluna), Troy Chapman
(Wiluna), Brent Johnson (Ngaanyatjarra land),
Christopher Johnson (Cundeelee), Nye Johnson and Kirk Johnson (Wiluna), MW
(Jigalong),
Anthony Harris (Wiluna) and Danny Harris (Wiluna). Of these,
Brent Johnson, Christopher Johnson, Kirk Johnson, Anthony Harris and Danny
Harris are on the Wongatha LIP.
- The
listing of these names should not be allowed to give the impression that there
is a current vital tradition. What would be required
would be a close analysis
to identify the date and circumstances of the initiation of each Wongatha
wati – an exercise that the Wongatha applicants have not
performed.
- Kado
Muir gave evidence to the effect that nowadays, whether to go through the law is
regarded by people as a matter for each individual,
and there is no expectation
that a boy will go through, or any sanction or disapproval if he does not. I
accept this evidence.
No evidence was led suggesting any form of ostracism or
censure of males who do not go through the law.
Restricted Men’s Evidence
Kalgoorlie – evidence by Anthony Harris
on 4 July 2002
- Mr
Harris gave evidence of uses made of the Leonora law ground in recent years for
purposes related to restricted men’s business.
He said that because of
where it is, it is now used only for emergency purposes, but that it could be
put back into use in the future
for men going through the law. Specifically, he
said it had been used, when required, by men who had recently undergone,
elsewhere,
a stage in the process of being a wati. Mr Harris said he
knew of the law ground being used for this purpose twice in the last few years,
and added ‘and other people
I know of them using it as well’. Mr
Harris also spoke of secret things that he had observed at the law ground. It
is not
appropriate for me, in this public document, to disclose the purpose for
which the law ground at Leonora has been used twice in recent
years, but that
purpose was not for the conduct of initiation ceremonies.
- I
find that the law ground at Leonora was used for initiation ceremonies in the
times of the ‘old people’, but is no longer
used for that purpose.
However, it remains available to be brought back into use in the future if
initiation should ever resume,
and it has in fact been used twice in the last
few years for emergency purposes by unidentified people who have already gone
through
the law outside the Wongatha Claim area.
Station Creek – evidence given by Anthony Harris on 18 November 2002
- Anthony
Harris gave evidence of the way in which men’s law and Tjukurrpa
stories and songs are shared and held in common with Aboriginal people in
Western Australia and as far away as Fitzroy Crossing,
South Australia and the
Northern Territory. He said that Warburton and Wiluna are the two main places
for men in that particular
area, and that men’s law is like a travelling
thing, always on the move, not set in one place all the time, but, rather, here
there and everywhere.
- Anthony
Harris also explained a little of what happens when men’s law travels to
and through communities, and something of how
boys are taught knowledge of
restricted men’s songs and stories about country. He said that the story
told belonged to all
of the initiated men present.
- Following
the evidence, the Court was taken on foot to five nearby locations, where
physical features forming part of the Tjukurrpa story were pointed out.
The Court was also shown the remains of material which had been used to mark and
protect the place as sacred.
While the location evidence was given primarily by
MN claimant, Kalman Murphy, Mr Harris said that he had been to the site as a
child, when he did not know the significance of its physical
features
Golden Cliff – evidence given by Patrick Edwards on 19 November 2002
- Golden
Cliff is about 5 km south of Mount Margaret and about 1 km north of
Lake Carey, and is not far from Trig Hill. Patrick
Edwards told the
Tjukurrpa story of the Wati Kutjarra. He described their travels
near Lake Carey, Golden Cliff, Mount Margaret, Tjinintjarra, Laverton, Crawford
Soak and Murphys Range.
The story also included reference to the Seven Sisters.
Mr Edwards pointed out some physical features, and described others, which
represent some of the Tjukurrpa characters and their actions.
- Mr
Edwards said that he had been taught all these things by older watis,
after he went through the law, about 12 or 13 years earlier (that would be about
1989/1990). He told the Court that when the younger
generation go through the
law, they will be taught the same things and will look after these places.
- Mr
Edwards’ evidence in chief concluded later in the day, at the Cox’s
Find/Murphy Hills site (discussed at 3.3 [375]). There he said that he
and Jackie MacLean had taken two men from ‘Aboriginal Affairs’ to
the Golden Cliff site
and arranged for it and three other nearby sites to be
registered. In cross-examination (also at Cox’s Find/Murphy Hills)
he
said that he and Jackie McLean had taken those men to record a number of sites
north-east of Laverton, and that prior to that
trip, the party had travelled to
Cosmo where he and Mr MacLean had consulted with elders to gain permission for
the trip. Those
elders were Mr Simms, whose country was identified as Jamieson,
Mr Watson and Mr West, whose country was identified as ‘back
around
Warburton’, and Mr Westlake.
- Not
long after going through the law, Mr Edwards was told by some older men,
including Mr West, Mr Simms and Mr Green (whose country
was identified as
Tjikarrli) and Mr Duncan (whose country was identified as Blackstone) to keep an
eye on all the sacred sites around
Laverton and Mount Margaret, because things
had been getting stolen and Aboriginal people who had not been through the law
had been
letting mining companies go in and destroy places. In re-examination,
Mr Edwards explained that the idea of getting the sites protected
had been his
and Jackie MacLean’s, and added ‘Because we got a one certain really
main place in ...’ (the place
name is omitted).
Conclusion concerning ‘men’s law’ (relating to male
initiation)
- As
noted earlier, if male initiation was ‘vital’ among the Wongatha
claimants, not only watis but other witnesses also would have been able
to give evidence about its currency. The boys’ sisters performed a dance
to
welcome them back into the community from their time in the bush. Males would
not be marrying unless initiated. It was a matter
of general knowledge when and
where ceremonies took place and of the arrival of law men for that purpose: it
was only further detail
concerning the ceremonies that was secret to
watis.
- It
is as much the lack of evidence as positive testimony that the law has fallen
away that persuades me to make the findings set out
below.
- I
find that:
(a) that there is no longer a practice of Aboriginal
males being initiated within the Wongatha Claim area; and
(b) that very few Wongatha claimants are being initiated at all.
- I
am not satisfied that the Wongatha Claim group, as a whole and on a fair overall
view, continues to acknowledge and observe Western
Desert men’s law in
relation to male initiation.
(2) Acknowledgment/observance of women’s law
- The
Wongatha applicants rely on gender restricted female evidence given at two
sites, Makarra and Mithilpithii, and state: ‘The
submissions made in
regard to men’s restricted evidence are equally applicable’.
However, the evidence given at the
Mithilpithii complex of sites was given by
Koara claimants, Luxie Hogarth and Geraldine Hogarth,
(see 6.6(a)(b) [2542]), while that given at Makarra was given
by Dolly Walker, an MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant (see
10.6(a)(b) [3922] ff). No Wongatha claimant gave restricted
women’s evidence.
- The
evidence given does not support an inference that there is a continuing
practice of women’s law, in the sense of the performance of
ceremonies, although certain older women, such as Dimple Sullivan, know
the
whereabouts of ‘women’s sites’, and know stories associated
with them.
- Wongatha
claimant, Elvis Stokes, said that once when he was hunting at Chain of
Waterholes, he was told that there was a women’s
site in the ‘United
area’. He said that he has never visited ‘Monument Rock with the
Seven Sisters around or in
that area’ because he is not a woman. I accept
that Mr Stokes respects sites that he is told or knows to be women’s
sites, and observes a rule against going to them.
Conclusion concerning women’s law
- The
evidence does not support a finding of acknowledgement and observance by the
Wongatha Claim group of a law or custom in relation
to women’s law.
(3) Acknowledgment/observance of Tjukurr/Tjukurrpa (‘the
Dreaming’)
General
- The
Tjukurrpa was discussed at 3.6(c)(5) [749] ff, [775] ff.
It will be recalled that the participating anthropologists agreed in their joint
report that a characteristic
of the Western Desert is ‘Tjukurrpa
– the overarching concept of the dreaming’ (3.5(a)
[411].
- The
GLSC submissions state that a ‘common feature’ of all the Claim
groups before the Court is the ‘central role’
of the Tjukurr
in their customs and traditions.
- The
GLSC submissions assert that the Tjukurrpa circumscribes the law of the
Western Desert, provides physical proof of claimants’ rights and
interests, and plays a central
role in customs and traditions. Referring to the
areas of agreement in the joint report of the anthropologists, the GLSC
submissions
state:
agreement as to the
existence of, and unifying or common-character of the dreaming over this period
[since 1829] is a significant agreement in this case. Such agreement
about “shared traditions connected to the dreaming” and the
existence
of the dreaming itself, both prior to and since 1829, provides a firm
foundation ... for the court to accept these parts of the GLSC
Applicants’
claims; ie, that they are founded upon a continuing system of custom and
tradition, focused upon the Tjukurr, reaching back in respect of the
claimed areas prior to 1829, and continuing substantially uninterrupted to
today.’
- In
their primary report, Pannell/Vachon state that Tjukurr is often glossed
as ‘the Dreaming’, and refers to ‘the travels and exploits of
a number of mythological or totemic
beings’. They state:
Wongatha people, physical proof of their
cultural entitlement to the claim area is evident in the topographic features
which comprise
this region. These features were created by, or are the
embodiment of, Tjukurr. As such, they stand as tangible proof of the
continued presence of Tjukurr. For the claimants, Tjukurr do not
represent inert mythological entities. Rather, they are regarded as animate
beings imbued with both creative and destructive
powers
...’
to the laws and customs of the claimants,
Tjukurr not only shape the landscape of the claim area, but are also
acknowledged as responsible for instituting the laws and customs which
inform
Wongatha society. For example, certain Tjukurr are credited with
introducing ritual practices and regional ceremonial complexes, while other
Tjukurr are associated with the introduction of the laws concerning
marriage. The laws and customs attributed to Tjukurr are core
elements in the production and reproduction of Wongatha society. In this sense,
Tjukurr provide the claimants with their plan of life.’
(my emphasis)
No doubt para 4 of the Wongatha POC (noted at 2.1 [139]) was based, at
least in part, on this passage – a passage on which the non-indigenous
respondents seized as indicating
the standard by which acknowledgement and
observance was to be measured.
- The
Tjukurrpa, then, is agreed to be an ‘overarching concept’
that is characteristic of the Western Desert; is claimed to be a core element
in
‘Wongatha society’; and is claimed to provide the Wongatha claimants
with their ‘plan of life’. I understand
this emphasis placed on the
Tjukurr to indicate at least a claim:
- that the
Tjukurr plays an important role in the lives of the Wongatha claimants on
a fair overall view of them;
- that the
Wongatha claimants, as a whole, know Tjukurr sites and stories, at least
any in their ‘my country’ area;
- that they
participate in Tjukurr-related rituals and ceremonies; and
- that they
observe any traditional protocols in relation to Tjukurr
sites.
- The
non-indigenous respondents suggest that the evidence falls far short of showing
that the Tjukurr plays such a central role in the lives of the Wongatha
claimants as is indicated by the words which I have emphasised in [1448]
above,
- There
is a problem here, in that it is not entirely clear what I am to look for as
evidence of continuous acknowledgment and observance
of the Tjukurr.
What do Pannell/Vachon mean by their statements? What would it have meant in
1829 in terms of indigenous behaviour, for the Tjukurr to provide people
with their ‘plan of life’? If the Tjukurr were to be
regarded as nothing more than a mythological explanation of how the physical
world came to be as it is, it might not be
reflected in behaviour at all. The
Wongatha submissions do not attempt to identify the pre-sovereignty measure of
behaviour (after
allowing for adaptation) for which I should be looking.
- Even
if the evidence does not match the Pannell/Vachon description above, that would
not necessarily signify that the Tjukurr is not important to the Wongatha
claimants
- In
addition, it will be noted that para 4 of the Wongatha POC and
Pannell/Vachon state that the Tjukurr created or is embodied in the
topographic features of the Wongatha Claim area. This suggests that the members
of the Wongatha Claim
group could reasonably be expected, on a fair overall view
of them, to be familiar with those topographical features and with their
Tjukurr significance.
Indigenous testimony of Wongatha claimants relied on
- At
the outset, I note that there is to be expected a difference in the nature of
the evidence given by watis and non-watis. An initiated man is
told stories and given information that must not be revealed to others. Some of
this information is related
to sacred Tjukurr-related sites, and some is
not. The significance of this, for present purposes, is that:
- one cannot
expect women and non-wati men to know as much of the Tjukurri as
watis do;
- the number and
proportion of initiated Wongatha claimants, and the extent to which initiation
continues to be practised within the
Wongatha Claim group (see
4.7(a)(b)(1) above), is relevant to the Wongatha Claim group’s
continued acknowledgment and observance of Tjukurr;
- it was always
open to watis to demonstrate knowledge of Tjukurr in a restricted
session of the hearing, and some did so.
- I
turn to those Wongatha witnesses mentioned in the text of the Wongatha
submissions.
- The
GLSC submissions refer to the testimony of numerous witnesses, and discuss that
of Eric Thomas, Lorraine Griffiths, Aubrey Lynch,
Rhys Winter, Anthony Harris,
Cyril Barnes and Dimple Sullivan.
- Eric
Thomas (a non-wati) said that he knew the word Tjukurrpa
which, he said meant ‘Dreamtime story’ and had heard about the
Seven Sisters story from his thamu Shannon. He said ‘That’s
only the main one I always hear, about this Seven Sister one’. He was not
immediately
invited to relate the Seven Sisters story, but was later asked to
elaborate. He did so by saying that his thamu Shannon told him that the
Seven Sisters came up into Cement Creek where they ‘all fell down and
formed into ... rockholes’.
He said that that was all his grandfather
had told him, but added ‘The other lot is too – too scary to talk
about
that these days’. He agreed that the Seven Sisters was a
‘woman’s Dreaming’, and added that his grandfather
had told
him only the part he had related. He said that he could not remember his
parents telling him about the Seven Sisters or
any other Dreaming, and that it
was only his grandfather Shannon who had done so. Eric Thomas was born in 1936
at the Mount Margaret
Mission hospital, and lived at the Mission until about
1951/1952. It was during that time, probably in the 1940s, that his grandfather
told him these things.
- Eric
Thomas also gave evidence that there was a Bardi Tjukurr place at
Pyke’s Hollow, that his mother had told him about, and a yirlirl
(honey ant) place near Granites, some distance from the sacred site there.
He said that he was interested in protecting these sites
and that he checks on
them.
- Lorraine
Griffiths said her parents had a yiwarra (track or path) from
Yapupara (Lake Baker) through Yamarna, Point Salvation, Cosmo, and Tipa
rockhole, to Laverton, and that they
used the track ‘when they coming [to
Mount Margaret and Laverton] for Tjukurr’. She said
‘Tjukurr is songs and corroborees’.
- In
another passage referred to by the GLSC Ms Griffiths said that her Dreaming was
the Emu, which was also a ‘totem’.
Asked if the two were different,
she said they were ‘different Dreamtime stories’. Asked to explain
a totem, she said
that sometimes a pregnant woman may eat something and become
sick. She continued: ‘So when they say that’s your Tjukurr
because my mum was carrying me’.
- Ms
Griffiths said that she did not know any Dreamtime stories, or at least
‘not too well’, although she also said that
she had heard that there
was a warnampi at Cameron’s Well. She seems to have used
‘Tjukurr’ to mean ‘songs and corroborees’, and a
personal totem.
- Aubrey
Lynch (a non-wati) said that Tjukurr meant a Dreamtime story.
He said that when he was a child out camping, his mother would tell him stories
about the moon and the
stars. In that context, he mentioned ‘the Seven
Sisters’, adding ‘a lot of Dreamtime story, is passed on and in
language we only, the word that we use is Tjukurrpa, that’s a
Dreamtime story’. Mr Lynch also referred to dance: ‘we dance here,
the Tjukurr story of the Seven Sisters’. He was referring to
dancing that took place in times gone by. He said that there were
Tjukurrs about many other things, but he could not think of any in the
witness box. He likened them to nursery rhymes. Notwithstanding his
evidence
referred to above, Aubrey Lynch went on to say that he thought there were other
Tjukurr stories – the Porcupine, the Bardi, and the Dog (or Dingo)
story.
- Both
Aubrey Lynch and Lorraine Griffiths asked counsel not to say the word
Tjukurr . I do not attach particular significance to this fact. They
both used the word and did not object on other occasions when counsel
used it.
The adverse reaction on two occasions may have arisen from counsel’s
having pronounced the word in a way that made
it sound like another word.
- Rhys
Winter (a wati) said that he went through the law at Areyonga in the
Northern Territory, but did not want to say anything about what he learned
then
because it was ‘very secret’ and ‘very sacred’ and was
not to be told in front of women and children,
and others who had not been
through the law. He said that once he became a Christian in 1981, he understood
that he was to put Aboriginal
law away. However, when asked if Aboriginal law
still had some importance to him, he said that he was not going to throw his
‘culture
away altogether’, and that he still has his culture which
is, for instance, to look after rockholes, and cook kangaroo the
right way.
- Anthony
Harris (a wati) said that the law grounds at Jigalong and Warburton
(respectively north and north-east of the Wongatha Claim area) were significant
for him because he went through the law there, but that Dreaming stories go all
over Western Australia, including country between
law grounds, such as between
Warburton and Jigalong, and they are ‘all connected’. He said he
does not know every one
of the stories, but that there are ‘significant
stories all through’. He also said that the law ground at Leonora is
special to him because it was his grandfather’s. He was told when he went
through the law, that the law ground at Leonora
was his and that he had to look
after it.
- Cyril
Barnes (a non-wati) said that his father’s parents followed the
Dog Dreaming track which led them to roam through country from Minnie Creek to
Leonora. I take this testimony to be to the effect that his parents used the
Dreaming track as a means of finding their way.
- Dimple
Sullivan said that Tjukurr meant ‘Dreamtime’, and when
she was asked whether she knew of a place called Mount Kilkenny (Mount
Kilkenny is some
35 km south-east of Leonora), she answered ‘[y]es,
that’s a porcupine Tjukurr’.
- In
their supplementary report, Pannell/Vachon refer to transcript references where
indigenous witnesses referred to Tjukurr:
(a) Seven
Sisters;
(b) Wati Kutjarra (Two Men);
(c) Tjilkamarta (Echidna or Porcupine);
(d) Mingari/Ngiyari (Mountain Devil);
(e) Karlaya (Emu); and
(f) Ngarnamarra (Mallee Hen).
The Pannell/Vachon listing does not discriminate between Claim groups. For
example, six witnesses are listed as having ‘acknowledged’
the
Mallee Hen Tjukurr, but only three of them are Wongatha claimants.
Evidence that the other three (Ray Ashwin, Dolly Walker and Phyllis Thomas) know
about the Mallee Hen Tjukurr is not probative of knowledge of it on the
part of the Wongatha Claim group.
- I
will summarise the evidence given by some of the Wongatha claimants in relation
to these six Dreamtime stories.
- (a) Seven
Sisters:
- May
O’Brien said that the Seven Sisters story ‘goes right through with
the Koara people and with the Wongatha people’.
She said that there were
Seven Sisters stories, not only throughout Australia, but also around the world.
She said she learned the
Seven Sisters story on the occasion of the Weebo stones
incident (in the early 1970s), when the men took her around where the Seven
Sisters had walked and she drank from a pool where they had been
- Dimple Sullivan
told a Seven Sisters story which involved the Seven Sisters flying from Gwalia
to West Well (also called ‘Mariti’
– 65 km east-north-east of
Gwalia) where they ground up seed and sat down and fed themselves. They then
flew to Gregory Hill,
where there was a fight and much bloodshed, after which
they flew to Wannarn (135 km north-east of Warburton). She said that a man,
Yula, was chasing them, wanting the youngest of them for a wife, but he
mistakenly took the oldest. She said that from Wannarn,
they flew up into the
sky. She said that the Seven Sisters site at West Well (Mariti) is on Korong
Station, where she lived and
worked for seven or eight years until the Second
World War ended.
- Dan Harris (a
wati) said that there was a Seven Sisters site on the lake near Ti-tree
Dam (15 km west of Mount Margaret). He said that seven hills
can be seen in the
middle of the lake.
(b) Wati Kutjarra
(Two Men)
- Patrick Edwards
(a wati) said that he knew a wati kutjarra story for
Hunter’s Waterfall.
- Elvis Stokes (a
non-wati) said that at Edjudina Gap (in the southernmost part of the
Wongatha Claim area) the wati kutjarra threw a boomerang which broke the
hill, creating the gap, and went on to land at Wilson Hill, near Mount Margaret.
The old people
told him never to go to Wilson Hill. He said he was told that
story about the wati kutjarra when he was a boy, holidaying at
Linden.
(c) Tjilkamarta (Echidna or Porcupine)
- Dimple Sullivan
said that at Kilkenny Hill there is a tjilkamarta (Porcupine) Dreamtime
story.
- Dennis Forrest
(a non-wati) said that in recent times his uncle, who is initiated (I
assume Paddy Walker – see below [1643]), took him to a place near
Niagara
and told him that it was a tjilkamarta (Porcupine) Dreaming site. He
said that Paddy Walker told him that at Niagara the porcupine thrashed around
and punched his snout
in a few places around there, and that the rocks there are
an indication of the quills from his back. He said that the dam constructed
at
Niagara has covered up many of the sites.
- Ivan Forrest (a
non-wati) said that his thamu, Peter Meredith, told him a
tjilkamarta Dreaming about Niagara dam. He told him that the story
originated there and went through Mount Violet, on to Mount Kilkenny, and
through to the Western Desert. He said that a hill at Mount Kilkenny is shaped
like a porcupine, and that the trees growing on top
if it stand straight up like
quills.
- (d) Mingari/Ngiyari
(Mountain Devil)
- Dennis Forrest
(a non-wati) said that the porcupine (see above) ran away from the site
at Niagara with the mountain devil or thorny devil. He said that it
is called
ngiyari or minarri. He said that the porcupine and the mountain
devil eloped, but the old people caught up with them and speared or struck the
ngiyari. The ngiyari went east and the tjilkamarta
north-west.
- (e) Karlaya
(Emu)
- Laurel Cooper
said that her mother told her a Dreamtime story at Green Hill Soak in the
Camelback Hills area, not far from Linden
(she said that the hills there are
‘big black hills shaped like a camel’s back’). She said that
the story was
about the Emu, which ‘rode to this rockhole to have a
drink’.
- Elvis Stokes (a
non-wati) said that there was a sacred site in the Camelback Soak area.
He said that it was for the karlaya (Emu) and the papa
(Dog).
- (f) Ngarnamarra
(Mallee Hen)
- Dennis Forrest
(a non-wati) said that his father told him that there was a Mallee Hen
Dreaming coming south from a place on the western side of the road going
to
Leonora. His father did not tell him any story about the mallee hen, but said
that Jeedamaya Flats resulted from the mallee hen
scratching around. He agreed
he thought it important to know the story (if you want to keep your links with
the neighbouring tribes),
but had not sought to know any story for the Mallee
Hen Dreaming. He said that because he was not a wati, he was not in a
position to inquire about such things, and it was a matter for the watis
whether to tell him.
- Christopher
Johnson (a wati) said that about 10 or 20 miles out from Menzies there is
a Tjukurr about the mallee hen, which is why there is a rock there formed
like a mallee hen nest. He said that it is appropriate for anyone
to know about
the mallee hen building its nest, and the rock coming out in that formation. He
said that the site was north of Menzies
‘going up through Jeedamaya
Station’. He said his late father told him about it when they were
driving around. He said
he never paints pictures (he is a painter) about the
Mallee Hen Dreamtime, adding ‘it is my Dreamtime, but that’s
something
we never really asked about’.
- Ivan Forrest (a
non-wati) said that his grandfather, Peter Meredith, told him a story
about Myamin Flats, which starts about 18 or 19 km out of Menzies and
goes up to
about 30 km. He said the story is that a giant mallee hen cleared up all the
trees and made a nest. He said that as
one drives through the Myamin Flats, one
sees two peaks that have the shape of a mallee hen nest. He said that his old
thamu and also Bill Wesley, from the Central Desert, told him about the
mallee hen, and added, ‘that story is connected right through
the whole
region’.
- The
Wongatha applicants cite the following additional references:
- Marlu
(Kangaroo): Laurel Cooper (identified a place where there are rocks
resembling kangaroos sitting down, and said only that there was a kangaroo
Tjukurrpa for that place); Ron Harrington-Smith (identified the name
‘Marlu Dreaming’ and said he must keep further details secret
and not say too much about it);
- Papa (Dog
or Dingo): Cyril Barnes (said there was a Dog Dreaming from Minnie Creek to
Mount Leonora); Elvis Stokes (said that at Camelback
Soak there was a
Tjukurr of the Emu and Dog); Anthony Harris (said that there was a
papa (Dog) story at Mount Leonora);
- Warnampi
(snake): Maisie Harkens (said she was told later in life that her totem was the
snake); Marjorie Bonney (said there was a Dreamtime
story (Tjukurr) of
the water snake (warnampi) at rockholes at Mount Margaret); Pearlie Wells
(said there may be a water snake or water snakes in Casey Pool at Mount
Margaret);
Dennis Forrest (said the rainbow serpent or water snake (which he
said was called ‘Waugal’ by the Nyungars) is at Lake
Raeside and
goes from Lake Miranda and empties into Lake Bunduru on the Nullabor Plain);
- Fighting Crows:
Sadie Canning (said she heard a story about two crows fighting in anger at
rockholes ‘round Cosmo area’).
In most of
these cases the witness did not recount a story, but identified the name of the
story and in most cases the place or area
to which it was related, sometimes
adding a few words, such as ‘fighting in anger’.
- The
Wongatha applicants list further additional transcript references of indigenous
witnesses who referred to the Tjukurr. The Wongatha claimants are: June
Madriaga (said that her totem was the porcupine); Celia Sullivan (said that when
she was a child,
her mother and aunt told her Dreamtime stories when they were
sitting around the campfire); Bertha Thomas (said that when she was
a child,
they used to lie down on the canvas or tarpaulin, and their grandmother would
tell them ‘about the stars and the emu
in the Milky Way’); Geoffrey
Stokes (said that there is a Seven Sisters site on Kookynie); Duncan Bilson
(said that when he
was a child he learned Dreamtime stories about the Seven
Sisters by reference to the stars, but could not remember any other Dreamtime
story, although he said there are stories that he knows but is not allowed to
talk about); Ivan Forrest (said that his father told
him that there was a Seven
Sisters rockhole); RM (said he thought there was a story for a cave at the
breakaway near Burtville, where
he was born); Murray Stubbs (said his mother
told him ‘the Dreamtime story’ for the ‘Yundamindra Camelback
area’,
and said that the story concerned two rockholes, one good and one
bad for drinking, the explanation being that a dingo chased an
emu and bit the
emu on the stomach causing the emu’s bladder to burst and empty into one
of the rockholes – the dingo
slung the emu’s carcas up and that
caused the hill to be black – that story is the only one that was passed
down through
his family although there would have been a great many Dreamtime
stories associated with various places in his ngurra – there are
other places his uncle told him about, but he must not speak about them, as he
was not the appropriate person to
speak about those matters, even in a
gender-restricted session of the hearing); Dennis Forrest said that his father
would identify
stars in the sky as the Seven Sisters, and that there were seven
rockholes supposed to represent them, which he identified when a
video was
screened – he said that all the law is linked ‘through the story
lines’ but he should not speak about
it – he said that Jeedamaya
Flats is as it is because the mallee hen scratched around there.
- Finally,
the Wongatha applicants rely upon gender-restricted evidence given in relation
to specific Tjukurr/Tjukurrpa sites and stories (see [1496] ff).
- The
Wongatha applicants also rely on several illustrated children’s books
written by May O’Brien, a Wongatha claimant,
in which six Aboriginal
legends are recounted. One tells the Seven Sisters story, of which Ms
O’Brien said:
story goes right
through with the Koara people and the Wongatha people, going through right here,
and it was enacted by – Laurel
[Cooper] told us the
story.’
- Dennis
Forrest described the Tjukurr as follows:
people ... call it fairy stories. You can
call them what you like, but it’s Wangkayis’ way of his
understanding of where I am, why I am here and where am I going?
That’s the best way I could sort of describe it. You know, how did this
happen? Your description of the landscape, you know?’
(my emphasis)
- The
Wongatha applicants conclude this part of their submissions as
follows:
is submitted that the evidence of
the claimants indicates a continuing knowledge of and transmission of knowledge
to younger generations
about Tjukurr/Tjukurrpa places; and (taking into
account the evidence of initiated men such as Anthony Harris, Kado Muir and
others) the continuing central
importance of Tjukurrpa in Wongatha law and
customs.’
I put to one side Kado Muir because he is not a Wongatha claimant. However,
Anthony Harris is.
- The
State responds to the materials cited by the Wongatha applicants, by advancing
general propositions in the text of its submissions,
to which were attached
lengthy and detailed footnotes referring to the transcript.
- The
nature of the voluminous testimony touching upon the Tjukurr varies
greatly.
- Some
of the witnesses do little more than mention the name of a story. Some know
that a particular site is associated with Tjukurr generally or with a
particular story, the name of which is given. Dimple Sullivan, a senior
Wongatha claimant, demonstrated a detailed
knowledge.
- I
have no doubt that the Wongatha claimants know less of the Tjukurr than
their ancestors did, and that it is less important to them than it was to their
ancestors. In the case of many claimants, their
knowledge was fragmentary and
sketchy. The days of learning the Tjukurrpa through constant repetition
of ceremony, song and dance have long since gone. On the other hand, I have
summarised enough evidence
to show that many of the witnesses know of particular
Tjukurr stories and places.
- The
State submits that notwithstanding the overarching role and importance
attributed to the Tjukurr by academic
observers:
reality for members of the
claimant groups, as disclosed in their evidence, is that the Tjukurr is
not of central importance or, in most cases, of much, if any, importance at
all.’
The State further submits:
evidence in the proceedings in relation to the
concept of Tjukurr does not reveal an acknowledgement, or even an
understanding, of the concept that is coherent and comprehensible. It cannot,
it is
submitted, be properly described as overarching, unifying or as a core
concept by reference to which the claimants are provided with
a plan of life.
Furthermore, it is submitted that what knowledge does exist in relation to
Tjukurr amongst the claimant groups is in the nature of an intellectual
awareness of the broad nature of the role the concept once played,
or a
piecemeal knowledge of some aspects of some parts of the concept, rather than
the active and deferential regard that was noted
to have been paid to the
concept in parts of the Western Desert in earlier times. The depletion in
knowledge and understanding of
the details of the concept of Tjukurr and
the concurrent relegation of the concept from being a “core element”
in a vibrant society to its present status as
a remembrance from a past era are,
no doubt, interrelated. It is hard to imagine how a widespread loss of detailed
acknowledgment
and knowledge of the concept could have occurred if the concept
had continued to provide the claimants with “their plan of
life”.’
- In
GLSC Appendix B3a the Wongatha applicants set out extracts from the
testimony of 30 indigenous witnesses said to relate to
‘Tjukurr’. It is difficult to know what to make of
Appendix B3a. The Tjukurr is a broad subject. There is evidence,
for example, that ‘the law’ comes from the Tjukurr.
Accordingly, the separation of Men’s Law, Tjukurrpa and
pika ngurlu places in the parties’ submissions and in these
reasons, although necessary, is somewhat artificial. The indigenous testimony
relating to the Tjukurr, edited and extracted in Appendix B3a, is
diverse.
- Appendix B3a
reveals a variety of understandings of the Tjukurr on the part of the
indigenous witnesses. I accept the following submission made by the
State:
the concept is, as the GLSC
Applicants’ submissions and the application seem to suggest, a cornerstone
of the social order of
the applicants, the level of variation in the
understanding of that concept suggests that it may no longer be a common
denominator
amongst the claimants.’.
- Some
of the witnesses listed in Appendix B3a testified to their lack of
knowledge, rather than their knowledge, of the Tjukurr. Some of the
edited extracts of evidence in Appendix B3a do not contain express
references to Tjukurr. Generally speaking, the stories of which evidence
was given were connected to places, but the connection between story and place
was sometimes not extensive. Anthony Harris said: ‘Well my understanding
is that in anything to do with water, there is, you
know, Jila [snake]
there’. Cecily Harris said ‘They [rockholes] always have a
Dreamtime story about it’. Sometimes, the
story was not known to the
witness or had been forgotten. Generally speaking, Appendix B3a comprises
passages of transcript in which
the witnesses gave little or no detail of a
story, but knew that a site and a story were associated. Sometimes, a key
character
in the story was also identified.
- Leo
Thomas (a non-wati) testified that his mother told him ‘her
Dreamtime story’ and told him before putting him to bed that he was not to
look
at the moon because it would come down and slice his head off, or at the
stars or anything in the sky, because it was ‘men’s
business’
know, there’s a lot of
stories up there and it’s not for me, you know, tell you the men’s
stories because, as I
said, I respect it and my brother and my two nephews they
would be good. I respect if that’s the way they want to go, that’s
their business. So, if there are any other men with them, they should tell you
the story, but I can’t. ... And I’m a
strong believer of, you know,
all of – I’m a strong believer in Aboriginal stories.’
It may be that Leo Thomas knew a story or stories but was saying that, as
watis¸ his brother and two nephews were the appropriate people to
tell it or them.
- May
O’Brien testified at length about Aboriginal stories or legends that
were the subject of her children’s books, each one telling a story
that
she had been told by her grandmother and aunty. She said that when she was a
child, she and other children were told these
stories by ‘the
grandmothers, the kaparlis’ around the campfire in response to the
children’s questions about natural phenomena, such as, why the crows were
black
and how the lakes came into being. She said that they were told that the
lakes came from the tears of the crows, and
added:
so that’s their interpretation
of why that lake is a lake and why that whatever it is, is that; it’s our
interpretation.
But we now read from white man’s books and they tell us
something else.’
Ms O’Brien said
that she wrote her books because there was a dearth of Aboriginal story books;
stories ‘are not written,
we’re verbal people, we’ve passed on
from word of mouth ... [so] our Wongatha kids will feel proud of these stories,
and they are’. She said she was told the stories by people who have now
died, and now ‘as a senior person in the Wongatha
claim it’s [her]
duty and role as a custodian of these stories to pass it on’.
- In
its submissions, the State referred to the limited evidence in relation to
personal totems, which were sometimes described as,
or by reference to,
Tjukurr. The State submits:
has been
described in evidence comprises fragments, broken sequences and discontinuity.
This evidence hints at complete, epic, stories
that once existed but which are
no longer known. Furthermore there was, in the evidence of many individual
witnesses, an indifference
to the concept and a lack of concern as to the
patchiness of the witnesses’ own understanding of
it.’
- The
State addressed the evidence of five Wongatha applicants, Aubrey Lynch, Leo
Thomas, Les Tucker, Sadie Canning and Ron Harrington-Smith,
in relation to
Tjukurr.
- Aubrey
Lynch, a non-wati, mentioned the Seven Sisters and ‘maybe the
moon or whatever up in the sky’. He said: ‘the Seven Sisters
we dance here, the Tjukurr story of the Seven Sisters’, apparently
referring to a practice of his childhood years. He said there is a Seven
Sisters rockhole
at Menzies on the Mount Ida road. He also referred to a
Porcupine Tjukurr at Murrin Murrin, and said that there was a
Bardi Tjukurr just off the road between Yundamindra and Mount
Celia, and a Dog Tjukurr at Leonora which travels to Warburton (that has
been passed on by the Nyungar people and other people that met in the old days).
He said that Aboriginal people pick up Dreamtime stories when they are children
in the same way as non-Aboriginal children pick up
nursery rhymes. He said he
had not learned the names of places where the Dreaming stories travelled and had
not discussed Dreaming
stories with his father. Asked whether he had learned
the names of places where Dreamtime stories travelled in Wongatha country,
Mr
Lynch said he had only learned Dreamtime stories from his mother and had never
followed Dreamtime stories as much as other people
did.
- I
referred to some of the testimony of Leo Thomas at [1552] above. He said
his mother had told him: ‘Don’t look at the stars, you know,
don’t look at anything in
the sky because it’s men’s
business’. The State submits that he did not suggest that his
mother’s warning
formed part of the overarching concept of the Dreaming.
I take the latter warning to relate in some way to aspects of the Dreaming
that
relate to Men’s law. He claimed to be ‘a strong believer in
Aboriginal stories’. I am not sure what he meant
by this claim: that he
believed strongly in the importance of stories or that he believed the stories
themselves. He did not tell
any Aboriginal stories, and the statement follows
his account of his mother putting him to bed.
- Les
Tucker did not mention Dreaming or Tjukurr or Tjukurrpa.
- Sadie
Canning was asked if she had ever heard any Aboriginal stories relating to
certain rockholes, and replied that she had heard a story about
two crows
fighting in nanirri (anger). She said that she was told the story by old
Aboriginal people whose names she could not recall. It was the only evidence
Ms
Canning gave of a Dreamtime story.
- Ron
Harrington-Smith, a non-wati, claimed to have a ‘good
knowledge’ of ‘Dreaming stories’, and
said:
one’s to look at the whole of
the Wongatha claim, they, of course, you know, the Dreaming used to always
criss-crossed the whole
of the claim’.
He said that there were a lot of Dreaming stories that he was told about, and
named the Dog (Papa) Dreaming, the Emu (Karlaya) Dreaming, and the
Kangaroo (Marlu) Dreaming. He said he did not elaborate on the stories,
saying ‘It’s a thing we got to hold very close to our hearts
and we
just can’t deliberately, you know, say too much, and that’s all
about it’. As a non-wati, Mr Harrington-Smith could not have a
good knowledge of wati-only stories, such as the Kangaroo (Marlu)
Dreaming. However, there are other stories that are not restricted. I have
difficulty with his claim to have a ‘good knowledge’
of Dreamtime
stories that he was not at liberty to reveal.
- Mr
Harrington-Smith’s use of the past tense in the passage set out above is
interesting. Why did he say ‘used to’
and
‘criss-crossed’? The stories do not have a limited life span.
Perhaps he meant that their real significance lay
in the past.
Increase sites
- Aubrey
Lynch described the Bardi Tjukurr with which his mother was
involved. He said that when one travels on the road between Yundamindra and
Mount Cecilia, there is a
Bardi Tjukurr just off the road which he
and the anthropologist, Mr Vachon, had registered. He said that his mother used
to clean up that area
and claimed that if you looked after it you would be able
to go out and dig many bardi there. Aubrey Lynch did not suggest that he
regularly cleans up that site today for that purpose.
- Janice
Scott said that her father had told her about what he called the
makuparlulpayi, a rock about the bardi, at Yundamindra. She said
that in order for the bardi or ngirriki to be plentiful you have
to go to the rock and clean it. She said that she had told others, including
her children, about it so
that they too could look after it.
- The
only other Wongatha claimant who gave evidence potentially relevant to this
topic was Eric Thomas. He said that there is a Bardi
Tjukurr at Pyke’s Hollow (close to the western bank of Lake Carey
and about 40 km south-south-west of Mount Margaret). He said that
his mother
told him that there was a Bardi Tjukurr there. He said that there
is a honey ant site near Granites, about eight miles from Pyke’s Hollow.
He said that about every
two months he checks that both sites are not being
interfered with. When asked what he does about those places, he
replied:
go there and just keep sort of eye
on it and walk around it and think of the old – the granny – what
she tell us, the
story about that place, and so you got to – you just to
keep look-out on it and keep it in good condition and nobody can go
in there and
touch it.’
Eric Thomas does not say that either site is an ‘increase site’,
but clearly they are Tjukurr sites which he actively seeks to
preserve.
Conclusion concerning Tjukurr/Tjukurrpa (the Dreaming)
- The
present topic raises the question, what is meant by ‘acknowledgement and
observance’ of the Tjukurr, as distinct from knowledge of it.
- Two
particular forms of activity that were apparently once related to the Tjukurr
have ceased among the Wongatha claimants. The first is the learning of the
Tjukurr through repetitive ceremony, song and dance. The second is the
performance of increase rituals at increase sites.
- A
third behavioural aspect of the Tjukurr is the avoidance of sacred
Tjukurr sites. I do not think that any Wongatha claimant would knowingly
enter upon a sacred Tjukurr site. I discuss pika ngurlu sites
below at 4.7(a)(b)(5).
- I
infer that the Wongatha Claim group, as a whole, has knowledge, varying greatly
between members, of various Tjukurr sites and stories within the Wongatha
Claim area.
(4) Acknowledgement/observance of the concept of ngurra/ngurrara (country)
- My
discussion under this heading is divided up as follows:
(ii) Terminology
(iii) The bases of the acquisition of ngurra (my country)
area
(iv) General Issues
(i) General
- The
Wongatha submissions do not set out what is attempted to be proved. What is the
law or custom to which the expression ‘the
concept of
ngurra/ngurrara (country)’ is intended to refer? As I understand
it, the Wongatha applicants’ intention is to prove:
- pre-sovereignty
laws and customs by which an individual was recognised as holding country;
and
- that individual
Wongatha claimants are still recognised as holding country by reference to the
same laws and customs, after making
permissible allowance for
adaptation.
Evidence that an individual claims country by
reference to those pre-sovereignty laws and customs, and recognition of such
claims
by others, would be probative of present day acknowledgement and
observance in the present respect. I discussed the traditional
bases of claim
to country at 3.6(c)(3) [828]ff.
(ii) Terminology
- In
the indigenous testimony, several Aboriginal words related to country occur:
Ngurra;
Ngurrara;
parna (sometimes spelt ‘bunna’);
kapi (sometimes spelt ‘gabi’);
manta;
yiwarra; and
kurtu (or kurturta).
- It
seems clear that the primary meaning of kapi is ‘water’ or
‘waterhole’. Water was necessary for survival, and kapi came
to mean the place associated with the main waterhole close to one’s place
of birth, to which place one belonged. Accordingly,
‘kapi’
meant one’s country in that particular sense.
- Yiwarra
meant something like one’s ‘run’ or ‘roaming area’
or ‘hunting and foraging area’ or ‘track
or pathway’ or
‘travelling area’, or ‘orbit of occupation’. A
yiwarra was not the subject of ownership, and apparently refers to the
range discussed at 3.6(c)(3) [844]ff.
- Kurtu
(or kurturta) seems to mean something like ‘heart country’ or
‘the country a person knows best of all’.
- The
most commonly used word to refer to an individual’s country area was
ngurra. One meaning of the word ngurra is specific and very
local: the wiltja (bough shelter) where one lived, or, nowadays, the
house in which one lives. However, in addition to referring to a person’s
camp or house, it refers to a person’s ‘my country’ area. For
example, asked where her ‘ngurra or country’ was, Doreen
Harris said that it was Cosmo.
- The
words parna and manta seem to be synonyms. Apparently, their
primary meaning is ‘ground’ or ‘earth’ but, like
‘ngurra’ they bear a broader meaning of an individual’s
‘my country’ area.
- The
term ‘ngurrara’ presented a little difficulty. Cyril Barnes
said that ‘ngurra’ meant his house or camp, but
‘whenever you come to area, it’s ngurrara’, then added
‘That’s my ngurrara there; that my ngurra. That
ngurra could be there, but also it’s my ngurrara’.
- Ron
Harrington-Smith said that ‘ngurrara’ referred to
‘the whole of the area that you roamed and lived off the land’.
This makes ‘ngurrara’ signify much the same thing as
‘yiwarra’.
- Nancy
Gordon, an MN claimant, said that ‘ngurrara’ meant
‘That’s their country. That’s their place’.
Interestingly, asked what her father said about
where his ngurrara was,
replied: ‘Kapi Rirrti, that say it like this, the Kapi
Rirrti is their ngurrara’. Later, Ms Gordon appeared to use
‘ngurra’ and ‘ngurrara’ as if they meant
the same thing. In fact, yet later, she said that she did not know whether
‘ngurra’ and ‘ngurrara’ meant different
things, but thought they meant the same thing – ‘country’.
She said that her late father
would say something like ‘ngurra,
ngurrara ... and they’d name a specific place [she instanced
Rirrti (Empress Spring)]’.
- Murray
Stubbs said that whereas he calls the country from Menzies to Yapuparra,
being his mother’s grandmother’s and thamu’s country,
his ‘ngurra’, he calls the small area that he knows best
where he has travelled, his ‘kurturtu country’ because it is
his ‘heart country’ – the country he knows best. It is the
country around Menzies,
Leonora, Murrin, Yundamindra, Mount Celia and Laverton.
That was the area where his parents, his brother Greg and he went hunting
and
camping. He said that that area formed part of his mother’s country.
- Geraldine
Hogarth, a Koara claimant, said that she called the area special to her, her
‘manta’ or ‘home’, and that her spirit or
kuurti belongs there. (Interestingly, Geraldine Hogarth distinguished
between ‘ngurra’ on the one hand and
‘manta’ or ‘parna’ on the other, stating
that her ngurra (meaning, apparently, her house) was in Leonora, whereas
her ‘manta and parna’ was out from Leonora, starting
at Leonora.)
- The
State submits that the evidence does not show a consensus as to what is meant by
the various Aboriginal terms mentioned. I agree
that the meanings of these
Aboriginal words may not be as clearly known and differentiated as they were
before the language loss
referred to previously. However, allowance must be
made for several factors which lessen the force of the State’s submission.
First, the large number of words indicating various relationships between people
and land itself points to the importance of the
land to the people. Second, no
doubt in earlier times, the precise and distinctive meanings of the words were
well known. Third,
allowance must be made for the possibility that several
words with the same meaning originated in different dialects.
- I
do not think there is any disagreement that one meaning, perhaps the primary
meaning, of ‘ngurra’ is one’s camp or house. Dimple
Sullivan said that ‘ngurra’ meant one’s camp, while
‘ngurrara’ meant one’s country. However, Pearlie
Wells’s evidence was clear that while ‘ngurra’ meant
camping place or house (she said that the Mount Margaret Mission was her
ngurra because her father built a house for the family there), all of the
places she went camping with her father were also part of her
ngurra.
This shows that she regarded ‘ngurra’ as being also
applicable to an area.
- Such
uncertainty that exists seems to relate mainly to the distinction between
‘ngurra’ and ‘ngurrara’, and this could be
due to two things. One is simply language loss. The other is the lack of
discussion of the concepts represented
by the language. I doubt that, prior to
the advent of Native Title, the Wongatha claimants would have often discussed
the question
of ‘my country’ areas, so the occasion for use of, and
differentiation between, the terms would have been rare.
- Notwithstanding
this, the degree of confusion is not as great as the non-indigenous respondents
would have it.
(iii) The bases of the acquisition of ngurra
(‘my country’ area)
- The
non-indigenous respondents submit that there is also confusion as to the bases
on which an individual holds rights and interests
in country. The allowance of
multiple bases of connection is apt to present an unclear picture, at least to
the non-indigenous mind,
and to cause disputation, at least with the advent of
Native Title. But the participating anthropologists, including Dr Brunton,
agreed in their joint report, on a ‘multiple pathways of connection’
model (see 3.5(a)[411]).
(iv) General issues
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that ngurra is primarily based upon place of
birth and growing up. Clearly, they are using ‘ngurra’ in
the broader ‘my country’ sense.
- Pannell/Vachon
suggest that the evidence of the indigenous witnesses indicates that the
‘my country’ relationship begins
at birth, and appears to depend
upon, place of birth: ‘birthplace appears to be a fundamental anchoring in
the system for the
individual’. Pannell/Vachon acknowledge that place of
birth is ‘the product of contingency and choices made by one’s
parents [and that] AP Elkin once called this ... a “fortuitous
principle”’. Later they state that a person’s
country may or
may not correspond to that of a forebear, and that the indigenous evidence
suggests that the ‘my country’
relationship ‘from birth and
growing up “follows” the father or mother usually where the
countries correspond’.
They
add:
other words, where a forebear’s
country is distant from one’s own, the “my country”
relationship of a living
person is not usually extended to include the
forebear’s country, although people can, and often do, make assertions
about
their connection and relationships to this
land.’
In summary, there is no difficulty where one’s place of birth occurs
within one’s father’s or mother’s country,
but otherwise the
‘forebear’s’ country is ‘usually’ disregarded for
‘my country’ purposes.
On this analysis, place of birth is
determinative in all cases, at least, where the place of birth was within the
Western Desert.
Group 6A refers to Anthony Harris who was born at Dampier,
which he thought was the country of the Yindjibarndi mob, but who
said that he
took his grandmother’s country because she had ‘Wongatha
blood’, as he does. It will be recalled
that ‘place of
ancestor’s country’ is a criterion for membership of the Wongatha
Claim group alternative to the
individual’s own birth and growing up
within the Wongatha Claim area.
- The
State submits that the Wongatha applicants’ reliance on the testimony of
RM, Rhys Winter and Troy Chapman, an MN claimant,
for the proposition that
‘my country’ areas are based primarily upon place of birth and of
growing up, is misplaced.
As will be seen, the different approaches of the
Wongatha applicants and the State may be explained. The State emphasises the
word
‘and’ in the expression ‘birth and growing up’.
Accordingly, one’s ngurra is a place where both one’s birth
and growing up occurred.
- RM
said that his ngurra was Burtville because that is where he was born.
His children’s ngurra was the Mount Margaret Mission because that
is where they were born and that was their home. RM may also have grown up at
Burtville.
Asked what country he went to when he was in Burtville, RM said
‘all round there’ and mentioned three places around
there. His
children grew up in the Mission, at least to some extent. I do not think
RM’s omission to refer to place of growing
up is particularly
significant.
- Rhys
Winter said that his father, Charlie Winter, identified his country as being
Rutter’s Grave, Wunda Soak, Ngarnyirri, Hunter’s
Waterfall and
Tatjarn, which are all within the Cosmo Claim area. He said his father told him
that those areas were his country
because he lived with his mother as a small
boy and hunted in that area. He was born at Minnie Creek. Asked whether his
birth there
was relevant to his father’s country, Rhys Winter said that
Minnie Creek would have been his country, but people do not live
around there
because it is sacred. Asked whether his father’s place of birth had
anything to do with the area that Rhys Winter
had named as his father’s
country, he said that he supposed so: ‘It would be if you’re born
somewhere, you’ve
got to call it country, your country [under] Aboriginal
law’. He was born at Kalgoorlie Hospital and grew up on Glenorn,
Yundamindra
and Erlistoun Stations, then in the Mount Margaret Mission and then
at Laverton, Mount Margaret and Leonora. Rhys Winter identified
his own country
as the place where he lived, grew up, hunted, cooked kangaroo in the ground,
collected bush tucker and looked after
the land.
- Troy
Chapman, an MN claimant, said that his mother’s country was the
country where she was born. He said that his own country was Tjirrkirli
and
‘this side of “Banjawarn and Bandya country”’. He said
that his mother told him that that was his country,
because it was hers and his
grandfather’s.
- Apparently
Troy Chapman claims country on the basis of what was his ancestors’
country was, rather than on the basis of his
own place of birth and growing
up.
- Most
Wongatha claimants who testified, either expressly or by implication, claimed
country on the basis of their place of birth.
- Pannell/Vachon
assert that the primary evidence ‘strongly supports the view that the
“my country” relationship is
especially formed during the time an
individual gains early sustenance from the land – where one “grows
up”’ (my emphasis). This statement appears to be referring to
the gaining of sustenance from the land in a ‘traditional’ manner.
The Wongatha claimants have long since ceased to gain ‘early sustenance
from the land’. Some of the older witnesses,
however, did so.
- A
particular Wongatha submission is that the Mount Margaret Mission could become
part of a person’s ngurra or ‘my country’ area, if the
person spent childhood years living there. Laurel Cooper said she regarded
Mount Margaret
as within her
ngurra:
as a child I have more
feelings in there [probably a reference to Murrin Murrin], but when I
came in here [into the Mission] it was new here. I had to learn and sit
at the table; I had to use the knife and fork; how to get in the baths, and to
get in the
clean sheets, and into big dormitory with high window way up there;
everything was new. So I had to adjust to it.’
According to the Wongatha submissions, this is ‘a good example ... of
adaptation but continuation of the concept of ngurra under circumstances
of European incursion and removals’.
- It
is an interesting question whether any principle of adaptation would permit the
claiming of the place of a European institution
in which one was accommodated,
as part of one’s ngurra. Boarding schools, missions, hospitals,
prisons and educational centres come to mind. I suppose the first question is
whether pre-sovereignty
laws and customs could have made a place to which one
was taken part of one’s ngurra. Ms Cooper said that when she was
six years old (1940-41), her parents placed her in the Mission to avoid capture
by the Government
and the police because she was a half-caste child. She
remained there until she was 15-16 years old – for some 10 years.
Is the
applicable 1829 law or custom that ‘place of birth’ and ‘place
of growing up’ qualify no matter what
the circumstances were, leading to
the child’s being born and growing up in a particular place? What were
the pre-1829 laws
and customs governing removals, forcible or voluntary, of
children as between Aboriginal groups? If a young girl were taken in a
warnmala raid, would the place to which she was taken be part of her
ngurra?
- I
pose these questions only to show the surreal nature of some of the issues that
can arise. I need not resolve the question of the
identity of Ms Cooper’s
ngurra.
- The
State submits that the Wongatha submissions seem to expand the meaning of
ngurra to include one’s forebear’s country, that is to say,
that ‘people may call their forebears’ country their
own
country’. The Wongatha submission cites testimony of Jessie Evans.
Jessie Evans said that she followed her mother, not
her father, for country, and
therefore claimed her mother’s ngurra which is Linden. However,
Jessie Evans also said that she herself was born and grew up at Linden, where
the ration depot was, and
claimed Linden as her ngurra because she was
born and grew up there. Accordingly, Jessie Evans’s testimony provides an
illustration of a coincidence of
both bases of connection recognised in the
Wongatha POC: ancestor’s connection and birth and growing up of the
particular claimant.
Interestingly, Jessie Evans added that she roamed in the
Linden area and that her kuurti (spirit) was in
Linden.
Connections to areas other than a person’s
‘my country’ area
- Several
witnesses referred to areas which were not their ngurra but with which
they had ‘connections’ of various kinds. Sometimes they would add
such a statement as ‘I can go
there’ or ‘they know me
there’. The general idea conveyed was that the person would be
‘recognised’
and ‘accepted’. The evidence relating to
such places was vague, but suggests that those connections provide a basis
on
which the person can activate rights and interests even if he or she has not
done so to date. Under the multiple pathways of
connection model, connections
can be activated and de-activated, so that one’s ‘my country’
area can change during
life (see 3.6(c)(4) [895]
ff.
Failure of Dr Pannell and Mr Vachon to assess critically the
indigenous testimony
- A
difficulty which I have had with the expert testimony of Dr Pannell and Mr
Vachon is that they do not seem to make a critical assessment
of any of the
indigenous testimony, in the sense of testing it for consistency or
inconsistency with established Western Desert laws
and customs. Rather, they
make what they can of whatever the indigenous witnesses say. In fairness, in
relation to the present
topic, they make this concession:
admit there is a difficulty here in
interpreting the evidence. Distinguishing a claim of rights and interests in an
area or making
a native title claim from assertions of “my country”
is difficult in the context of the present
hearing.’
New connections
- Pannell/Vachon
say that ‘[l]ater in life an individual can establish new connections to
place, often a considerable distance
from one’s own country’. They
say:
these ties to ngurra come about
through acknowledging and observing what is often termed “the Law”.
Through participation in this regional
tradition of interlinked tracks of
Tjukurrpa and ceremony, a person acquires new interests in places and new
rights as an Aboriginal person. These places may be well outside
the Wongatha
Claim area and the overlapping claim
areas.’
Pannell/Vachon do not identify any particular aspect of the law, the
acknowledgement and observance of which would give rise to such
new connections
to distant places. I find it difficult to understand how the substitution of a
new ngurra for an old, and the notion of changing rights and interests,
could be accommodated to s 225 of the NTA.
Multiple bases of connection
- I
discussed multiple bases of connection to areas defined by reference to
Tjukurr sites and tracks at 3.6(c)(3)[839]ff.
- Pannell/Vachon
assert that culturally valid connections to country and associated interests are
not confined to those of a ‘birth/growing
up’ and
‘relative’s country’ nature. They say that the place where a
man is initiated is an example of such
a ‘connection to country’.
They cite Anthony Harris’s testimony that watis from anywhere can
go to law grounds anywhere, once the local people tell them where the law ground
is (‘They’re all connected.
All that law is the same law. You
know, the Northern Territory, South Australia, Western Australia, the three
existing States that
do practise the law, they all do it together’). His
testimony there, however, had nothing to do with acquiring a connection
to
country.
- Perhaps
more importantly, it is not explained how place of claimant’s initiation
can be accommodated to the POC criteria for
membership of the Wongatha Claim
group (2.1 [129]).
Hunting, gathering, camping
- Pannell/Vachon
state in their supplementary
report:
witnesses from various claimant
groups also expressed the view that they share a common “human”
right, as Aboriginal people,
to hunt/gather and camp on the Claim Area
(including the overlap areas) and adjacent lands. Such a common right is
extended to Aboriginal
individuals living on and connected to lands within the
Western Desert cultural bloc and, at least hypothetically, to any Aboriginal
person. This is supported by R. Berndt’s finding, as we note in our
original report ..., that Western Desert land-using groups
were not restricted
in their movement or exploitation of resources. In our view, however, this
proposition is over-stated if taken
without further elaboration. We intend to
show that the primary evidence, consistent with our findings, shows that the
claimants’
possession, occupation, use and enjoyment of land and its
resources is both endorsed and limited by the acknowledgment and observance
of
their common laws and customs.’
- In
this passage, the authors suggest two kinds of rights or interests: a ‘my
country’ kind which is unique to the individual,
and a ‘human
right’ kind of all Aboriginal people in which the individual shares. I
have discussed earlier the matter
of protocols relating to access to the
‘my country’ area of another person (see 4.6(c) [1404] ff).
I am not persuaded that at sovereignty there were protocols that were observed
before one entered upon the ‘my
country’ area of another. Given the
semi-nomadic lifestyle, the vast, arid, inhospitable nature of the Western
Desert, and
the consequential comparatives sparseness of population, it is
difficult to imagine how such protocols would be observed. Observance
of common
courtesies and practical exigencies when approaching another group are a
different matter.
Conclusion concerning ngurra/ngurrara
- As
I indicated at 3.6(c)(3) [879], I cannot recall a witness who claimed a
ngurra or ‘my country’ area, identified by reference to
Tjukurr sites and tracks. Multiple pathways of connection, as
represented in the indigenous evidence, presents a complex picture. There
seems
to be no limit to the kinds of connection that can be relied on, provided they
gain acceptance. All depends on assertion and
recognition. But what kind of
assertion and recognition by whom? The difficulty of these questions is
sharpened by the Native Title
context and overlapping claims in which they are
now asked.
5) Acknowledgment/observance of the concept of pika ngurlu
General
- The
GLSC Form 1 states that the laws and customs derive from the Tjukurr and
‘include the key interrelated concepts and practices relating to ...
pika ngurlu, being places associated with Tjukurr and associated
ritual ceremonies and practices which continue to be respected, avoided and
protected by the claimant group’
(see 2.1 [138]). There was
evidence that ‘pika’ means ‘sick’ or
‘sickness’, and that ‘ngurlu’ means
‘frightening’. The general idea seems to be that people,
particularly children, are taught to be frightened of
places to which they must
not go, and that if they go there, they will become sick or suffer some other
misfortune. Thus, the expression
pika ngurlu refers to a place that is
sacred and is not to be visited except by watis. If a non-wati
visits it, that person or a member of his or her family is likely to be punished
or to suffer some ill fate, such as an injury or
sickness. In addition, such
places are not to be spoken about except as between watis.
- A
rule that pika ngurlu places must not be visited or spoken about is
clearly normative, as distinct from a neutral form of observable behaviour. It
is
a law or custom, although not itself a right- or interest-conferring one. It
is capable of being acknowledged and observed, and
is obviously relevant to the
issue of continued acknowledgement and observance by the Wongatha Claim group of
the body of Western
Desert laws and customs.
- There
was evidence that some sites are ‘women only’, but the expression
‘pika ngurlu’ seems to have been used only in relation to
‘men (wati) only’ sites.
- The
GLSC submissions quote the following extracts from the Pannell/Vachon primary
report:
ngurlu is most commonly used by the
[Wongatha] claimants to describe some sites or ngurra within the
claim area (and outside of it), associated with certain Tjukurr.
Pika ngurlu places are most often associated with one of the major
Western Desert Tjukurr and, as such, are associated with regional
ceremonial complexes. As this suggests, the concept of pika ngurlu
operates at a number of levels: the individual, Wongatha society, and the wider
Western Desert community.’
and
complex relationship between Tjukurr, ngurra,
knowledge and ignorance mediated by the notion of pika ngurlu,
structures the realm of what is sometimes glossed as “secret” and
“sacred” by both claimants and anthropologists.
The claimants also
speak of this configuration of “Wangkayi
Law”.’
Evidence and submissions
- In
the text of their submissions, the Wongatha applicants cite testimony of Dimple
Sullivan, Elvis Stokes, Christopher Johnson, Lorraine
Griffiths, Mervyn
Sullivan, Bertha Thomas, Phyllis Thomas (an MN claimant), Kalman Murphy
(an MN claimant), Troy Chapman (an MN claimant), Thelma O’Loughlin, Dennis
Forrest, Albert Newland (a non-claimant),
Duncan Bilson, Maisie Harkens, Cyril
Barnes, Stewart Evans (a Koara claimant) and Nancy Gordon (an MN claimant).
- The
State discusses the testimony of those 17 witnesses, then the testimony of four
further witnesses, Geoffrey Stokes, Justine Westlake
(a Cosmo claimant), Ashley
Blake and Preston Thomas, who, according to the State’s submission, were
quite unsure as to what
pika ngurlu entailed.
- The
Wongatha applicants also refer to references made by witnesses to pika
ngurlu places in terms of places where ‘they were absolutely forbidden
to go on pain ... of sickness and/or punishment’, and
assert that examples
are noted in the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report. Pannell/Vachon cite the
following witnesses and accompanying
transcript references: Eric Thomas, Aubrey
Lynch, Elvis Stokes, Richard Evans, Stewart Evans, Paddy Walker, Verna
Vos, Brett Lewis, Gay Harris, Cecily Harris, Luxie Hogarth, Janice
Scott,
Anthony Harris, Gavin Murray, Ashley Blake, Dimple Sullivan, Dennis Forrest,
Kalman Murphy and Preston Thomas.
- The
position is quite unsatisfactory. First, the State seems to have overlooked the
listing of these witnesses in the Pannell/Vachon
supplementary report, although
the Wongatha applicants referred to it in their submissions. Second, the
Wongatha applicants have
not distinguished between Wongatha and non-Wongatha
claimants. By including non-Wongatha claimants, the Wongatha applicants are
relying on the testimony of non-Wongatha claimants that they know of and avoid
pika ngurlu places, but such evidence is not probative of acknowledgement
and observance by the Wongatha Claim group. Third, by including non-Wongatha
claimants in its own list, the State impermissively relies on evidence that,
according to the State, the witnesses were uncertain
about the pika
ngurlu concept, yet uncertainty on their part cannot tell against the
Wongatha Claim group.
- I
will put to one side all non-Wongatha claimants, including Janice Scott, who are
not LIP listed claimants in any Claim group. As
noted elsewhere, Preston Thomas
was an LIP listed Wongatha claimant, but this was an error, and he is not a
Wongatha claimant.
- The
State submits:
the most part, the evidence
of the witnesses who made mention of pika ngurlu suggests an awareness of
a past practice and an understanding of the meaning of the words “pika
ngurlu”, but not a belief in the continuing binding operation of it.
This is consistent with the way in which other practices of
the past have been
described in evidence, but does not indicate the existence of a vital and
functioning system. These characteristics
are reinforced by four other
observations that might be made in relation to the evidence on the subject of
pika ngurlu. Firstly, it is to be noted that most witnesses said nothing
on the subject. Secondly, where witnesses did refer to the concept,
the
reference was typically little more than describing the meaning of the words.
Thirdly, ... different witnesses have described
the concept in different and
inconsistent ways. This suggests that there is no longer a wide consensus as to
the way in which this
system should operate. Fourthly, even where a rule or
system was described, very few witnesses were able to identify places in respect
of which the system operated – there was certainly no broad consensus as
to which places are pika ngurlu.’
The first sentence does not accurately represent the evidence. Much depends,
however, on what is meant by ‘belief’.
It is a difficult question
whether a witness truly believes in the ‘illness or other
misfortune’ sanction. Several witnesses
said that they believe in, and
teach their children about, the pika ngurlu prohibition.
- It
is wrong to say that most of the witnesses said nothing on the subject of
pika ngurlu. Group 6A is closer to the mark when it submits that 11 of
45 Wongatha witnesses do not mention the subject. It may be that the
correct
figure is seven rather than 11.
- The
evidence given by the various Wongatha witnesses varies as between them, as is
to be expected. While they described the concept
of pika ngurlu in
different terms, I do not think there was any fundamental inconsistency in their
accounts.
- It
is true that pika ngurlu places were not identified (with the exception
of Pirlpirr (Minnie Creek)). It must be recalled that the case put is that only
watis know the precise whereabouts of the pika ngurlu sites. Of
course, the case put is also that others know their general whereabouts so that
they can avoid them. It would have been
possible for the Wongatha applicants to
seek an order that non-wati evidence as to the general location, and
wati evidence as to the precise location, be given in a closed session.
I agree with the State that in the present respect, the evidence
was not
entirely satisfactory.
- The
indigenous testimony relating to pika ngurlu places must be assessed in
the light of the fact that the witnesses live in towns or communities, and no
longer follow a nomadic
lifestyle. Therefore, they are not, in their day to day
lives, confronted with occasions for avoiding pika ngurlu places.
Accordingly, it is apt to mislead to think in terms of the Wongatha claimants,
in their daily lives, ‘avoiding’
pika ngurlu places.
- However,
I am satisfied that a person who knew that a particular place was pika
ngurlu, would not visit or discuss it because of either:
- (1) a continuing
belief on the person’s own part that sickness or other misfortune would
ensue; or
- (2) a desire not
to offend, and a respect for, others who still hold that belief.
- The
awareness of the existence and identity of particular pika ngurlu places
has faded with time. It is a question of fact and degree whether the evidence
touching on pika ngurlu places shows, or contributes to showing, the
continued existence of a vital and operative system of laws and customs.
- In
their supplementary report, Pannell/Vachon state that the access protocol they
discuss does not relate to pika ngurlu places, and that in relation to
them, the rule is ‘unambiguous’: uninitiated people must not access
such places or (at
least be seen to) know specific details about them.
Pannell/Vachon say that ‘[w]itnesses speak of illness and severe sanctions
for transgression, knowing or not’, and assert that uninitiated adult
males express a responsibility to protect pika ngurlu places
‘within their country against damage’ by engaging wati.
- I
accept:
- that certain
Wongatha claimants were taught as children to avoid pika ngurlu places;
- that many
Wongatha claimants are aware that there are places which are able to be visited
only by watis, one of the most important being Minnie Creek;
- that all or most
Wongatha claimants would not today knowingly enter upon pika ngurlu
places, or discuss or seek to learn about such places; and
- that when
engaged on a heritage survey where there may be a pika ngurlu place,
Wongatha claimants will ensure that a wati to accompanies them for the
purpose of identifying that site to the anthropologist and mining people
concerned.
- I
will now consider the testimony of the Wongatha claimants to which reference has
been made above.
- Dimple
Sullivan (born in 1922), said that pika ngurlu was the Aboriginal
word for ‘that business or those sacred things’. Asked what pika
ngurlu meant, she said: ‘It’s a sacred thing like, you know,
weapon and all that’. She said, ‘We not allowed –
supposed to
talk about them things too much’. Ms Sullivan said that if someone
was to talk about a pika ngurlu place, the person might be killed. Asked
which people would or might do the killing, she said ‘Laverton people ...
their own
people, they would kill them’.
- I
do not accept that if a person were to speak about a pika ngurlu place
today, the person would in fact be murdered by his or her own people at
Laverton. This is not to say, however, that to do
so would not be an affront
attracting disapproval and even social ostracism. It would. Dimple Sullivan
appeared to be describing
either an ‘ideal’ or an actual feature of
earlier times. That is to say, I do not accept that she believes that a person
who spoke about a pika ngurlu place today would be murdered. Her
testimony does show, however, that she feels that there is a strong traditional
law against speaking
about pika ngurlu places.
- Elvis
Stokes (a non-wati born in 1959). The following exchange
occurred:
McKENNA: And you were talking
about those pika ngurlu sites earlier, ... and you said that you were
told not to go places. Apart from the fact that you know not to go there, do
you know
anything else about them?
STOKES: No.
We was told not to go there, and we never even question them.
McKENNA: Right. And you don’t know
– you don’t know exactly where they
are?STOKES: No.McKENNA: And
you don't know what they’re about, either,
really.STOKES: No, I don’t know what
they’re about.’
Later, Elvis Stokes said that one pika ngurlu site to which he had
been referring was at Ida Hills near Laverton, but he was later told he was free
to visit that site and has
done so.
- The
State submits that Mr Stokes’s evidence does not suggest that he adhered
to any law or custom. I disagree. Does the submission
depend on Mr
Stokes’s ignorance? Ignorance on the part of a non-wati is
consistent with the nature of pika ngurlu places as described by
Pannell/Vachon and in the Wongatha applicants’ submissions. Is the State
relying on Elvis Stokes’s
testimony relating to Ida Hills? Mr Stokes said
that Ida Hills was once a law ground, and, he thought, a pika ngurlu
site, that it was ‘moved’, and that the old people at Mount Margaret
said that it was safe to go there. There was other
evidence in the case of the
relocation of law grounds.
- There
is no substance in the State’s submission. In fact, the further detail to
which I have referred tends to strengthen Mr
Stokes’s evidence that as a
non-wati he would follow a law or custom against visiting pika
ngurlu places.
- Christopher
Johnson (a wati born in 1949), was grabbed at Cundeelee to be put
through the law and stayed in the bush about nine miles out from the Christian
Mission there for some three months. He was asked whether he had encountered
trouble travelling around, and said that after doing
his time down at Cundeelee,
he felt fearless and at ease, he was able to go anywhere, because ‘After
you come out the Aboriginal
custom you got a passport
to go anywhere without
being afraid.’ It is possible that in making this statement, Mr
Johnson had in mind pika ngurlu places, but the passage is also
explicable as a general statement that an initiated man is widely respected and
acknowledged. He
did not mention the concept of pika ngurlu. The State
submits that Mr Johnson’s later evidence suggests that for him and on his
ngurra, there is no restriction upon anyone. Mr Johnson
said:
there’s no really such thing as
something sacred to be hidden. It’s just like talking about the
Dreamtimes, Seven Sisters
Rockholes, that Mallee Hen Tjukurr with the
rock formation looks like; there’s no such really something to hide from
anybody – anybody can go anywhere, if
they want to travel round
there.’
At that point, however, Mr Johnson was referring only to his ngurra,
which he defined as being around Menzies. Elsewhere, he said he could not speak
about Minnie Creek because females and uninitiated
males must not hear about it.
Later, he said that only a person who has been through the law can speak about
‘the Aboriginal
sacred heritage part’ of country.
- I
have no doubt that Mr Johnson knows that there are sacred places that may be
visited and spoken about only by watis like himself. Whether he believes
that sickness or other physical misfortune will befall any non-wati who
visits them or speaks about them, his evidence does not permit me to determine.
However, I have no doubt that he believes that
social condemnation would follow,
and I think it would.
- Lorraine
Griffiths (born in 1930) said that a pika ngurlu place is sacred to
men, and that if she were to talk about one, she would get into trouble, even to
the point of ‘death’,
possibly a reference to her death from
sickness or accident, not necessarily murder. She said that the only pika
ngurlu place she knew was one at Pirlpirr (Minnie Creek). Asked whether she
knew of any pika ngurlu places in the Mount Margaret area, she said
that the missionaries, Mr and Mrs Jackson, used to tell the girls,
including
herself, not to go to certain places. She would have understood them
to be referring, not to places sacred to watis, but to places that
were dangerous for children. I am satisfied that Ms Griffiths’s
understanding is that a pika ngurlu place is a place sacred to
men’s business, that there is one at Minnie Creek, and that ill will
befall a non-wati who speaks about such a place.
- Mervyn
Sullivan (born around 1945) said that there were places to which one does
not go. He instanced Minnie Creek. His father told him of several
places,
which he may not identify and which are called pika ngurlu places. He
said:
several here in town [he gave
evidence in Laverton] too like old corroboree grounds. Like over at the
Reserve, you can’t go down past the Aboriginal Reserve here now, down
towards
the creek, even today because they used to have corroborees over there
and things like that. There was the ceremony or
whatever.’
- Mervyn
Sullivan also said that there are women’s secret sites associated with
Dreamtime stories that his mother told him, he
must never visit. I accept that
when he was a child (that would have been in the late 1940s or the 1950s), his
mother did tell him
this. He said that there is a women’s site about
eight or nine km out of Laverton that has a fence around it which
was
installed by a mining company, probably Sons of Gwalia. It would have been
helpful to have more detailed evidence on the circumstances
and purpose of the
building of the fence. Mervyn Sullivan does not refer to the consequences of a
non-wati visiting a sacred site.
- Bertha
Thomas (born in 1934) said that when she was living at the Mission, her
father told her that there was a place to which she must not go.
She has never
been there. She said that the Aboriginal expression for places where one must
not go is pika ngurrara. Although her testimony does not reveal why she
was told not to go to the place, I accept that the reason is that the place was
a pika ngurlu place.
- Thelma
O’Loughlin (born in 1949) said that when she was working at
‘Welfare’ in Leonora during the 1960s there was a hut near the
airstrip,
which is still there. Her father had told her that she was not to go
there and that it was pika ngurlu. She said she accepted his instruction
and did not question it. Her father had said that it was ‘men’s
business’.
I assume that she was referring to a conversation in the
1950s, which was when her parents bought a house in Leonora.
- The
State submits that Ms O’Loughlin did not explain what she understood the
designation ‘pika ngurlu’ to mean. That is true, but other
evidence establishes at least that it refers to a place which a non-wati
must not visit. Ms O’Loughlin knew that the place was pika ngurlu
because it was associated with men’s business. She did not give evidence
of her belief as to the consequences of a non-wati visiting a pika
ngurlu place.
- Dennis
Forrest (born in 1957) said that pika ngurlu places are big law
business places and that he must not go there because he is a murulya,
that is, an uninitiated male, ‘a boy’. He said he has followed the
instruction to keep away from pika ngurlu places ‘to the
letter’. It is odd, therefore, that earlier, he said that his uncle,
Paddy Walker, an initiated man or
wati, recently took him to a pika
ngurlu place near Niagara, which is associated with the Porcupine
(Tjilkamarta) Dreaming, and showed him ‘exactly’ where the
place was. He said that the site was about 600 to 800 metres from
Niagara
Dam as you are going in on the road, and that he was surprised that his uncle
took him there. Mr Forrest did not say whether
he expected that he or Paddy
Walker would become sick or be punished. No explanation was offered for the
violation. Mr Forrest
said that he does not know how many pika ngurlu
sites are in his country, and that perhaps there were only three, although there
may be more. Mr Forrest said that if he would go
into some of these pika
ngurlu places, ‘even unwittingly, unknowingly’, he ‘could
get a spear in the leg or they could kill [him]’ and that
‘bad
things’ could also ‘happen to my immediate family’.
- Duncan
Bilson (a non-wati born around 1949) said that when he was
about seven or eight years of age (mid to late 1950s), his parents told him that
there were places called ‘pika ngurlu’, which meant that they
were ‘sacred ground’, to which he must not go. His parents used the
expression ‘pika ngurlu’, but the expression ‘sacred
ground’ is his own.
- Maisie
Harkens (born in 1937) said that ‘pika’ and
‘ngurlu’ are two words, ‘pika’ meaning
‘sick’ and ‘ngurlu’ meaning
‘frightening’. ‘Pika ngurlu’ ‘has a
stronger meaning’, and indicates a fearful place, or a place to which one
should be frightened to go, and
the visiting of which will make you sick. She
agreed that neither ‘pika’ nor ‘ngurlu’
alone meant ‘place’.
- Cyril
Barnes (a non-wati born in 1935) said that when he was a child, he
saw initiated men going to law places, from which they told the children to keep
away.
He said that at the time the expression ‘pika
mayiyaka’ was used, meaning ‘don’t go there, very
sacred’, but in recent times the expression ‘pika
ngurlu’ has been introduced. He said that there is a pika
ngurlu place three or four km north west of Fourteen Mile Well. He said he
knew it to be a ‘pika ngurlu’ place, because ‘they
told’ him not to go there. Apparently he was referring to the initiated
men of his childhood.
He said that he had heard ‘pika
ngurlu’ only in the last seven or eight years and had not heard the
expression when he was a child growing up at Mount Margaret
(in, say, the
1940s). He said that ‘pika’ meant ‘sacred’, or
more strictly, ‘sickness’, whereas ‘ngurlu’ meant
‘frighten’. He said he knew of other pika ngurlu places, but
not in the same area. He said he has told his sons about the pika ngurlu
sites that he knows.
- The
additional Wongatha claimants referred to in Pannell/Vachon’s
supplementary report are Aubrey Lynch, Gay Harris, Cecily
Harris, Anthony Harris
and Preston Thomas.
- Aubrey
Lynch (a non-wati born in 1937) said that when he was living with his
parents, his parents and other people would tell him of places at Mount Margaret
where he was not to go, the main place being Wilson’s Hill. He said that
it was when corroborees and things like that were
taking place, that it was a
prohibited area. The prohibited area was called njurlutjarra. His
father called it parnangurlutjarra.
- Gay
Harris (born in 1946) said that when she was a child travelling around with
her parents they would say ‘don’t go over that way,
don’t go
over to that hill’ because they were ‘men’s business’
places. She said that they would call
the place a ngulangga. Gay Harris
said ‘pika ngulangga’ which she said meant that if you went
to the place you would cause yourself to become sick. She said she did not know
what
was at the places and just knew that she was forbidden to go there, and she
obeyed. She said that she still teaches her children
and grandchildren not to
go to certain places ‘For safety. I don’t want them
harmed’.
- Cecily
Harris (born in 1944) said that she was told not to go to certain
‘ngurlunga places’. She said she knew not to go to certain
places because she would see the old men going there. Asked whether anybody
these days worries about those ngurlunga places, she replied ‘of
course, they still do’. She said that there are womens’ gathering
places and men’s
gathering places. She said that there are sacred sites.
For example, one is not allowed to go across the (Leonora) airstrip because
there is men’s business over there. As well, there is a site on Weebo
Station where people must not go.
- Anthony
Harris (a wati born in 1973) said that there are places like a
men’s law ground or a women’s ground where the women or men must not
go. Some places have things that must not be touched and if a person who must
not do so goes there and touches them, the person
will get sick. He said he
goes to the old Leonora law ground to check that it has not been damaged and
sometimes goes to other places
just to check. He said ‘if you’re a
man, you’ve got to look after – you get given that right to look
after
them sort of things’.
- Preston
Thomas (a wati born in 1948, but a non-claimant) said that when he
was living in Laverton, his parents told him where he must not go around
Laverton.
He indicated by reference to a map of the layout of Laverton that he
drew, where the men’s law ground and women’s law
ground were. He
said that he and the other children were told not to go past a certain pipeline
that he indicated, because that
was pika ngurlu country, a ‘no-go;
you can’t go that area’. He was told in those days that if you went
into that area, you could
easily be punished or killed, so he and the other
children never went into that area. Preston Thomas emphasised that he was
describing
the position when he was in Laverton in the early years, and that
Laverton has now changed.
- The
State refers to certain witnesses whose testimony, it submits, indicates an
unawareness of what the notion of pika ngurlu entails.
- Geoffrey
Stokes (born in 1962) said that when he and his father were driving along,
his father would say ‘pika wanti’ meaning that there was a
‘serious’ place to which he was not to go. He said that
‘pika’ meant ‘sore’ or ‘sick’, while
‘wanti’ meant ‘leave it’. He said he was told
that there were sacred sites to which only men or only women could go.
He said
he has kept away from the places he was told about.
- The
State seems to suggest that Mr Stokes’s testimony shows that he did not
know whether it was only he, or others as well,
who must stay away from pika
wanti places. Mr Stokes did say, when asked whether it was only he or other
people too who must stay away from those places, ‘Other
peoples. I
don’t know you’ll have to ask them’. The answer is equivocal.
He meant that other people should, but
he did not wish to say anything more
concerning others. They should speak for themselves.
- In
any event, other testimony he gave is to the contrary of the State’s
submission. Asked whether he was told why he should
keep away from pika
wanti sites, he said ‘Yes, because they – they sacred sites.
Men – only men or only women go there, you know.’
- Mr
Stokes’s also recounted a recent event. He said that he was in his
vehicle chasing a kangaroo in the Glenorn area, and the
kangaroo went down
through a creek and up towards the bush, but he (Mr Stokes) saw some stones
which he had never been shown,
and he gave up the chase, stopped and reversed
out. He later informed watis responsible for that area, his nephew
Clarrie Green and his uncle Paddy Walker, because a lot of ‘our main old
people’
have passed away and the old people left do not know all the
places.
- This
testimony is striking. Geoffrey Stokes clearly modified his behaviour because
of what he understood to be a traditional rule
binding on him. Whether the site
proved to be in fact a pika ngurlu site does not matter.
- Ashley
Blake (born in 1959), when asked whether there are any pika ngurlu
places on his country, said that he had never been shown any ‘by the old
people’; that he thought that there may be,
but did not know; and that he
and his children can hunt and camp anywhere on his country. However, he also
said that ‘pika ngurlu’ meant ‘the strict place, you
mustn’t go there’ and that the rules about pika ngurlu places
are handed down from the old people and are never questioned. He said
‘you don’t go there, and you don’t
look’.
Conclusion concerning pika ngurlu
- Generally
speaking, the evidence in relation to pika ngurlu places is evidence of
what the witnesses were taught as children some decades ago, by their parents
and other adults. They accepted
what they were told at face value and did not
question it, their understanding being that pika ngurlu places were
prohibited to them because they were associated with men’s business.
- I
infer that the general body of Wongatha claimants know that there is a
traditional law or custom that there are sacred sites that
may be visited and
spoken about only by watis. Many of those claimants would know of the
expression ‘pika ngurlu’.
- I
do not know how many would believe that illness or other physical misfortunate
would befall a non-wati who infringed the prohibition.
- I
have no doubt, however, that if an occasion were to arise, the Wongatha
witnesses would not knowingly enter upon what they believed
might be a pika
ngurlu place (the testimony of Geoffrey Stokes provides an example).
- I
think that there is still force in the concept of pika ngurlu. It is
very difficult to determine whether the Wongatha Claim group as a whole knows
the general location of pika ngurlu sites and avoids them. The testimony
that was given itself varied from witness to witness. The occasion for active
acknowledgement
and observance does not arise as frequently now as it did in the
past, because of the sedentary and urbanised lifestyles.
- It
is clear the Wongatha claimants who testified do acknowledge and observe the
rule against visiting pika ngurlu places, to the extent that the occasion
for acknowledgement and observance arises. In addition, there is evidence that
there are
Wongatha claimants who still teach their children about pika
ngurlu sites.
- On
the whole, I think that there is still vitality in this pre-sovereignty law or
custom.
(6) Acknowledgment/observance of gender restricted knowledge and protocols
- Again,
the Wongatha applicants do not spell out the rule, the acknowledgement and
observance of which is to be inquired into. I understand
that it is a rule that
certain gender related subjects must not be generally discussed. Clearly, such
a rule has normative content,
and is not simply a practice. It does not give
rise to rights and interests in land, but is relevant to the question of
acknowledgment
and observance by the Wongatha Claim group of a body of laws and
customs.
- The
Wongatha applicants refer to the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report at [28],
which simply gives the names of the following witnesses
and accompanying
transcript references: Lorraine Griffiths, Dimple Sullivan, Rhys Winter, Bertha
Thomas, Dennis Forrest, Cyril Barnes,
Anthony Harris, Dolly Walker (an MN,
NK 1 and NK 2 claimant), Phyllis Thomas (an MN claimant) and Troy
Chapman (an MN claimant).
The Wongatha applicants cannot rely on the testimony
of the three witnesses last mentioned as probative of acknowledgement and
observance
by the Wongatha Claim group, because they are not Wongatha claimants
- The
Wongatha applicants also refer to the paragraphs of the Wongatha submissions
under 4.7(a)(b)(1) ‘Acknowledgement/Observance of Men’s
Law’, which I addressed earlier.
- Lorraine
Griffiths said that when she was a girl accommodated in the dormitory of the
Mount Margaret Mission, she could hear the singing of corroborees.
She said
that her mother and father told her that there were ordinary corroborees that
could be spoken about, but there were also
‘pika ngurlu’ ones
that women were not allowed to talk about. She said that talking about
something like that would lead to serious trouble.
- Lorraine
Griffiths was born in 1930 and was in the Mission from the age of three or four
years (1933/1934) to 18-20 years (1948/1950),
and so she was speaking of the
situation in the 1930s and 1940s.
- Dimple
Sullivan also gave evidence of her childhood experiences. She spoke of
sacred ceremonies in which men only participated, and said that women
and
children had to stay under a blanket until the men came back to the camp. She
was not allowed to watch the men as they left
or as they returned. If a woman
or child ‘moved’, the men would ‘hit’ the offender. She
said that ‘pika ngurlu’ meant ‘a sacred thing like, you
know, weapon and all that’. She said that she must not talk about those
things too much,
adding ‘If we do, we’ll get killed. They’ll
kill us’. She said she remembered being camped with a big mob
at Marntjal
and at Wartu (both within the Cosmo Claim area) and coming into Laverton where
the men finished off the ceremony near
the rubbish tip. She said that she and
the others, including the young boys, had to lie under the blanket.
- Dimple
Sullivan was born in 1922, and was apparently speaking of her experiences in the
1920s or 1930s.
- Rhys
Winter said that what he learned about the Dreaming when he went through the
law at Areyonga in the Northern Territory cannot be told to
women or children or
males who have not been through the law, because it is ‘very
sacred’. Rhys Winter was born in 1957
and went through the law in
1979.
- Bertha
Thomas said that she knew that her father, Bert Thomas (Murtikurta)
had something to do with the law, but did not want to talk about it
because it was ‘men’s business’ and women are not
allowed to
talk about it.
- Dennis
Forrest said that at Donkey Rock, the women used to camp on one side and the
men on the other, and when a ceremony was on, the women stayed
on their side.
When asked what sort of place is the men’s side, he said: ‘[t]hey
just go and do their business. I don’t
know what they do. I can’t
talk on there ... I can’t talk about that. ... I get in
trouble.’
- Cyril
Barnes gave evidence that when he was a child, there were initiated men whom
he saw going up to law places, but he and other uninitiated
people were not
allowed to go to those places. The children would be told to keep away from
those places. The expression ‘pika mayiyaka’ was used, but
more recently the expression ‘pika ngurlu’ has been used.
‘Pika mayiyaka’ meant ‘don’t go there, very
sacred’. He gave evidence about the Seven Sisters story that his mother
told
him, but said that there were other Tjukurr stories that he could
not speak about in Court. Mr Barnes said that by counsel for the GLSC
applicants questioning him about subjects
related to watis, even in a
general way, he (Mr Barnes) could be in trouble, depending upon how
‘they’ take it. He said ‘Because
it’s the death
penalty; that might be going back a bit; if they don’t get me,
they’ll get my relatives’.
By referring to ‘going back a
bit’, Mr Barnes meant that in former times, the death penalty was
administered for discussing
men’s business. Although I do not know who
‘they’ were, I assume that they were watis who take the
enforcement of men’s law very seriously. I do not know if they are
watis from such places as Warburton, Wiluna or Coonana, where the law is
strictly observed and enforced, or whether they are watis from within the
Wongatha Claim area.
- Anthony
Harris said that there are women’s grounds and men’s grounds,
where the opposite sexes are not allowed to go. He may have been
referring to
places on Weebo and Tarmoola Stations, but the position is not clear (Weebo is
partly within and partly outside the
Wongatha Claim area, and Tarmoola is well
within it, just north of Leonora).
- The
Wongatha applicants drew the Court’s attention to the ‘discomfort
felt by ... observers when “men’s business”
was referred to
during the Court procedures’, and to the requirement for gender-restricted
evidence to be heard in gender-restricted
sessions. Group 6A submits that it is
of little probative value to rely upon the actions of (say) women who left the
hearing room
when told to do so by a man on the basis that men’s business
was about to be revealed, commenting: ‘This does not prove
anything other
than that some women will take this direction from some men’. Group
6A’s submission proceeds:
that would
have been of probative value in this respect was evidence of (say) discomfort
when a putatively sensitive manner was inadvertently
disclosed. If (say) women
in such an instance began of their own motion to leave the hearing room, this
would be of probative value.
In the absence of such a scenario, the issue is,
it is submitted, of no probative value.’
- The
event described in this paragraph as hypothetical is precisely what happened at
Mount Margaret on 5 March 2002, when Aubrey Lynch
was testifying. Several women
who were seated on chairs just outside the door of the hearing room, arose,
apparently spontaneously,
and said things to the effect of ‘We must not
hear this’ or ‘This is not right’ or ‘This must
stop’.
After a short adjournment the hearing resumed. The only record of
this in the transcript is the statement by Mr Barker QC, for
the Wongatha
applicants: ‘Your Honour, the discussion concerning initiation is causing
concern amongst my client group outside
...’, and Mr Hughston SC’s
response ‘Well, I won’t pursue that here anymore. If your Honour
pleases’.
- Several
witnesses also evinced embarrassment or awkwardness when gender-restricted
subjects, in particular, law business, were raised.
Anthony Harris said in
response to a question, ‘Well if all the women could leave now, I can tell
you exactly’, after
which a large number of women left the hearing.
- While
I agree that responses were not always predictable and that reactions did not
always occur in response to the same ‘cues’,
I am satisfied that
there was a real sensitivity on the part of women in the audience and of several
witnesses, male and female,
when the subject of the law was broached.
- The
State submits that no obvious pattern can be drawn from the reactions, and that
it is not demonstrated that the foundation for
them was, in all cases, a regard
for, and submission to, particular laws and customs. It
submits:
seems equally plausible that the
reactions that have been observed have been, at least on some occasions, a
demonstration of reticence
based on modesty and discretion, or a perfectly
natural reluctance to enter into discussions on subjects that are not wholly
familiar
and upon which an uninformed statement could easily cause offence.
This sort of decorum does not amount to evidence of the existence
of laws and
customs.’
- I
do not agree that the suggested explanation is ‘equally plausible’.
Conclusion on gender-restricted protocols
- I
am satisfied that the Wongatha witnesses in general acknowledge and observe a
law or custom to the effect that men’s law matters
must be kept secret to
watis, and that women’s law matters must be kept secret to women.
It is difficult to assess how frequently these issues arise.
Because the
Wongatha claimants, generally speaking, now live in towns, I would not expect
them to arise as frequently as they once
would have done. However, I have no
doubt whatever, that Wongatha claimants would not seek to know about men’s
only or women’s
only matters, or go to men’s only or women’s
only sites if they were not permitted to do so.
(7) Observance/understanding of the section system or similar principles
(‘skins’)
General
- Again,
the Wongatha applicants do not formulate the law or custom in question. I take
it to be that a person must not marry inconsistently
with the ‘skin’
or ‘section’ system, and, accordingly, that there must be sufficient
knowledge of the system’s
rules to enable people to obey them.
- It
should be noted at once that the Wongatha applicants’ submission is only
‘that the section system ... still has some
residual
acknowledgement’.
- Rules
as to whom one must not marry are normative, and although they do not give rise
to rights and interests in land, they are relevant
to the issue of continuing
acknowledgement and observance by the Wongatha Claim group of a body of laws and
customs.
Evidence and submissions
- The
Wongatha applicants refer to the Pannell/Vachon primary report at p 47. At that
page, Pannell/Vachon state that much of Kenneth
Young’s correspondence
with RH Mathews in 1905-6, focused on ‘the operation of the section
system at Duketon and
the regional distribution of section terms’. In one
of his letters, Young provided a brief summary of three Dreamings, Emu,
Kangaroo
and Dingo, that travel through the Duketon district.
- Pannell/Vachon
state that 25 years later, Elkin 1940, p 326, referred to ‘the same three
mythologically-sanctioned section couples
at Mt Margaret’, that is, that
Elkin recorded at Mount Margaret the same six-section terms that had been
reported by Young
at Duketon. However, the system to which the indigenous
witnesses referred is a single six-section skin system, not two four-section
systems as described by Young. Moreover, no witness linked the skin system to
Dreamtime stories as Young did.
- The
Wongatha submissions refer to Young’s account as ‘elementary and
confused’, but say that ‘the six-system
later recorded by Elkin is
identifiable’. It is not clear whether they mean identifiable with the
system as described by Young,
or with that described by the witnesses, or both
of these things.
- In
his principal report, Dr Brunton (pp 106-108) draws attention to certain
difficulties in Pannell/Vachon’s reliance on the
comparison between Young
and Elkin as supporting the continuity of a section system. In their
supplementary report (p 43), Pannell/Vachon
seek to emphasise what they say
should have been clear from their primary report, that Young and Mathews did not
provide enough information
to enable them (Pannell/Vachon) to conclude,
definitively, that Young’s informants were familiar with the operation of
a six-section
system, although they appeared to be familiar with six-section
terms.
- The
Wongatha applicants submit:
reasons referred
to earlier... there is a compelling inference, ..., that the section system that
still has residuary acknowledgment and observance amongst Wongatha
claimants, is the same as was extant amongst the claimants’ ancestors, at
sovereignty.’ (my emphasis)
- The
Wongatha applicants rely on the transcript passages referred to in GLSC Appendix
B4a, headed ‘Wongatha – Skins and
Kinship Practices’, where
extracts from the testimony of 33 witnesses are set out. They do not mention
the listing of witnesses
(and accompanying transcript references) in the
Pannell/Vachon supplementary report, where the following Wongatha claimants and
transcript
references are listed under the heading ‘Observance of a
Section System with the Same or Similar Principles and Terms among
the Claimant
Groups’: Aubrey Lynch; Lorraine Griffiths, Dimple Sullivan and Rhys
Winter. All of these are listed in GLSC Appendix
B4a.
- The
Wongatha submissions cite the evidence of Lorraine Griffiths as having
demonstrated an extensive knowledge of the skin system, but acknowledge that she
explains that younger people these days
choose their own marriage partner and do
not have to follow the skin system. Lorraine Griffiths knew that her mother was
karimarra, her father yiparrka, and that, being their child, she
herself was milangka. She said that her daughter was tharuru and
could marry either panaka or purungu. Thus, Lorraine Griffths
knew the skin system rules in so far as they applied to herself and her
immediate family.
- Aubrey
Lynch said that he was purungu because his mother was panaka.
He said he learned about skins from his mother when he was a child (he was born
in 1937). He said that nowadays, the skin system
does not have a role to play
for the younger generation, and that younger people just go off and do as they
will.
- Rhys
Winter named the six skins, and said that he was karimarra, his wife
purungu and their children panaka. He said his father was
panaka and his mother karimarra. He said that his parents married
wrong way, but that he married right way.
- Dimple
Sullivan described the skin system. She said that she and her late husband
had married wrong way, but that because they were half-castes,
‘it
doesn’t matter’.
- Geoffrey
Stokes gave a fairly detailed explanation of the skin system as he asserted
it to be, identifying the six skin groups: purungu, panaka, karimarra,
tharuru, yiparrka (he, alone of the witnesses, said
‘yiparri’) and milangka. By the use of a diagram on a
whiteboard, he demonstrated the operation of the skin system as he understood it
to be, indicating
which marriages were permissible in accordance with it, and
the skin groupings of the children born of those permissible relationships.
- The
State made lengthy submissions of over 25 pages directed to showing the
breakdown of the section system. Groups 5B/5F and 6A
made brief submissions in
support. I will not refer to the detail of the State’s submissions, just
as I will not refer to
the detail of the Wongatha submissions.
- Both
Dr Sackett and Dr Brunton discuss the section system. It appears that Geoffrey
Stokes’s model is, what has been termed,
the ‘Warburton’
system, but that there is another more liberal system, the
‘Kalgoorlie’ system. The Warburton
system allows a more limited
range of marriage alliances. Accordingly, it will be contravened more easily
and often than the Kalgoorlie
system will. If the Kalgoorlie system is taken as
the appropriate measure, there are less infractions revealed by the
evidence.
- Nonetheless,
in many instances, the evidence showed numerous marriages that contravened the
skin rules – ‘wrong way’
marriages. Some of the wrong way
marriages took place a long time ago and some marriages were entered into with
full knowledge by
the parties that they were inconsistent with the skin
rules.
- There
was a general indifference to the skin system. There were married witnesses who
did not know their spouse’s or other
close family’s skin group.
Several witnesses said that the skin system is a thing of the past and that
young people are now
‘Westernised’ and do not consider the skin
system when marrying. Since we are addressing marriage rules, the attitude
of
people of marriageable age assumes particular importance.
- The
point is not simply that there is widespread failure to observe skin rules:
widespread exceeding of speed limits on the roads
may be accompanied by an
acknowledgment that they exist and should be observed. Rather, the point is
that there is a general failure
to acknowledge the skin rules as a norm that
rightly demands observance.
- Geoffrey
Stokes said (confidently) that the skin system that he described was used
‘in Western Australia, Northern Territory,
South Australia and Queensland
and for [all he knew] most probably New South Wales, Victoria and
Tasmania’. He gave examples
of the operation of the skin system at many
places outside the Wongatha Claim area, including Yalata and Ceduna, Warburton,
Docker
River, Alice Springs, Port Augusta and Port Headland.
- Interestingly,
Geoffrey Stokes described his skin relationship with Ron Harrington-Smith by
saying: ‘Well, he’s a panaka man and he’s my
brother’. However, Ron Harrington-Smith said that his father was a
milangka man, his mother a purungu, his grandfather a
tharuru, and that this made Ron Harrington-Smith a yiparrka. Ron
Harrington-Smith cannot be both a panaka and a yiparrka, so either
Geoffrey Stokes or Ron Harrington-Smith is mistaken. I would expect Ron
Harrington-Smith to know his own skin.
- The
State refers to the numerous references in the indigenous testimony to skins or
skin system. A number of witnesses said only
that they knew of
‘skins’ or ‘a skin system’, but some said no more or
little more than that. Some merely
identified their own skin group. Some were
able to remember the names of two or three more of the skin groups.
- The
State submits that the indigenous testimony reveals a lack of familiarity with
the skin system or a purported understanding of
it that is different from that
of Geoffrey Stokes. As the State put it
:
witnesses thought that particular
marriages were right-way when under the rules described by Mr Stokes they
were not. In other
cases witnesses said that marriages were wrong-way when,
under the rules described by Mr Stokes, they were proper
matches.’
- I
accept this submission, but its foundation is suspect: it takes Geoffrey
Stokes’s system as right and as the correct standard
by which the evidence
of other witnesses is to be measured. As noted below, there is some reason to
think that Geoffrey Stokes’s
system is one applicable elsewhere.
- The
State analysed the testimony of 24 indigenous witnesses (of whom only 14 were
Wongatha claimants) to the effect that, in one respect
or another, the skin
rules were different from those described by Geoffrey Stokes. In the case of
some of the witnesses, there were
several differences. As I said, however, this
may tell against Geoffrey Stokes’s evidence.
- In
very few instances was it suggested that the rules had modified behaviour. There
were many instances of indifference to the skin
rules. The State refers to the
testimony of 19 indigenous witnesses (of whom eight were Wongatha claimants) as
supporting its submission
that there is a widespread disregard of or
indifference to section rules, whether as described by Mr Stokes or otherwise.
I accept
that, generally speaking, the testimony supports this submission.
- The
State then refers to the testimony of 18 indigenous witnesses, of whom 11 were
Wongatha claimants, in support of a submission
that many witnesses said that the
system is no longer acknowledged and observed. Anthony Harris, for example,
said that he found
the skin system confusing, adding ‘the skin group
system’s been, you know, pretty much arse about these days’.
Doreen
Harris, a non-claimant, said that young people nowadays do not follow the skin
rules. Aubrey Lynch said that nowadays love
dictates the choice of a marriage
partner. Duncan Bilson said that young people in Kalgoorlie, Leonora and
Laverton are all ‘Westernised’
and do not follow the skin system.
Again, I accept that, generally speaking, the testimony supports the
State’s submission.
- This
is not universally the case. There were instances of people marrying people
from far away, apparently in order to avoid the
possibility of infringing the
skin rules.
- Cyril
Barnes said that he and his wife did not marry the right way. He said that
the Mission ‘broke down the skin system a bit so it was
all right to marry
a woman you call sister’. He said that although he ‘married a
little bit the wrong way ... it was
all right because [they] were from different
areas’. Mr Barnes explained that his wife was tharuru, which could
be his aunty or sister in the skin group system. However, he said that no-one
minded so much his marrying a sister
who was from far away, whereas if you marry
your mother or aunty, ‘it’s bad, you know, they’re really
against that
one’. He said that his mother or aunty would have been
panaka.
- Janice
Scott said that her mother was karimarra and her father
milangka, which was like a brother marrying a sister, but it was not
wrong because her mother came from a different place – Tjuntjuntjarra.
She said that out there, one does not come across a purungu or
tharuru. She said that it was alright for her father, a milangka,
to marry her mother, a karimarra, because her mother’s tribe had no
tharuru or purungu.
- Janice
Scott said, however, that the skin system became mixed up because of the Mount
Margaret Mission, and that the children who
went through the Mission married
even people from the same tribe, in contravention of the skin rules.
- Anthony
Harris said that he was panaka, but that he did not consider the
question of skin groups and marrying right way or wrong way when he contemplated
marrying his wife,
Cherie, because she was no relation of his and was from
Kalgoorlie. He said that she does not know her skin group. However, if
he had
wanted to marry someone from Leonora, it just would not have been possible
because he has ‘too much family’ and
is ‘related to every
Aboriginal people in Leonora’.
- I
do not profess to understand fully the rules in relation to ‘marrying far
away’, but it is clear that there is an exception
to the prohibitions in
the skin rule system where a prospective spouse belongs to different people
located a distance from the person
in question.
- There
was some evidence referring to aspects of the skin system other than permissible
marriages. Elvis Stokes referred to a special
role played by particular skin
groups at funerals. Patrick Edwards referred to a special joviality and
camaraderie in the relationship
between grandparents and grandchildren. The
state submissions suggested that this might be because they belonged to the same
skin
group. However, when Mr Edwards was asked about this he said he ‘did
not want to answer’. Cyril Barnes and Gay Harris
referred to a practice
of marshalling people into skin groups when they came from a distance to
assemble in one place. May O’Brien
referred to seating arrangements in
1951 at a corroboree at Cundeelee (outside the Wongatha Claim area but within
the Western Desert)
based on a skin system.
- These
additional aspects were not thoroughly described in the evidence. The
significance of skin groups at funerals and corroborees
is not characteristic of
the Wongatha Claim group today. The evidence of the special relationship
between grandparents and grandchildren
on account of their being of the same
skin group, was sparse. Again, the general effect of the evidence is that,
considering the
Wongatha claimants as a whole, observance of the skin system is
regarded as optional. Testimony about these additional aspects of
the skin
system was not given by the younger members of the Wongatha Claim group.
- Some
of the indigenous witnesses had a vague understanding of the skin system, or
thought they did. No clear picture of the system
emerged from their evidence.
In other words, the evidence as to permissible marriages as between the various
skins differed as between
witnesses.
- Even
perfect knowledge of a skin system is not to be equated with acknowledgment and
observance of it within s 223(1) of the NTA. The acknowledgment and
observance to which s 223(1) refers is acknowledgement of the rightly binding
nature of the laws (acknowledgment), and acting in conformity with the customs
(observance).
The skin system is no longer acknowledged and observed in this
sense.
Conclusion
- There
is certainly some knowledge of the skin system among the Wongatha claimants. It
is a question, however, whether the Wongatha
Claim group as a whole,
acknowledges the skin system as rightly binding, and a further question whether,
as a whole, the Wongatha
claimants in fact observe the system. I do not think
they do either of these things on a fair overall view.
(8) Common kinship system
General
- I
discussed the Western Desert kinship system at 3.6(c)(2)[746]ff.
- As
usual, the Wongatha submissions do not formulate a relevant pre-sovereignty law
or custom. In this case it is not an obligation-imposing
or right-giving law or
custom, but a distinctive system of kinship terms and conceptualisation of
family relationships. It is characterised
by paucity of kinship terms,
involving only two terms, one male and the other female, for all those at the
same generational level
to whom the person relates. Do we find the Wongatha
claimants exhibiting that system?
Evidence and submissions
-
The Wongatha applicants refer to the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report and
GLSC Appendix B4a, for evidence which is said to reveal
‘a kinship system
within the Wongatha society which differs markedly from the European
system’ and is founded upon traditional
WDCB law and custom. Such a
system may be relevant to show a continuation of pre-sovereignty culture.
- Paragraph
[38] of the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report simply gives the names of 31
indigenous witnesses (Wongatha and non-Wongatha),
and corresponding transcript
references, under the heading ‘Inferred Common Kinship System (from terms
and their use)’.
Thirteen of them are Wongatha claimants: Dimple
Sullivan, Lorraine Griffiths, Geoffrey Stokes, Dennis Forrest, May
O’Brien,
Maisie Harkens, Elvis Stokes, Murray Stubbs, Dan Harris, Eric
Thomas, Christopher Johnson, Preston Thomas (not a claimant) and Anthony
Harris.
Unfortunately, I found nearly all of these references to be irrelevant to the
present issue.
- Paragraph
[39] of the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report simply lists the names of 11
indigenous witnesses (Wongatha and non-Wongatha),
and corresponding transcript
references under the heading ‘Inferred Common Kinship System (from
relatives identified in other
claimant groups)’. Six of them are Wongatha
claimants: Aubrey Lynch; Leo Thomas; Dennis Forrest; Geoffrey Stokes; Thelma
O’Loughlin;
and Anthony Harris.
- Appendix
B4a gives, under the heading ‘Wongatha – Skins and Kinship
Practices’, extracts from the transcript of
the testimony of 33 indigenous
witnesses. As this heading indicates, the passages of transcript extracted do
not relate exclusively
to the Western Desert kinship system as exemplified among
the Wongatha claimants.
- The
Wongatha applicants cite statements in the Pannell/Vachon primary report pp
215-6 describing the Western Desert paucity of relational
terms, and the failure
of kinship terminology to distinguish between biological and so called
‘classificatory kin’, that
I noted at 3.6(c)(2)[748]ff.
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that these features are demonstrated in the testimony
of the Wongatha claimants, and cite, as an example,
Geoffrey Stokes. Geoffrey
Stokes, who was born in 1962, said that he calls the father of Harvey Murray
(Harvey Murray was born in
1961) his ‘brother’, that there is
‘no difference between blood or tribe’, and that one knows who is
one’s
brother, Wongatha way, ‘by skin ... but not only that, the
relationship that we had with people, my father’. This evidence
seems to
be relevant, not to a common kinship system as described by Pannell/Vachon, but
to the skin system. I should note that
I had some difficulty with parts of the
testimony of Geoffrey Stokes, a confident and at times voluble witness.
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that on the evidence, the kinship system extends the
Wongatha claimants’ links into other Claim
groups. They refer again to
the testimony of Geoffrey Stokes, and also to that of Thelma O’Loughlin,
who referred to ‘my
aunty Frances Murray’ at Cosmo.
- In
response, Group 6A relies on its submissions at 3.6(c), but this
reference is of little assistance – Group 6A’s submissions at
3.6(c) extend over pp 59-78, most of which is plainly irrelevant to the
present topic. They include submissions on the ‘Six Section
Categorisation System’. Group 6A attacks the reliance on Geoffrey
Stokes’s
testimony. It submits that Geoffrey Stokes’s use of terms
such as ‘aunty’ and ‘brother’ is of no probative
value
‘unless there was clear evidence from witnesses as to the kinship system
that is asserted to exist’, and that no
such evidence was led.
- Groups
5B/5F submit that common kinship systems are based on the skin system, and that
since the skin system is generally ‘in
desuetude’, the appropriate
inference is that ‘the common kinship systems are likewise in desuetude or
of limited and/or
fragmentary relevance’.
- The
State describes what it understands the Wongatha Claim group’s case to be,
namely, that the indigenous testimony shows a
‘system’ of kinship
terms or relationships. It refers to evidence of use of the terms
‘brother’, ‘sister’,
‘grandmother’,
‘grandfather’, ‘uncle’ and ‘aunty’ in
relation to persons not biologically
linked to the user of the term. The State
submits that the use of such terms in a non-biological skin group sense was not
universal
and not systematic.
- The
State refers to uses of the term ‘brother’, regardless of the
generational difference between user and person referred
to, eg Elvis
Stokes’s use of the term in relation to the much older Johnny Phillips
– ‘he’s my cousin, my
brother, also he and I have the same
skin group’, and Geoffrey Stokes’s use of both
‘thamu’ and ‘brother’ in relation to Harvey
Murray’s father.
- An
indication of the complexity of the present subject, at least as it emerged from
the testimony of Geoffrey Stokes, is evident,
I think, from the following
passage:
WALKER: ... And you said Harvey
Murray’s father was your brother?
STOKES: He’s my
brother.
WALKER: Can you explain what you mean by
that?
STOKES: Well, when – I got a cousin okay, and
my cousin call Harvey’s father thamu. I call him thamu in here
today, “You’re not my thamu; you’re my
brother”.
WALKER: Right. And thamu
means?
STOKES:
Grandfather.
WALKER: Grandfather. And - -
-
STOKES: And then there’s no difference between
blood or tribe.
WALKER: Blood or
tribe.
STOKES: Yes.
WALKER: Okay.
STOKES: As in my view, and I guess from his view
too.
WALKER: How do you know who’s your brother in
Wongatha way?
STOKES: Well, I got – I got my blood family,
and I got my tribal family.
WALKER: Yes. And how do you know, for example,
who’s your tribal brother, Wongatha way?
STOKES: Well, by
skin.
WALKER: Yes.
STOKES: And this – my – my – my
skin group is panaka and a lot of the – lot of the – but not
only that, the relationship that we had with people, my father.’
- I
agree that there is to be found in the testimony references to persons as
‘brother’, ‘sister’, ‘grandmother’,
‘grandfather’, ‘uncle’ and ‘aunty’, where
there is absent the biological relationship that those
words ordinarily signify.
For example, Dimple Sullivan said that she called the late Alice Yampi
‘mother’ because she
was Ms Sullivan’s mother’s sister,
and Yampi’s children ‘brother and ‘sister’ for the same
reason.
Similarly, Dan Harris said that he called his biological uncle, RM,
‘mama’ (father).
- This
simple model exemplified by Dimple Sullivan’s and Dan Harris’s
testimony conforms to the paucity of relational terms
and the use of a single
term for all relatives of the same gender at the same generational level.
However, many of the passages
cited in Appendix B4a either demonstrate a
conventional use of relational terms, or an unconventional one that does not
conform to
the system described. For example, several witnesses said that they
use ‘brother’ or ‘sister’ to refer to
people of the same
‘skin’ as themselves. Dennis Forrest said that he called the old
initiated man, Willy Burton, his
thamu, but was not sure of the actual
relationship between them, and thought he may have called him that out of
respect for him.
- The
use of the terms in a ‘non-European’ way was not universal. It is
not as though the Wongatha witnesses never used
‘cousin’,
‘uncle’ or ‘aunt’, and always used instead
‘brother’ or ‘sister’
to refer to a biological cousin,
or ‘father’ to refer to a biological uncle, and ‘mother’
to refer to a biological
aunt. Some witnesses appeared to use relational terms
as if they bore their English senses. Secondly, where the terms were used
in a
non-European way, they were not used systematically. That is to say, they do
not suggest a consistent system according to which
they were being used in the
non-European way.
- The
following illustrations may be given of non-European uses of relational terms,
which, however, do not conform to the generational
feature described by the
anthropologists. According to that feature, the word ‘brother’ is
used to refer to males of
the same generation as the speaker. But Elvis Stokes,
born in 1959, referred to the elderly Johnny Phillips as his cousin, but also
as
his brother, because they have the same skin group. Far from being of the same
generation as Mr Stokes, Mr Phillips is more
likely to be of his
grandfather’s generation. Similarly, Geoffrey Stokes referred to Harvey
Murray’s father as his thamu (grandfather) and also as his
‘brother’.
- Some
of the testimony cited in Appendix B4a does not support the Wongatha
applicants’ present submission. For example, the
use of
‘father’ to describe a step-father is obviously insignificant.
Likewise, the use of the term ‘pop’
by a witness to describe a
person in an unspecified relationship to him.
Conclusion
concerning a common kinship system
- There
are definitely many instances of Wongatha witnesses using English relational
terms to refer to people who do not stand in the
biological relationship to them
that is usually denoted by the term. No clear system emerged, however, at least
to my mind. The
position revealed by the evidence is complex. Adding to the
complexity is the relationship between the skin and kinship systems.
If
‘brother’ is also sometimes used to refer to a male of the same
skin, as well as to a biological brother and a male
cousin, seeming
inconsistencies in the testimony may be eliminated, but the task of enunciating
a consistent system comprehensible
to the non-Aboriginal mind is made all the
more difficult.
(9) Acknowledgment and usage in varying degrees of Wongatha language
- This
heading is odd. I do not know what it means to ‘acknowledge’ a
language. The Wongatha claimants do not, in their
submissions, suggest a link
between the use, and the ability to use and understand, Wongatha language, and
the continuing acknowledgement
and observance by the Wongatha Claim group of the
pre-sovereignty body of Western Desert laws and customs. It is a different
thing
to say that a language is of a Western Desert type (see 3.5(c)
[447] ff and 3.6(f) [1024] ff) or that a language identifies (or does
not identify) a particular Claim group (see 4.6(a)(2) [1366] ff).
- Understanding
and use of a language is not probative of the acknowledgment and observance of a
body or system of laws and customs.
It may, however, be relevant to the
continuance of a pre-sovereignty culture of which laws and customs form
part.
- The
Wongatha applicants refer to the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report at
([16]-[20]). At [16]-[20], Pannell/Vachon simply list
under various headings
the names of witnesses with transcript references against their names. The
headings are:
[16] ‘Acknowledgment of the Similarity of
“Languages” Identified with, Understood and/or Spoken by various
members
of the Wongatha and Overlapping Claimant Groups’ (13
witnesses)
[17] ‘Acknowledgment and Use of Wongatha/Wangkayi to Refer to an
Aboriginal Person’ (9 witnesses)
[18] ‘Acknowledgment and Use of Wongatha/Wangkayi as a Term of Identity
for Self and/or other Aboriginal People Connected to
the Claim Area’
13 witnesses)
[19] ‘Acknowledgment and Use of Wongatha/Wangkayi to refer to a
Country, Territory or Area’ (10 witnesses)
[20] Acknowledgment and Use of Wongatha/Wangkayi as a Name for Own and/or
Forebears’ Language’ (19 witnesses)
Under those respective five headings, Pannell/Vachon cite transcript page
references (sometimes more than one for a witness) for the
number of witnesses
shown. The witnesses were a mixture of Wongatha and non-Wongatha claimants.
- Appendix
A10(a) extracts the testimony of 40 Wongatha Claimants under the heading
‘Wongatha – Language’.
- It
was unsatisfactory for the Wongatha applicants to follow this course. It was
incumbent on them to make clear the findings of fact
they ask me to make based
on that testimony, and to tie their submissions to the testimony.
- I
will not deal with the detail of the voluminous testimony cited.
- The
Wongatha applicants rely on the agreement the linguists expressed in paras 1, 2,
3 and 4 of the linguists’ joint report
(see 3.5(c) [447]). They
also rely on the evidence of Arpad Kalotas, and especially on the word lists in
his report, and on his observation
of the similarity between words in respect of
flora, fauna and land forms, as used by Wongatha claimants on the one hand, and
as
recorded by Bates and others on the other hand.
- Groups 5B/5F
and 6A refer to the cross-examination of Arpad Kalotas in which he agreed
that he was a botanist, not a linguist,
and that the words he listed could have
been imported from another language, as distinct from being
‘Wongatha’ words.
He also conceded that in so far as his reports
dealt with habitat terms, they were not an ‘in depth’ treatment, but
gave an indication of a correspondence between what he recorded of words
currently used by claimants, and ‘what was available
in the historic
records but ... also what is also available in the broader Western Desert
area’.
- I
also addressed the evidence of Arpad Kalotas at 3.5(c). For the
reasons given there and above, I accord little weight to his testimony.
- Groups
5B/5F submit in detail on language use and competence. They submit that the
evidence demonstrates that competence in Wongatha
language is very limited and
the language is no longer a primary mode of communication for Wongatha
claimants. They submit that
witnesses overestimated their own fluency and that
witness estimation should be treated with caution.
- Groups 5B/5F
repeat their submissions in response to Appendix A10(a), and
state:
use in the claim area is, at best,
remnant and is practically non-existent. To the extent language is used, it is
not used in a manner
relevant to establishment of connection with or pursuant to
which rights and interests may be
acquired.’
I agree that there has been
substantial loss of Aboriginal language in the Wongatha Claim area, although to
say that Aboriginal language
in that area is ‘practically
non-existent’ goes too far. It is not obvious why Groups 5B/5F make the
statement in the
second sentence. The Wongatha applicants do not suggest that
the use of Wongatha language contributes to proof of the possession
of rights
and interests. Rather, rightly or wrongly, they rely on language in their
attempt to prove:
- group
identity;
- that the
Wongatha Claim group is part of the WDCB;
- connection of
the Wongatha Claim group to a particular area or territory; and, in the present
section,
- the survival of
a pre-sovereignty body of laws and customs.
- Such
little knowledge and use of Aboriginal language as remains among the Wongatha
claimants is not persuasive, even indirectly, as
to acknowledgement and
observance by the Wongatha Claim group of pre-sovereignty laws and customs.
Indeed, it would not be, even
if Wongatha was well used and
understood.
(10) Acknowledgment and acquisition of a personal ‘Dreaming’
(totem)
General
- The
Wongatha submissions do not identify any particular law or custom to which the
present heading relates.
- I
discussed the ‘birth’ or ‘local’ totem at 3.6(c)(2)
[765] ff and the ‘Dream’ or ‘conception’ totem at
3.6(c)(2) [779] ff.
- The
acknowledgment and acquisition of a personal ‘dreaming’ (totem) does
not itself point to a norm, but could be probative
of the continued existence of
a pre-sovereignty culture of which laws and customs form part.
Evidence and submissions
- The
Wongatha applicants refer to Thelma O’Loughlin’s evidence, and to
the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report at [32].
Under the heading
‘Acknowledgment and Acquisition of a Personal Dreaming, Pannell/Vachon
simply list Lorraine Griffiths, June
Madriaga, Frances Murray, Estelle Ross and
Dolly Walker. As usual, Pannell/Vachon do not distinguish between Claim groups,
and the
Wongatha applicants have not done so either. Sue Murray, Frances Murray
and Estelle Ross are Cosmo claimants and Dolly Walker is
an MN, NK 1 and
NK 2 claimant, leaving only Lorraine Griffiths and June Madriaga as
Wongatha claimants.
- The
State simply relies on its submissions at 4.7(a)(c)
‘Tjukurr’ and at 3.6(c). Group 6A simply
refers to its submissions at 3.6(c).
- Groups 5B/5F
submit, first, that the evidence of totems was ‘extremely limited’
and, second, that the testimony concerned
animal totems and did not relate to
land or relationships with land, adding ‘[t]hat is, the totems were
mundane animals rather
than dreaming protagonists’. I agree that the
evidence was very limited, but have difficulty with Group 6A’s second
submission. The witnesses are describing what Elkin called dream or conception
totems, not birth or local totems (see (3.6(c)(1) [765]). As
Pannell/Vachon make clear in their primary report a dream or conception totem
does not necessarily relate to a Tjukurr site or track, whereas a birth
or local totem does: a dream or conception totem will do so only if it is
identical with the birth
or local totem.
- Thelma
O’Loughlin testified that a goanna which had been put in the ashes
‘got up and walked’, whereupon Ted Coomanoo Evans asked,
‘Who’s
having a baby?’ At the time
Thelma O’Loughlin was three months pregnant with her daughter,
Louise. Mr Evans said
that her baby would have the Goanna Dreaming. Ms
O’Loughlin said that every winter, Louise’s skin peels, and she has
attended skin specialists but they have not been able to identify the problem.
She said that Louise’s father, Alan Dodd, told
Louise that he would go to
the Finke River in the Northern Territory to get the Goanna Dreaming song which
she must learn and sing,
and that when she does so her skin will cease peeling.
(It appears that Louise was born in 1975 – Ms O’Loughlin, testifying
in June 2002, said that Louise was 27 years old).
- Asked
if she had a Dreaming, Lorraine Griffiths said that she thought it was
the emu which was a ‘totem’. She said that her mother and probably
other Wangkayis, such
as Olive (Ngingku) or her father, told her that. Asked
what a totem was, she said ‘[s]ometimes when a woman may have eaten
something when she was pregnant and it makes them sick ... So they say
that’s ... your Tjukurr because my mum was carrying me.’ She
seems to imply that it was the eating of emu that made her mother sick when she
was pregnant
with Lorraine Griffiths. Lorraine Griffiths was born in 1930.
- June
Madriaga said that she did not have a Tjukurr or Dreaming, but
‘more [a] totem’. She said that her sister Amy told her a long time
ago that her totem was the porcupine.
She said that the porcupine was her totem
because her mother ate a porcupine when she was pregnant with her (June
Madriaga), and
that is why she (June Madriaga) is short of stature. She said
that her children and grandchildren did not have totems but she does
not know
why. June Madriaga was born in 1937.
- The
Wongatha applicants refer to the statement in the Pannell/Vachon primary report
(p 127) concerning dream totems associated with
conception referred to in Elkin
1931 at 69 (see 3.6(c)(2) [765] ff. They submit that the
totems reported by the three witnesses described above correspond with those
reported by Elkin as
‘the species associated with the person’s
conception’, and that it is easy to infer that this dreaming totem of
‘Wongatha culture’ existed at the time of sovereignty. I agree that
they correspond with Elkin’s ‘dream’
or
‘conception’ totem, and, I infer, with such totems at sovereignty.
- The
three witnesses were referring to events of 1930, 1937 and 1975. Now that
claimants are no longer living in a traditional setting,
the scope for such
events may be reduced. Perhaps the species must be one that the Aboriginal
people hunted.
Conclusion on personal ‘dreaming’ (totem)
- The
instances relied on by the Wongatha applicants are so few and so long ago that I
am not satisfied, on the evidence, that dream
or conception totems can be fairly
considered a feature of the Wongatha Claim group, regarded as a whole, as a
whole, today.
(11) Personal relationship laws and customs
General
- The
Wongatha applicants identify the following ‘laws and customs’
relevant to personal relationships:
(i) avoidance of the names of
deceased individuals;
(ii) the practice of wartulku (passing on the name of a
grandparent);
(iii) in-law avoidance;
(iv) food preparation and food sharing practices;
(v) burial practices;
(vi) ‘marry far away’;
- (vii) ‘greeting/assertion
and acknowledgement’; and
- (viii) ‘hold,
receive, pass on knowledge; instruct and educate’.
These laws
and customs come from pp 10-13 of Pannell/Vachon’s supplementary
report, where, Pannell/Vachon simply give,
under certain headings, dozens of
transcript page references with the names of the relevant witnesses. The
witnesses are both Wongatha
and non-Wongatha. The GLSC submissions do not
separate the two categories or formulate submissions by reference to the
Wongatha
witnesses.
- The
nature of these ‘laws and customs’ is diverse. Clearly, (i) and
(iii) imply prohibition, and are normative. Whether
the others are normative
requires discussion.
(i) Avoidance of the use of the names of deceased individuals
- The
present subject is addressed at some length by Groups 5B/5F, in response to GLSC
Appendix B6.
- Mr
Vachon agreed that a practice of avoiding uttering the names of deceased
individuals is widespread throughout Australia among people
of Aboriginal
descent but said he did not know about the Eastern states.
Accordingly, avoidance of saying the names of deceased persons does not
establish that the witness is observing a specifically Western
Desert law or
custom, although non-observance would indicate that the witness was not
observing a widespread Aboriginal law or custom.
- The
failure of the Wongatha applicants to formulate the prohibition for which they
contend is particularly problematical in the present
case, because there may
well be many exceptions to the rule. I simply do not know what the law or
custom is for which the Wongatha
applicants contend. There is no clear standard
against which to measure acknowledgement and observance. As will appear below,
I
have no doubt that there is some kind of law or custom in this area, but
depending on ‘how absolute’ it is, there will
or will not be
acknowledgement or observance. If the rule is the absolute one that the names
of deceased people must never be uttered,
I have no doubt that the rule is not
acknowledged and observed. However, evidence was given that there are
exceptions to the rule.
Were these exceptions recognised at sovereignty? It is
only if we know whether they were, that one can know what the pre-sovereignty
law or custom was. In arriving at what it was, I would, as ever, draw an
inference of retrospective continuance.
- There
were witnesses who showed genuine and spontaneous reluctance and awkwardness in
relation to uttering the names of deceased people.
There were other witnesses
who spoke the names of deceased people freely and without hesitation. Some
witnesses did not suggest
any qualification. I cannot recall counsel for the
Wongatha applicants asking a witness to state the rule with its exceptions.
- There
are suggestions in the evidence that the prohibition applies:
- only to recently
deceased individuals;
- only where the
deceased was a close relative of the speaker; or
- only where the
deceased was a close relative of the hearer.
- The
name of his deceased father, Stanley Forrest, was read out to Dennis
Forrest from his statement, and he acknowledged it to be correct. Asked how
the name was recorded if he had not said it, he said that it
was all right to
say it to a white person. In cross examination, he said that:
- there was an
absolute prohibition in some cases, and which cases depended on the
individual;
- the individual
on whom it depended was the hearer or the person saying the name (‘You
know, it’s wrong ... to say the
dead people’s name ... it goes
against the grain’);
- saying a dead
person’s name was akin to visiting a sacred site: the prohibition did not
apply to the Judge and the white lawyers,
even though uninitiated, but it
applied to uninitiated Aboriginal people;
- an Aboriginal
person could not say the name of his or her deceased mother to another Wongatha
person, unless that other person agreed;
- he (Dennis
Forrest) came to know the names of people referred to in his statement who had
died before his time, by virtue of some
of them being mentioned in documents,
but, more importantly, by virtue of older people saying the names when it was
‘OK to
say it’, but not ‘in front of a big mob’;
- the name of a
deceased person may be said in front of a small number, for example, if two
cousins are conversing, one will say ‘kurnmanu raptji’ (a
substitute name) and if the other person does not understand, the first one will
say the actual name of the deceased
person.
Mr Forrest also said that it was not
culturally appropriate to say the names of deceased people in front of their
close relatives.
There is other evidence supporting the idea that the governing
consideration is sensitivity to the feelings of deceased’s
relatives.
- Bertha Thomas
said that one should not use the name of a recently deceased person, but that it
may be used after the person has been gone a long
time
- Laurel Cooper
referred to a rule about not speaking the name of a deceased person, but,
instead, replacing it with ‘kumanu’ [Coomanoo]. However, she
used the names of a number of her ancestors, including those of her mother, who
died 33 years before,
her mother’s mother, her mother’s father,
Hilda Hicks (an aunt who passed away a ‘couple of years’
previously),
and Dinah O’Loughlin and several others.
- Cecily Harris
said that one is not allowed to use the name of a deceased Aboriginal person and
that ‘kumanu’ is substituted, but she uttered the name of her
mother, Nalgu and her uncle, Croydon Beaman. She agreed with her counsel that
he
could read out in Court the names of her deceased brothers and sisters, Arnold,
James, Les, Eliza and Terry. Asked why she had
agreed, she seemed to say that
it was in order for him to read out that which was written down. She refused to
say the name of her
deceased sister, saying ‘I won’t even mention
that name’.
- May O’Brien
said that there was a rule against naming the dead, but she mentioned the names
of deceased people in her evidence. However, she
refused to say the names of
deceased initiated men from Weebo. When this was taken up with her, she said
that it was all right to
mention the names of her family, but that ‘those
men are from another region’. She said it was not her business to tell
or
to say their names.
- Thelma O’Loughlin
said that it was in order for her barrister to say the name of a deceased
person, but that she would not do so herself. However,
she named her deceased
grandmother, Mona Burton (she said she called Mona Burton her grandmother
because she was her grandmother’s
sister – an illustration of the
kinship system in which the same terms are applied to persons of the same gender
at the same
generational level). At one point in her testimony the suggestion
is that she could not say the English name of her deceased aunt,
but could say
her Aboriginal name, because that name had also been given to her daughter, a
living person.
- Janice
Scott used the Aboriginal and English names of several deceased people. She said
the names of deceased people could be used
in Court. There were however some
names she would not say, because ‘sometimes if you say that, you can
offend the relatives’.
- Dimple
Sullivan had mentioned the names of deceased persons for the purpose of the
preparation of her statement.
- Jane Beasley
spontaneously corrected herself before uttering the names of deceased relatives.
She said the names of relatives, then added ‘I
shouldn’t be
mentioning their names’, and ‘[o]nce ... they pass away we’re
not allowed to mention their names.
That’s ... one of the
cultures.’ She explained that she said the names for the Court, but
strictly should not be doing
so. I accept that the circumstances of the giving
of evidence in a public hearing may create a tension for the witness between
observing
a law or custom on the one hand, and providing evidence in support of
a case and in order to assist the Court, on the other hand.
- Elvis
Stokes used the names of many deceased people, including Ted Evans. He
gave an explanation, but it was difficult to understand. Having
been asked
whether he was aware of any Wongatha rule or custom that would prevent him from
naming people who had passed away, he
said ‘I asked them, because –
because – we – because the Stokes family and the Evans sort of have
a history
together. ... So we’ve always sort of crossed each other and met
and lived with each other’. Elvis Stokes appears to
have meant that he
asked the Evans family for permission, but then seems to say that the two
families are as one, so that he was
at liberty to say the deceased
person’s name.
- Elvis
Stokes also said that his late father had said, ‘When I die, don’t
be frightened to use my name. Remember me as
Arthur Stokes. Don’t
be ashamed to use it’. Elvis Stokes said that the names of deceased
people had become
free and open to him. Accordingly, he also used the name of
Bundy Westlake.
- Murray
Stubbs said that Aboriginal people do not speak the names of deceased
people, but added that he now talked about his father and brother
in order to
remember them, explaining ‘that’s my choice’. Both his father
and brother passed away in 1992, 10
years before he gave evidence.
- Kado
Muir, an MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant, explained that he could say
his grandfather’s or grandmother’s name, because
a grandchild is
‘in the same class, in the thamu and kaparli class’.
He said, as other evidence also established, that thamu means both
grandfather and grandson, and ‘kaparli’ means both
grandmother and granddaughter. He added: ‘the grandson and grandfather
can actually say the names of deceased
people in that class, whereas they
can’t say the names of deceased people in my siblings’ or
cousins’ class or
in my parents’ class’. Accordingly, Mr Muir
based the exception on the skin system.
- Throughout
the hearing, many witnesses expressed a desire not to say the names of deceased
people or referred to deceased people in
a way that made it obvious to me that
they were taking care to avoid saying the deceased person’s name. For
example, Rhys
Winter said that after he went through the law, he was taught how
to cook a kangaroo by his two cousins, Lionel Laidlaw and his (deceased)
brother. In other instances, however, the names of deceased people were uttered
without hesitation. I infer that much depends on
how long ago the person died,
the relationship between the witness and the deceased, who was present in the
courtroom at the time,
and, no doubt, to the degree of cultural sensitivity of
the particular witness.
- Groups
5B/5F refer to witnesses also giving evidence of another death-related custom,
according to which one must leave the house
and area where a family member was
living at the time of his or her death. It is difficult to be certain whether
this is put as
an obligation-imposing rule or merely as a practice (are some of
the practices at European style funerals the result of a sense of
obligation
born of a societal norm, or practices for the relief of the grief of one’s
self or of others, or both?) None of
the witnesses cited by Groups 5B/5F in
their submissions are Wongatha claimants.
- Explaining
why Cosmo was her ngurra or country, Doreen Harris, a
non-claimant, said that her mother and father came there from Warburton when
their son died. Doreen Harris’s ‘brother’
died before she was
born on 8 August 1944. Accordingly, her parents’ relocation from
Warburton to Cosmo took place a long
time ago. She said: ‘See when they
lose their families, they go away to a different place and they make a home.
... They
don’t go back. That’s what I got learnt from other people
been telling me. ... They don’t live [in] one place
when their childrens
die.’
- On
the evidence, I do not find that it is established that the practice of moving
away after death is followed by the Wongatha Claim
group today. It is not clear
to me that the Wongatha applicants have suggested that it is. Nor is it clear
to me that the practice
is anything more than optional.
- Murray
Stubbs, said that if a member of the family passes away, it is culturally
appropriate that the remaining relatives change their appearance,
such as by
shaving off a moustache or beard, so that they do not look like the deceased
person. He said that when his brother, Trevor
(whose name he uttered), died in
July 1992, their mother asked him to change his appearance, and that that was
the first time he
had been requested to do so.
- It
is difficult to be confident about the origin of the requirement imposed on Mr
Stubbs by his mother. It is certainly does not
point to an operative law or
custom generally observed by any of the Claim groups.
Conclusion concerning avoidance of the use of the names of
deceased individuals
- I
accept that there is an Aboriginal law or custom, extending beyond the Western
Desert, against saying the name of a deceased person,
and that the Wongatha
Claim group acknowledges and observes this rule. I cannot be more precise
because the evidence does not clearly
expose what the exceptions to the rule
are, and, therefore, in precisely what circumstances the rule applies.
(ii) The practice of wartulku (passing on the name of grandparent)
- Again,
the absence of definition of any law or custom contended for is disappointing.
According to the heading, we are concerned
simply with a ‘practice’,
namely, the passing on of the name of a grandparent. Yet in some of the
transcript passages
cited, the practice of wartulku is described
differently, and as being concerned with the massaging of the baby’s body
by a thamu or kaparli, without the passing on of a name. There was
some evidence that the massaging procedure mentioned, involved the passing on of
characteristics
of the adult to the baby. I will take the practice contended
for to be the practice of passing on the name of a grandparent.
- The
Wongatha applicants refer to the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report at [31],
and to the testimony of Rhys Winter. At [31], Pannell/Vachon
also refer to
non-claimant Janice Scott, and to MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant, Dolly
Walker.
- The
practice of wartulku as described has no normative content. Its
potential relevance is to the continuance of a pre-sovereignty culture, and,
therefore,
only indirectly, of a body of pre-sovereignty laws and customs.
- Rhys
Winter said that there was a practice running back ‘in the bush a long
time ago’ that parents give their son his grandparent’s
name. One
of Rhys Winter’s grandsons is called Rhys, and Mr Winter
suggested that probably the reason was that his
grandson’s parents wanted
to keep his (Mr Winter’s) name going. He said there was also a practice
by which ‘the
grandfather would wartulku’ (speaking in the
past tense). He explained that this meant that the grandfather would massage
his grandson and that that
would give him the grandfather’s Aboriginal
name so that the child would grow up to be like him. Rhys Winter’s own
Wangkayi
name, Taaput, was given to him by his thamu, Walter Taaput
Cable.
- Janice
Scott, a non-claimant, said that a grandfather or grandmother likes to pass
on his or her name to a grandchild so that the name can be
carried on when the
child grows up. She explained that when the child is a ‘couple of weeks
or couple of months’ old,
the grandparent will lie the child across his or
her stomach and massage and stretch the child, saying ‘Oh when you grow
up,
you are going to be like me and carry on my name.’ Janice Scott
explained that this might be done by an extended grandfather
or grandmother, not
directly related to the child (a thamu or kaparli). She said she
was told about this practice by members of her family and had seen it happen.
She also said she had seen children
grow up to be like their grandparent, and
that if the grandparent was a wati, the grandson is expected, when he
grows up, to carry on the task of looking after the land (this evidence suggests
a norm). She
said that she had seen people fulfilling that obligation, but does
not know if young people are doing it today. Janice Scott’s
two
Aboriginal names came from her mother’s aunty. Janice Scott did not
identify a Wongatha claimant who engaged in the practice
of
wartulku.
- Lois
Laidlaw, also a non-claimant, said that her Wangkayi name, Wamin, was given
to her by her kaparli (the aunty of her mama (father)), and that
her sister was named by her other grandmother. She explained that that is done
by a grandmother so that when
the grandchild grows up he or she will have the
‘same image of that Wangkayi woman that passed on and then she'll give her
all her rights and say, “Okay, you carry this name.”’ She
explained that the person passes on other characteristics
as well. She said
that other Wangkayi people (whom she did not identify) do that as well, not just
her family. Because Lois Laidlaw
is not a member of any Claim group, her
evidence is not probative of acknowledgement and observance by any Claim
group.
- Geoffrey
Stokes, who was born in 1962, testified that an old man, Nyukali,
wadu him when he was a child, which gave Geoffrey his Wongatha name,
Nyukali.
grabbed me as a child and he wadu
me and he give me his spirit and he give me his blessing, and on top of that he
give me whatever
he own. And them places like Black Flag ... that's his run.
That's why I go there because right now he's dead but I've got his name
and I've
got his story.’
- May O’Brien
described wartulku as a rather different practice, not involving the
passing on of a name from grandparent to grandchild, or not necessarily doing
so.
She said that when a baby was to be born, the mother and midwife would
leave the community and go into the bush. She said that
they would stay out
there for eight days following the birth. She described a ‘purifying
stage’, involving the burning
of gum leaves to make a smoky perfume,
followed by a wartulku or massage in which ‘they’ (the mother
and midwife) would bless the baby, saying to him or her, ‘[T]hese hands
are going to ... do good things and speak good things, and your head will be
full of wonderful thoughts; ... you’ll have good
strong feet to walk
with’. May O’Brien was describing a practice of former times, when
the birth occurred in the outdoors.
Conclusion concerning
wartulku
- On
the evidence, the practice of wartulku appears to be a thing of the past,
and was, in any event, optional, in the sense that there was no obligation to
engage in the practice
or that non-observance was deprecated. However it is
described, the practice seems to have generally ceased, and certainly,
understood
as including the passing on of the name of grandparent, it is not
shown to be generally practised today within the Wongatha Claim
group.
(iii) In-law avoidance
- The
GLSC submissions do not formulate the rule condended for. I take it to be that
a person must avoid direct contact with the person’s
in-laws. Again, in
the absence of formulation of the pre-sovereignty prohibition, I can only do my
best. Must the rule be observed
by daughters-in-law as well as by sons-in-law?
Does the rule apply throughout a person’s life? A formulation by the GLSC
would have addressed such questions.
- The
Wongatha applicants cite Pannell/Vachon’s supplementary report at [35] and
the testimony of Leo Thomas. At [35], Pannell/Vachon
refer to the testimony of
Dennis Forrest, Christopher Johnson, Kalman Murphy and
Phyllis Thomas in addition to that of Leo Thomas. Kalman Murphy and
Phyllis Thomas are MN claimants
(Kalman Murphy is also an NK 1 claimant),
not Wongatha claimants, leaving only three Wongatha claimants, Leo Thomas,
Dennis Forrest
and Chris Johnson.
- Leo
Thomas said that by Aboriginal law he must not speak to his wife’s
mother. Asked if there are any other people to whom he or others
must not
speak, he said:
you also – you
aren’t allowed to talk to your – you can talk to your father-in-law,
but you aren’t allowed
to – it’s been – it’s a
long time now, I don’t – I haven’t been through the law or
anything
like that, but, like everybody else, we do our best to practise it and
show our young generation that, coming
through.’
This response suggests that Leo Thomas was recognising an
‘ideal’ which was observed ‘a long time [ago]’,
and
which it is now difficult to observe and have the younger generation observe.
That he was doing so is made clear in his cross
examination. Mr Thomas
said that he did speak to his wife’s mother:
have to be honest with one another, because
life’s changed, you know? ... We went to school and learned English, ...
we’re
not tribal people anymore. ... The European thing sneaked in and
this is the way ... we have to be.’
Leo Thomas was describing in-law avoidance as a custom of the past.
- Dennis
Forrest, who said that he got on well with his mother in-law, was asked if
there were any rules about not talking to her or avoiding her.
He replied that
if she was ‘down here’ (he was testifying in Kalgoorlie) he would
not be allowed to even look at her;
if she entered the room the proper way would
be to turn his head and not speak to her directly, ‘but because we were up
there
we do it [talk directly], I do it their way’. By ‘up
there’, he apparently meant in the Kimberley region, where
his wife comes
from. His understanding is that there is no similar rule in that region.
- The
third Wongatha claimant mentioned, Christopher Johnson, said that when he
was at Cundeelee he had his five fathers-in-law (wapatju) there, and was
not allowed to ‘be in their company, or even see them’, and that if
he wished to approach them, he had
to make a certain noise to announce himself.
(Cundeelee is an Aboriginal community in the desert, south of the Wongatha Claim
area,
between its southern boundary and Coonana on the Trans Australian Railway
line. Mr Johnson lived there for about a year, working
for the mission there.
While there, he lived with, or was married to, Margaret Hogan.)
- He
said that his five fathers-in-law were given to him under Aboriginal custom at
Cundeelee, and that even if he bumps into any of
them in Boulder, he will
observe the custom by going to the other side of the street, or if one of them
is in a shop, he will send
in a message asking his father-in-law to leave the
shop so that he (Mr Johnson) can do his shopping.
- Christopher
Johnson said that he observes the rule if he encounters one of his
fathers-in-law elsewhere. For example, he lived for
a while at Yalata, in South
Australia, where one of them lives, and he observed the rule there.
- Later
Mr Johnson said that ‘[e]very Aboriginal community has that same
custom’ and that it operates in all the different
areas to which he has
been. The meaning of this evidence is unclear. Within the Wongatha Claim area,
there are Aboriginal communities
at Mount Margaret, Mulga Queen and Cosmo. The
witnesses from those communities did not give evidence of acknowledgement and
observance
of the law or custom described by Mr Johnson, and I do not accept
that it is acknowledged and observed by them.
- Mr
Johnson’s evidence of his own acknowledgement and observance was of a rule
he observes at Cundeelee, not within the Wongatha
Claim area. Mr Johnson said
that the people at Cundeelee are Anagu people from east of Kalgoorlie and
‘are called in the European
way the Spinifex people’.
- Lorraine
Griffiths said that on a recent camping trip with her friend, Maisie,
Maisie’s daughter and the daughter’s husband, the husband
talked to
his mother-in-law.
Conclusion concerning in-law
avoidance
- The
only indigenous testimony above relevant to the Wongatha Claim area is Dennis
Forrest’s evidence that his mother-in-law
from the Kimberley would have
come ‘down here’ he would have to turn his head and not speak to her
directly. I think
this evidence from one witness too slender to support a
finding of acknowledgment and observance by the Wongatha Claim group, among
whom
there must be many in-law relationships. Leo Thomas acknowledged the rule as
something of the past.
(iv) Customary food preparation/sharing
- The
GLSC submissions do not formulate a law or custom under this heading.
- The
Wongatha applicants refer to Pannell/Vachon’s supplementary report and to
the testimony of Cyril Barnes (and photographs),
Geoffrey Stokes and Rhys
Winter. Pannell/Vachon cite 13 transcript references in respect of
10 witnesses (three witnesses
appear under both headings), relating to
‘the Practice of Sharing Kangaroo’ ([40]) and ‘Kangaroo
Preparation Practice’
([41]). As usual, neither they nor the Wongatha
applicants distinguish between Claim groups. Evidence that a member of Claim
group
A acknowledges and observes a law or custom is some evidence that Claim
group A does, but not that Claim group B does. Of the 10
witnesses, seven are
listed on the Wongatha LIP (Eric Thomas is also listed on the MN LIP). The
three non-Wongatha claimants
are Dolly Walker (MN, NK 1 and NK 2),
Hudson Westlake (MN and Cosmo), and Ralph Ashwin (Wutha). The seven
Wongatha
claimants are as follows: Eric Thomas, June Madriaga, Rhys Winter,
Christopher Johnson, Cyril Barnes, Dennis Forrest and Geoffrey
Stokes.
- GLSC
Appendix B5a is headed ‘Wongatha – Preparation, Cooking and
Distribution of Meat’. It gives extracts from
the testimony of twenty-one
witnesses (all except two, Lois Laidlaw and Janice Scott, are Wongatha
claimants). I do not think it
necessary to outline the evidence of all of them,
and will address only the testimony of the Pannell/Vachon seven.
- Eric
Thomas spoke of the time when he and his wife, Phyllis Thomas,
re-established the Mulga Queen community in the early 1960s. He said that
people from Warburton visited for the weekend and asked if they could go out and
get meat. Mr Thomas used to reply that they
could, and added: ‘We
all – we all one – one people, Wangkayi people’. Asked what
the Warburton people did
for food when they came to Mulga Queen, he said that
they ate kangaroo, goanna and emu, which they would hunt with kangaroo dogs
or
rifles. He said that when they returned to the Mulga Queen Community with their
kill, they would cook it and after that ‘sing
out’ to people who
live in the area to come and share their meat. Asked if there was a custom
about that kind of thing, Eric
Thomas said that there was, that sharing still
went on, and that a person who gets a kangaroo always ’sings out’
the
people in the Community to come and share the meat.
- June
Madriaga said that she takes kangaroo meat out to the old people who live at
the Nambi Road village just out of Leonora, because she knows
they like it. She
said: ‘See, we Aboriginals, we are the true Communists; we share’,
and she agreed that that was ‘the
Wangkayi way of doing
things’.
- Rhys
Winter said that after going through the law (he went through in 1979 at
Areyonga in the Northern Territory, when he was about 20 years
old), he
had to learn how to cook kangaroo properly, and that he learned this from two of
his cousins, Lionel Laidlaw and his
deceased brother (whose name he did not
say). He said he cooked kangaroo in the same way today,
adding:
real law is if I shoot the kangaroo
I give it somebody else to cook it and they cook it and they have to give me two
ribs, the head
and the munubul that’s the tail part, hip
bone.’
He said the rest of the meat, like the legs, the back and the tail, will be
kept by the cook. He said he still divides up kangaroo
in that way.
- Rhys
Winter’s evidence, then, is that watis know the ‘right’
way to cook a kangaroo, and that there is also a right way of distributing the
various parts or, at
least, that the hunter must receive certain parts before
others receive any.
- Christopher
Johnson, a wati, said that out in the bush he shows his grandchildren
how to cook kangaroo in the ashes. He said:
must be cut the proper way; you don’t
just – oh, I’ll have the head and I’ll have this and that.
You don’t
do that. One person cuts, one person
distributes.’
Mr Johnson said that his nephew, Patrick, who has not been through the
Aboriginal custom, has nonetheless ‘cooked goanna
and
everything’.
- Mr
Johnson’s evidence is therefore also that there is a right way of
distribution.
- Cyril
Barnes gave detailed and extensive evidence in relation to photographs of
him butchering a kangaroo for cooking, including the stitching
up of the stomach
with a stick, called a tjipiny. Earlier he had said that his father used
to take his bit first, then others would come in for their share. I assume that
his father
was the hunter. He said that the kangaroo is ‘very
special’ and must be cut up in the ‘proper way’. He
said that
some people (wrongly) cut it in half, ‘but with the Aboriginal way, you
got to cut the little joints and little pieces
up’. He said that the
proper way has ‘been handed down’. When asked whether kangaroo and
emu have any other importance
for Wangkayi people, he answered yes but that he
should not talk about it.
- Mr
Barnes has not been through the law. His last statement suggests to me that the
subject of the proper way to cut up a kangaroo
is one that is within the
province of the watis. This is consistent with Rhys Winter’s
evidence discussed above.
- Dennis
Forrest said that when he was a child (he was referring to a period when he
lived at Kalgoorlie, up to the age of 9-10 years), they would
go out as a family
and his father would cut up kangaroo and share it around ‘even though he
wasn’t initiated’.
Mr Forrest gave evidence in relation to a
video taken at Porky’s Swamp, that in the last five years he has used the
same
pit that people used to use, in which to cook kangaroo. Group 6A submits
that this evidence contradicts Ralph Ashwin's testimony
that ‘the old
people’ told him that a pit must be filled in after use because they
believed that this kept the animal’s
spirit (gawdi) in the hole.
Ralph Ashwin was the only witness who gave evidence to that effect. What Dennis
Forrest did does not contradict Ralph
Ashwin’s evidence. Ralph
Ashwin’s evidence was of what the old people used to tell him.
- Speaking
with reference to a photograph taken on a camping trip at Niagara with his
brother Ivan some five years prior to the hearing,
Dennis Forrest
said:
had our normal stores that you get
from the supermarket, but we also got kangaroo. My brother Ivan made some
damper and we cooked
up some – some freshly caught duck that we cooked in
that camp oven that you see there, and things like
that.’
Dennis Forrest also said that when he lived in Kalgoorlie (between the
age of 9 and 15) he and his father would go out camping
and hunting
‘[e]very time we needed meat.’ He continued: ‘If we run out
of chops or whatever in the fridge and
decide we want a bit of traditional food,
we’d go out and get some.’
- Mr Forrest
said that ‘[p]eople further up north, north end of the track’, who,
Mr Forrest agreed could be Wongatha
people, would lie the kangaroo on its
side, although he did not do so. He said that his father taught him that
‘[o]ur mob
... keep it straight up’ (ie to keep the kangaroo lying
on its back belly upwards). He said he sometimes cuts off the feet
(not the
legs) and would bend the legs backwards at the joint, but not so as to break
them. He learned that practice from his father.
- Group 6A
submits that Aubrey Lynch’s evidence was inconsistent with this
evidence of Mr Forrest’s, because
Mr Lynch said that the legs of
the kangaroo are cut off. I would not be prepared to find inconsistency.
Mr Lynch did
say ‘so the legs are cut off’, but it seems that
at that point he was describing the way in which people from outside
his area
cook a kangaroo. Elsewhere, he said ‘The leg must be in the
air’ and ‘the foot, the kangaroo’s foot is all cut off. I
think Mr Lynch meant that according to
the Wongatha way, the kangaroo’s
feet but not its legs, are cut off.
- Geoffrey Stokes
described the butchering and cooking of kangaroo in ashes in a hole in the
ground. He said that the kangaroo is placed in the hole
lying on its back with
its cut off tail next to it and its rear legs in the air with the feet cut off.
He said that the cooking
could take from half an hour to two hours, depending on
the animal’s size. Geoffrey Stokes also gave evidence in relation
to how
goannas and emus are prepared for cooking and cooked.
- Mr Stokes
testified that when he went to Yundamindra, he told Brian Manning that he
was going to skin, clean, cook and eat,
right there in the bush, a kangaroo that
he had shot, and Mr Manning said that he had not seen that done for a long
time, because
nowadays all the young men take the kangaroos they shoot back to
Kalgoorlie. Mr Stokes said that the incident occurred about
three years
previously and that he has still been going out there and ‘nothing
changed’. Group 6A submits that this
testimony shows that there are few
young Aboriginal people who continue to butcher, prepare, cook and eat kangaroos
they kill in
the bush. I agree that it is some evidence to that effect.
- Thelma O’Loughlin
(not cited by Pannell/Vachon) gave evidence, by reference to a photograph taken
on Tarmoola Station a long time ago, of her mother
cutting up a goanna, that her
mother always took the best part, the ribs, because she had cooked it; and that
‘she always shared
all the pieces there’ by distributing the
remainder to the children. It was not suggested that she did so in conformity
with
a law or custom as to distribution of kangaroo meat by a mother who had
cooked it.
- Group
6A refers to the testimony of 17 Wongatha claimants, including Thelma
O’Loughlin, Rhys Winter, Christopher Johnson,
Dennis Forrest, Cyril Barnes, and Geoffrey Stokes referred to above,
said to touch on practices relating to the preparation,
cooking and eating of
kangaroo (Thelma O’Loughlin does not give evidence in relation to cooking
a kangaroo). In addition to
the testimony to which I have referred, they refer
to that of Duncan Bilson, Marjorie Bonney, Anthony Harris,
Aubrey Lynch,
Darren Mason, Thelma O’Loughlin,
Celia Sullivan, Garry Sullivan, Leo Thomas, Murray Stubbs
and
Ron Harrington-Smith. Group 6A suggests that the practice is not consistent
across the Wongatha Claim group and through timebut
upon close analysis, most of
the suggested inconsistencies disappear. I have seen only one inconsistency, to
which I will refer
below.
- Duncan
Bilson recounted how his father taught him to cook kangaroo. Like the other
witnesses, he said that the legs have to be facing upwards.
He said that the
‘Wangkayi way’ is to cut the lower part of the legs or feet off
before cooking. He was asked whether
he was taught anything about breaking the
bones in the leg, and replied ‘Yes, that’s always’. Asked
next whether
he breaks the bones in the legs, he said ‘No’. His
earlier answer ‘Yes, that’s always’ may signify
only that he
was agreeing that he was, indeed, always taught about the matter. His answer
‘No’ to the latter question
was unequivocal.
- Garry
Sullivan said that his father taught him not to break the kangaroo’s
legs, which is different from how his mother’s family does
it. He
explained that from Laverton going east into the desert, the legs are broken,
while from Laverton going west (his father’s
country) they are not. This
is the ‘inconsistency’ to which I referred earlier.
- Marjorie
Bonney said that if a kangaroo has been shot and skinned (apparently when it
is brought to her home), she makes rissoles and stew, but if
she is out camping,
her group may feel like cooking it in the ashes.
- As
ever, there is the problem of knowing the precise law or custom that the
Wongatha applicants propound. In 1829, there was no distinction
between
‘home’ and ‘out camping’. If the law or custom
propounded is that all kangaroos must be cooked in
the ground, facing upwards,
with only the feet cut off, Marjorie Bonney’s testimony shows that she
does not acknowledge and
observe the law or custom. If, on the other hand, the
law or custom propounded is only that when kangaroo is cooked out in the bush,
it must be cooked in the manner described, Marjorie Bonney’s evidence does
not establish a failure to acknowledge and observe
the law or custom.
- The
answer to the question raised may be found in whatever reason underlies the
rule, but this was not explored in evidence. I would
hold that the fact that
the kangaroo is sometimes cooked at home is an adaptation, and that the rule
applies only where the kangaroo
is cooked in the bush.
- Anthony
Harris, a wati, said that his uncles taught him how to cut up a
kangaroo in the way in which it had been done for years. He said it was
important
for him to do it in that way. When asked why, he said:
‘that’s just tradition’. He also said that there was a
‘special way’ for dividing up the meat of the kangaroo, and that it
is given to the old people first, but so far as particular
pieces of the meat
are concerned, people can have those they like.
- Aubrey
Lynch testified in relation to photographs. Group 6A submits that
these were taken in the 1970s and are not evidence of a current
practice. Asked
when photographs numbered 1, 6 and 14 were taken, Mr Lynch said in the 1970s.
But at least photograph number 29
was taken in the 1990s. The
33 family photographs identified by Mr Lynch appear to have covered a
period from the 1960s
down to the 1990s. Moreover, in surrounding pages,
Mr Lynch gave evidence of his current hunting activities. There is no
substance
in Group 6A’s submission.
- Mr Lynch
said that if an Aboriginal person came into his area and cooked a kangaroo lying
down, this would tell him that the
person did not belong to his area.
- Asked
where kangaroos were cooked in the bush, Darren Mason said
‘Just in the ground’. He did not testify in relation to any
recognised manner of cooking.
- Thelma
O’Loughlin said, in relation to the cooking of an emu, that she just
skins it for the gizzard: ‘We just cut one leg off. We cook the
gizzard
and eat that’.
- Celia
Sullivan said that there was only one way to gut and cook a kangaroo. She
said she had seen it done by her father and brothers, and then
by her husband.
When asked whether she broke or did not break the legs, she said ‘I
don’t know. It all depends on who’s
cooking it.’ She said
that when she is cooking a kangaroo she does not break the legs, but that when
her husband is doing
so, he breaks them. Group 6A submits that this difference
shows that there is not ‘a consistent and continued practice employed
among the Wongatha people’. It does not. Celia Sullivan’s husband
is Jackie McLean, a Ngaanyatjarra man. He is not
a Wongatha man. However, he
is, of course, a Western Desert man. Celia Sullivan’s evidence could be
regarded as supportive
of the view that east of Laverton, the legs are broken,
whereas west of Laverton they are not (see the evidence of Garry Sullivan
referred to at [1833] above).
- Garry Sullivan
(Celia Sullivan’s brother) said that different Wangkayi people cook
kangaroos differently. He said, however, that he cooks
them in the same way
every time, which is the way his father taught him, which is not to break the
legs. He explained that his father’s
family believed that since one does
not shoot a kangaroo that has broken legs, it should be cooked with its legs
intact. However,
he said that ‘on this end, when they cook a kangaroo ...
they break the legs. But on my father’s side they don’t.’
By
‘this end’ he was referring to Laverton going east ‘on with
the desert’, as against to the west of Laverton.
He considered that his
father was a Wongatha man, and his father called himself Wongatha.
- Mr Sullivan’s
evidence indicates that there is not a single rule applicable across the entire
Wongatha Claim area in relation
to the preparation of kangaroo for eating.
- Leo
Thomas said that he was taught how to hunt, cook and cut up kangaroo by RM,
but does not give details of what he was taught or does.
- Asked
whether there was anything special about the ‘divvying up of food in the
bush ... in the Wangkayi culture’, Murray Stubbs said
‘Yes. When you get a kangaroo or goanna, you share it’. However,
he was not asked to elaborate.
Conclusion concerning ‘Food
preparation and the practice of sharing kangaroo’
- Over
the many thousands of years that the indigenous people of Australia have hunted,
cooked and eaten kangaroo, it is not surprising
that certain regular butchering
and culinary practices developed. Considerations of efficiency and convenience
would play a role.
For example, it was mentioned in evidence that the tail is
left on the animal initially in order to serve as a ‘handle’
to
enable turning of the animal. This applied to the singeing of the hair off the
skin, after which the tail is cut off and placed
in the cooking pit next to the
rest of the animal for cooking.
- The
evidence was consistent that the kangaroo is cooked lying on its back with legs
upwards, and that west of Laverton, although the
feet are cut off, the legs are
not. East of Laverton, however, the legs are broken. This difference could be
taken to suggest a
cultural division at Laverton, but is rather slim evidence of
it.
- There
was evidence that some aspects of the cooking process are secret to
watis. I do not know what those aspects are: perhaps they are Tjukurr
stories explaining why the kangaroo must be cooked in one way rather than in
another. However, this is speculation.
- I
find that those who camp and cook out feel that they ‘should’ cook
the kangaroo in a certain way, namely, after the
animal has been gutted and the
innards removed, the stomach sewn up and the hair singed off, lying on its back
in the cooking pit,
facing upwards, with the legs, but not the feet, intact.
They feel that this is the ‘right’ and ‘traditional’
way.
- I
also accept that where a kangaroo is brought into a community, there is a
tradition of sharing.
- Finally,
there was some evidence that kangaroo meat should be distributed in a certain
manner, although the evidence was so slight
in this respect that I am not able
to find what the particular manner is, or whether there is a general adherence
to it.
(v) Burial/reburial and other practices associated with death
- I
described the pre-sovereignty practices of burial/reburial and relocation after
a death at 3.6(c)(2) [821] ff.
- The
Wongatha applicants refer to Pannell/Vachon’s supplementary report and to
an extract from Morgan, A Drop in a Bucket that is in evidence. They
refer in the text of their submissions to evidence given by Aubrey Lynch and
Geraldine Hogarth (a Koara
claimant).
- In
their report, Pannell/Vachon refer to the evidence of four Wongatha witnesses
(Aubrey Lynch, Leo Thomas, Dimple Sullivan, Cyril
Barnes), one Cosmo witness
(Estelle Ross) and one Koara witness (Geraldine Hogarth).
- Aubrey
Lynch described the traditional burial practice which his mother had
described to him. He said she was one of the persons who went out
to bury and
re-bury people. Mr Lynch said that only persons in the right skin group
could do the burial and reburial. The
practice involved an initial shallow
burial to allow for subsequent retrieval, examination and reburial of the body.
Mr Lynch
said that the body was buried only about a metre deep in the
ground and was covered by logs. Twelve months after this first burial,
the
gravesite was revisited by people of the right skin group. The bones were
inspected, the grave cleaned out and dug to a greater
depth, and the logs burnt
(the bone inspection apparently served a forensic purpose; that of discovering
whether the deceased was
murdered). Mr Lynch also said that before the
bones were reburied, the deceased’s spouse would lie in the grave. Mr
Lynch was born in 1937. We do not know when his mother described the
burial/reburial practice to him, but it seems that she was
describing it as a
practice that was being followed at the time when she described it to him,
perhaps in the late 1940s.
- Asked
whether reburials like that are conducted today, Mr Lynch
said:
no, because during those days you can
bury bodies round here at Mount Maragret in a shallow grave, even the police
don’t take
part in the reburial or anything ... [and] because our
people [today] are buried in white man’s cemetery and the only way
now for our people to go and visit them graves after 12 months is to
go to
the register and find out the number of the gravesite, and they go and just walk
around that grave and then go away because
nowadays you can’t dig graves
anyway, because they’re six foot
deep.’
(It should be noted that the forensic examination of the skeleton is a
purpose that served an earlier age.) The Wongatha applicants
submit that
‘this can be seen as an adaptation of traditional burial practices’.
I take it that they are referring to
the visit to the cemetery grave site
12 months after burial. This would be a good illustration of an adaptation
if the Wongatha
claimants in general did follow this practice of returning to
the grave and walking around it after 12 months, but other witnesses
did
not refer to it and I do not think that Mr Lynch necessarily meant to imply
that it is a practice linked to the former practice
of reburial. Although the
position may not be entirely clear, I think he may have been pointing out that
if Aboriginal people wished
to perform the old practice these days, they would
need to identify the grave and would only be able to walk around it, then go
away,
because the body is buried six feet deep and bureaucratic procedures would
need to be followed.
- Cyril
Barnes gave detailed evidence in relation to burials and reburials around
Mount Margaret when he was a child (he was born in 1935). He
explained:
- that at the time
of the burial, hair was cut from the deceased’s head and given to the
spouse who had to keep it until the reburial,
after which it could be discarded;
and
- that a purpose
of the inspection of the bones at the reburial was to check for any
‘spike’ of sharp bone or sharp wood,
that would indicate that the
person had been murdered.
- Dimple
Sullivan (born 1922) said that the Aboriginal custom was that a reburial
took place two or three years after the initial burial. She said
the bones were
taken out to determine the cause of death, after which they were buried
properly, and the widow was free to marry
again. Dimple Sullivan described
attending the reburial of one of her stepfathers at Minnie Creek when she was
around four or five
years old.
- Several
witnesses gave evidence of the ‘bush’ ceremony that follows the
ceremony at the cemetery. Each version of it
involved a group of mourners lying
down at a place away from the grave; those who had been to the burial walking
from the grave,
carrying branches or bushes, to those lying on the ground; the
former brushing or touching those lying on the ground with the bushes,
and those
mourners rising to their feet marking the end of the ceremony.
- For
example, Leo Thomas said that the deceased’s in-laws were
responsible for carrying out certain tasks in relation to the burial. He
described how
they touch the grave with bushes and branches, and throw them over
the mourners, who are in fact lying down a distance away from
the grave. He
said that this practice was carried out at European cemeteries.
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that what Leo Thomas describes is a contemporary form
of the traditional burial. I find it difficult,
however, to regard this
ceremony as an adaptation of the reburial ceremony – it occurs on the day
of the burial, not twelve
months later.
- Groups
5B/5F submit that Appendix B6a on ‘Wongatha - Burial and Other
Associated Practices’ does not establish that
any traditional law and
custom in relation to burial practices is being maintained by the Wongatha Claim
group. They submit that
with the exception of one witness, the evidence was of
traditional burials either in the 1960s or outside the Wongatha Claim area.
- Pearlie
Wells described certain practices but explained that they were ‘almost
all forgotten’ around Laverton and Mount Margaret, but
are followed at
Warburton.
- Albert
Newland (a non-claimant) said that he did not know about today, but that
many years ago they used to have a second burial.
- Group
5B/5F make a submission in relation to Jane Beasley, who, asked whether
most or all Aboriginal people are now buried in cemeteries, said that as far as
she knows, everyone is now buried
in cemeteries ‘ie without traditional
ritual or ceremonies’. Of course, this does not touch upon the matter of
the Aboriginal
‘bush’ ceremony following a cemetery burial mentioned
above.
- Group 6A
relies on Groups 5B/5F’s submissions, but also submits that given the fact
that the Wongatha applicants refer
to only three witnesses, the practice has not
persisted. Group 6A does not make clear to which ‘practice’ it
is
referring and, in any event, the Wongatha applicants refer to more than three
Wongatha witnesses.
Conclusion concerning ‘Burial/reburial
and other practices associated with death
- The
reburial practice is no longer followed. There is some evidence of the
‘bush funeral’ that follows a burial at a
cemetery, but this does
not appear to take place nowadays either.
(vi) Marry far away
- The
Wongatha applicants refer to Pannell/Vachon’s supplementary report at
[30]. That paragraph has nothing to do with the present
topic. The correct
paragraph reference appears to be [36], where the supplementary report refers to
the practice of marrying far
away genealogically and spatially. Pannell/Vachon
refer to the evidence of two Wongatha claimants, Cyril Barnes and Anthony Harris
(they also refer to the Cosmo claimant, Estelle Ross, MN and NK 1 claimant,
Kalman Murphy and non-claimant Janice Scott).
- The
evidence of these witnesses is to the effect that the skin system is only one
consideration in determining whether marriage is
right or wrong way. Marriages
that are ‘wrong’ according to the skin system may still be
acceptable if one marries someone
from an area far away or who has no
genealogical connection. A marriage that is ‘right’ according to
the skin system
may still be a wrong way marriage if the two people are too
closely connected genealogically.
- The
matter of marrying far away is addressed in my discussion of the skin system
earlier (see 4.7(a)(b)(7) [1711] ff).
(vii) Greeting/assertion and acknowledgement
- The
GLSC submissions refer to the Pannell/Vachon supplementary report at [43]. The
evidence concerning this practice was discussed
under
‘Papaluku’ at 4.6(c) [1408] ff
above.
(viii) Hold, receive, pass on knowledge; and instruct and educate
- The
GLSC submissions refer only to the evidence of the MN claimant, Adele Phillips,
as providing examples of this suggested law and
custom. She referred to her
father (Wongatha claimant Johnny Phillips) showing her the honey ant
Tjukurr ‘[n]ext to Mulga Queen’ and the Bardi tjukur
on Yundamindra Station where there is a big stone (yapu) shaped like
a bardi. This isolated instance leads nowhere. There is ample other
evidence in the case about intergenerational passing on of knowledge
and skills,
that I will not discuss here.
Conclusion to 4.7 (‘Relavant traditional laws and customs’)
- There
is some acknowledgment and observance of some traditional laws and
customs by some Wongatha claimants. Does the evidence lead to the
conclusion that there is acknowledgement and observance by the Wongatha Claim
group of the body of pre-sovereignty Western Desert laws and
customs?
- As
I indicated at 3.6(c)(5) [976] ff, I am refraining from answering this
question.
4.8 RELEVANT CONNECTION TO CLAIM AREA – s 223 (1)(b) OF NTA
(a) Section
223(1)(b) of the NTA and the meaning of ‘connection’
- The
definition of native title in s 223(1) of the NTA requires, not only that
communal, group or individual rights and interests in relation to land or waters
be possessed
under traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs
observed, but also that the claimants have a ‘connection’
with the
land or waters by those laws and customs (s 223(1)(b)): Ward
HCA at [18] (joint judgment). That is to say, not only must the rights and
interests be ‘in relation to’ land or waters,
but also the claimants
themselves must ‘have a connection with the land or waters’. Both
the rights and interests and
the connection must exist by reason of
‘the traditional laws acknowledged [today], and the
traditional customs observed [today]’. The acknowledgement
and observance must have continued substantially uninterrupted since
sovereignty, otherwise the laws and customs would
not be traditional
(Yorta Yorta HCA at [87] (joint judgment)).
- In
Ward HCA ([64]) the joint judgment
stated:
its terms, s 223(1)(b) is not
directed to how Aboriginal peoples use or occupy land or waters. Section
223(1)(b) requires consideration of whether, by the traditional laws
acknowledged and the traditional customs observed by the peoples concerned,
they
have a “connection” with the land or waters. That is, it requires
first an identification of the content of traditional
laws and customs and,
secondly, the characterisation of the effect of those laws and customs as
constituting a “connection”
of the peoples with the land or waters
in question. No doubt there may be cases where the way in which land or waters
are used will
reveal something about the kind of connection that exists under
traditional law or custom between Aboriginal peoples and the land
or waters
concerned. But the absence of evidence of some recent use of the land or waters
does not, of itself, require the conclusion
that there can be no relevant
connection. Whether there is a relevant connection depends, in the first
instance, upon the content
of traditional law and custom and, in the second,
upon what is meant by “connection” by those laws and
customs.’
- Their
Honours did not need to express a view as to the nature of the
‘connection’ required. In particular, they expressly
refrained from
giving any opinion as to whether a ‘spiritual’ (in the sense of
non-physical) connection will suffice.
- Earlier
in the joint judgment, their Honours stated
([14]):
is now well recognised, the
connection which Aboriginal peoples have with “country” is
essentially spiritual. In Milirrpum v Nabalco Pty Ltd [(1971) 17 FLR
141 at 167], Blackburn J said that: “the fundamental truth about the
Aboriginals’ relationship to the land is that whatever else
it is, it is a
religious relationship ... There is an unquestioned scheme of things in which
the spirit ancestors, the people of
the clan, particular land and everything
that exists on and in it, are organic parts of one indissoluble
whole”.
is a relationship which sometimes is spoken of as
having to care for, and being able to “speak for”, country.
“Speaking
for” country is bound up with the idea that, at least in
some circumstances, others should ask for permission to enter upon
country or
use it or enjoy its resources, but to focus only on the requirement that others
seek permission for some activities would
oversimplify the nature of the
connection that the phrase seeks to capture. The difficulty of expressing a
relationship between
a community or group of Aboriginal people and the land in
terms of rights and interests is evident. Yet that is required by the
NTA. The
spiritual or religious is translated into the legal. This requires the
fragmentation of an integrated view of the ordering
of affairs into rights and
interests which are considered apart from the duties and obligations which go
with them.
difficulties are not reduced by the inevitable
tendency to think of rights and interests in relation to the land only in terms
familiar
to the common lawyer. Nor are they reduced by the requirement of the
NTA, now found in par (e) of s 225, for a determination by the Federal
Court to state, with respect to land or waters in the determination area not
covered by a “non-exclusive
agricultural lease” or a
“non-exclusive pastoral lease”, whether the native title rights and
interests “confer
possession, occupation, use and enjoyment of that land
or waters on the native title holders to the exclusion of all
others”.’
In this passage, their Honours recognised the great difficulty of our legal
system’s coming to grips with the nature of the
connection on which
s 223(1)(b) insists.
- It
is difficult to conceive of the kind of ‘connection’ with the land
or waters of the Wongatha Claim area demanded by
s 223(1)(b) as something
distinct from the rights and interests relating to those lands or waters
demanded by s 223(1)(a). The structure of s 223(1) makes it clear,
however, that the requirement of connection is additional to the requirement of
the holding of the rights and interests.
I note that the Full Court in De
Rose FCAFC discussed ([305]-[307]) the issue of what, if anything, para (b)
adds to the requirement of para (a). Their Honours suggest that
connection with
the land for the purposes of s 223(1)(b) may bespeak an ‘entitlement to do
or prevent anything from being done on the land’ whereas a
‘right’ may
not necessarily carry with it such an entitlement
([307]).
- Groups
5B/ 5F, drawing attention to Ward HCA at [64] (see above), submit that
there is not evidence of residence or of other forms of connection (such as
ritual or ceremonial
association, or knowledge of site specific stories) of any
claimant to any part of the easternmost portion of the Wongatha Claim
area.
Accordingly, so they submit, the criteria for the gaining of rights and
interests in land under the WDCB are not satisfied
by any claimant before the
Court in respect of that portion.
- In
my opinion, in the case of a claim of group rights and interests, it is the
claim group (the claimants as an entity) that must
have the connection required
by para (b) of s 223(1). The Wongatha Claim does not meet this requirement for
the same reason that it does not meet the requirement of para (a) of
s 223 (1): the Wongatha Claim group (like the other Claim groups) is not
one recognised, directly or indirectly, by pre-sovereignty Aboriginal
law and
custom, as having a connection with the Wongatha Claim area. Any connection is
at the individual rather than at the group
level, and is with a ‘my
country’ area rather than with the entire Wongatha Claim area.
- Moreover,
residence of a claimant somewhere on the Wongatha Claim area is not in itself
necessarily probative of the connection required
by para (b) of
s 223(1): the connection of which the paragraph speaks must be one
by the traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs
observed.
- Group
6A submits that De Rose FCA/O’Loughlin J demonstrates that the
Wongatha applicants will have practical difficulties in proving connection
‘in the face of gross absence
from claimed land’. Group 6A does not
refer to the reversal of that decision in DeRose FCAFC. Nor does it give
particulars of the alleged ‘gross absence’. The GLSC replies that
‘it is simply not the case that
there has been gross absence from the
claimed land either over time since sovereignty or presently’.
- I
find it difficult to address Group 6A’s submission in the absence of
particulars of the alleged ‘gross absence’.
Equally, however, I
find it difficult to address the GLSC reply. I do not know what is the evidence
on which the Wongatha applicants
rely to show that the Wongatha Claim group and,
apparently, predecessor groups of the Wongatha Claim group, have been connected
to
the Wongatha Claim area since sovereignty. Clearly, they have not. The
Wongatha Claim group came into existence in January/February
1990 (see
1.2(a) [18] ff above). Moreover, the ancestors of many Wongatha
claimants are shown to have come from places outside the Wongatha Claim
area.
- No
evidence was addressed to the question of the content of traditional laws and
customs dealing with connection. The Wongatha submissions
addressed the
question as if it raised no more than an issue of residence, but did not explain
what pre-sovereignty laws and customs
had to say about residence.
- In
a broad non-NTA sense, I have no doubt that the Wongatha claimants, like all
Aboriginal people, have an affinity with, and tie
to, the land, and that many of
them have a special affinity with, and tie to, their ‘my country’
areas. However, in
my opinion, s 223(1)(b) of the NTA demands more than
this.
(b) Connection of members of the Claim group to claimed areas
- The
Wongatha applicants submit that virtually all indigenous witnesses gave evidence
asserting a connection to areas of ngurra, ngurrura,
Tjukurr, parna, ‘heart country’ or other similarly
described country (see 4.7(a)(b)(4) [1569] ff), together with a basis for
the connection under their laws and customs. They also refer to evidence
concerning the recognition
of ‘country’ held by others, and refer to
earlier parts of their submissions.
- The
State observes, correctly in my view, that assertion of a connection is not
enough, and that an acceptance or recognition of the
asserted connection at
least by other members of the Wongatha Claim group, and probably by a much
broader ‘Wongatha society’
as discussed in the Pannell/Vachon
primary report (see 3.6(c)(3) [869] ff) is required.
- Mr Vachon
emphasised the importance of the Dreaming and its ‘land base’
aspect, apparently as a foundation for claims
to country. It is clear, however,
that the Wongatha claimants do not claim their ‘my country’ areas by
reference to
Dreaming tracks or sites.
- Mr
Vachon also said:
of the characteristics of
the Western Desert is that there were a number of means by which people were
recognised as having a connection
to land. They would be – they’d
be recognised as having a connection by being born and growing up in a place
rather than having a connection as the result of membership to a corporate
land owning group. This criterion of connection was a bit fortuitous. I
mean, it was unpredictable where a person might be born, particularly in an
environment such as the Western Desert, and particularly amongst people who had
a rudimentary technology and were nomadic.’
(my
emphasis)
Again, this basis of connection is consistent with individual rights and
interests, and inconsistent with communal or group rights
and interests, in
which the individual member derives his or her interest through the group as
intermediary.
- Under
the heading ‘Maintenance of connection’, the Wongatha applicants
emphasise that many Wongatha claimants live within
the Wongatha Claim area, such
as at the towns of Menzies, Leonora and Laverton, at communities such as Mount
Margaret and Mulga Queen,
and on Aboriginal pastoral stations such as Moropoi
(in fact, a small number also live in the Cosmo Community). They refer to GLSC
Appendix A1a for references to the evidence of residence of the Wongatha
claimants. As well, they refer to evidence collected in
GLSC Appendix A2 of
their maintaining a connection with the Wongatha Claim area, wherever they may
reside, ‘by regularly travelling
and camping in the claim
area’.
- The
Wongatha applicants cite Murray Stubbs as an example and I will consider his
claimed connection in detail. Murray Stubbs claimed
as his ngurra the
area from Menzies to Yapupara (Baker Lake), a distance of 500-600 km, because it
was his mother’s, grandmother’s
and thamu’s country.
He said that that area was his mother’s country because her father came
from there, his grandmother’s ngurra because his great-grandmother
came from there, and his grandfather’s ngurra because it was his
‘home’. He said he was aware that his mother had said that her
ngurra was a much smaller area, basically around Murrin Murrin and
Mount Margaret. It was suggested that he could not have a ngurra larger
than hers. He explained that she had been describing her heart country, and
that she in fact ‘[h]ad connection to the
rest of the country through her
mother, her father, her grandmother’. He said that a person’s
ngurra means the person’s area to which he or she is connected to
through family, and is the land that the person claims through the
person’s ancestors.
- He
said that he calls the smaller area or ‘heart country’ his
kurturtu country, the country he knows best and has travelled through.
His kurturtu, he said, was around Menzies, Leonora, Murrin, Yundamindra,
Mount Celia and Laverton. He said he got to know that area best, because
it is
where his mother, father, brother and he went hunting and camping. He said that
he still goes to Moropoi to visit his mother
and older brother, Peter, who live
there (Moropoi is 50km north-east of Menzies). He said that his mother,
grandmother and uncle
were all born, and lived most of their lives, in the area
he called his heart country. He explained that his ngurra was his area
or land, which was ‘the bigger picture that I’m connected to through
my families’, whereas his ‘kurturtu’ was his heart
country where he had been travelling and of which he had knowledge.
- Mr
Stubbs said that he claimed the larger area (Menzies to Yapupara), even though
he did not walk around there as a child with his
parents, and even though the
sole basis of his claim to it is that it belonged to his relations. He said
that in fact he had never
lived at Yapupara or even been there, but his
ancestors came from that area. He said that there was no requirement for a
person
to know country or to live on country, or, otherwise than through an
ancestor, to have any connection with country, in order to be
able to claim it.
He said he also had a right to his late father’s country, and had been
told that he was on a Native Title
claim in respect of it.
- Mr
Stubbs said that Tommy Simms had told him that from Yapupara back is Wongatha
country, while Ngaanyatjarra country goes the other
way.
-
Mr Stubbs agreed that he did not have a close connection to the whole of the
Wongatha Claim area, but said he was related to family
members who had
connections to other parts of it and stated: ‘We all own that land
together ... because we’re all part
of the Wongatha people.’
- Mr
Stubbs said that he thought that the Wongatha Claim should include Kalgoorlie,
because he was entitled to claim it by reason of
his having been born there and
lived there all his life. He said he had omitted Kalgoorlie from his
description of his ngurra earlier because the Wongatha Claim area did not
include it. He was asked why, then, he had said that his ngurra included
Yapupara, which also lay outside the Wongatha Claim area. He replied:
‘we’re talking about land; we’re
not talking about my
house’ (he has a house in Kalgoorlie), and added that although his
ngurra or ‘home’ was in Kalgoorlie, he was not claiming land
there.
- In
referring to the testimony of Murray Stubbs as a ‘good example’, the
Wongatha applicants refer to his evidence that
he learned about hunting from his
parents and his uncle; that his family hunted and camped (on his mother’s
country around
Murrin, Kookynie, Yerilla, Mount Celia and Yundamindra); that his
father would shoot kangaroo, goanna and turkey; that nowadays,
when time allows,
he (Mr Stubbs) goes hunting, mainly to Menzies, Moropoi, Kookynie and around
Yundamindra and Mount Celia;
and that he teaches his children and
grandchildren how to dig honey ants and to prepare and cook food ‘the
Wongai way ... so
they can learn about their heritage and their culture and
hopefully ... pass it on to their children’. The Wongatha applicants
submit that Mr Stubbs was ‘merely one of many witnesses who gave
evidence to like effect’.
- It
is impossible to ‘fit’ Murray Stubbs’s example into any
anthropological model of Western Desert land ownership
discussed at
3.6(c)(3), (4). The various ‘connections’ he mentions are,
or include:
- (1) mother’s,
grandmother’s and thamu’s country;
- (2) the area he
knows best and has travelled through;
- (3) the area
where he, his mother, father and brother went camping and hunting;
- (4) his late
father’s country;
- (5) place of
birth;
- (6) place of
long term residence.
There is no reference to Dreaming
sites or tracks. Thereis also confusion between ngurra and kurtutu.
- In
addition, I do not know what it means to say that an ancestor ‘came
from’ ‘an area’ of 600km (between Menzies
and Yapupara). So
far as I can recall, Mr Stubbs is the only witness who characterised such a
large area as ngurra, and who said that a person inherits ngurra
from a relative who ‘came from’ the area, even though the witness
was not born and did not grow up there, or have any
other connection to the
area.
- In
any event, evidence of this kind does not establish ‘connection’ of
the kind required by para (b) of s 223(1), because it does not take into
account the paragraph’s requirement that the connection be one given
by traditional law and custom. That is to say, the evidence does not go
far enough. The paragraph requires proof of traditional laws
and customs that
give the claimants a connection with the land or waters
claimed.
(c) Continuity of connection back to sovereignty
- The
relevance of ‘continuity’ arises from the word
‘traditional’ and is implicit in para (b) of s 223(1) of the
NTA. The Wongatha claimants’ connection with the Wongatha Claim area must
be conferred by laws and customs which have
been acknowledged and observed
without substantial interruption, since sovereignty.
- The
GLSC applicants rely on paras (a)(i), (b)(iv) and (c)(i) of the joint report on
the anthropologists’ conference (set out
at 3.5(a) [411]). These
paragraphs do not, however, assist the Wongatha Claim group on the present
issue.
- The
GLSC applicants also refer to Professor Maddock’s statement in his
report:
strategies employed to justify new
links with land included:
“realignment of beliefs about conception and
birth
‘totemism’”
“adoptive
custodianship of sites and ritual objects derived from the previous
inhabitants”;“extension and
elaboration of their (the immigrants’) own primary Dreaming associations
on the basis of existing mythological
‘Law lines’ in the
area”; and “Recognition and
definition of new associations”.’
(Professor Maddock was quoting from John Stanton, ‘Old Business, New
Owners; Succession and “the Law” on the Fringe
of the Western
Desert’, in Neville Peterson and M Langton (eds), Aborigines, Land and
Land Rights (Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra, 1983) p
160.) The GLSC applicants submit:
may have occurred in terms of movement, (and the
Applicants submit that no mass migration has occurred into or out of the claim
area),
it is submitted that even on Professor Maddock’s reasoning, such
movement as has occurred has been sanctioned by Western Desert
law and custom
involving no loss of rights and interests in country; the Wongatha Claim group
continues to hold its claimed country
under Western Desert law and custom; and
that the descendants of the ancestral Wongatha group reaching down to current
times, and
the claim group today, have at no time departed from their
traditional country claimed in these
proceedings.’
There has been migration into the Wongatha Claim area from outside it, as
discussed at 3.6(a)(b) and elsewhere.
- The
passage from Professor Maddock’s report, set out above, occurs in the
context of his discussion of the ‘serial migration’
to Mount
Margaret, as a result of which ‘more recent inhabitants ... have assumed
guardianship of sacred sites in the region’,
as reported by John Stanton.
The passage is a general one, not limited to Mount Margaret. Those who came
from east of the easternmost
boundary of the Wongatha Claim area, although still
from within the WDCB, did not have a connection with the Wongatha Claim area
without substantial interruption since sovereignty.
- I
accept the State’s submission that ‘the advent of European
settlement in the region precipitated rapid and widespread
demographic
change’, with the result that ‘Aboriginal groups east, north-east
and south-east of the [Wongatha] Claim
area left their traditional homelands and
moved to the fringe of European settlement where many of them lost their
connection to
their former traditional lands’, and that ‘[t]he
original occupiers of these areas of early European settlement were
either
displaced, or otherwise moved away’, or at least, in my opinion, that they
were numerically overwhelmed or dominated
by the migrants from the east,
north-east and south-east.
4.9 RIGHTS AND INTERESTS ASSERTED TO BE HELD UNDER TRADITIONAL LAWS AND
CUSTOMS
4.10 WHETHER SUCH RIGHTS ARE ‘IN RELATION TO LANDS AND
WATERS’
4.11 WHETHER SUCH RIGHTS ARE ‘POSSESSED UNDER TRADITIONAL
LAWS ACKNOWLEDGED AND CUSTOMS OBSERVED’
- I
need not consider these topics. The Wongatha applicants have not satisfied the
requirements of s 223(1)(a) and (b) of the NTA in relation to the Wongatha
Claim area.
4.12 APPLICATION OF S 223(1)(c) OF THE NTA
- I
need not consider s 223 (1)(c).
4.13 CONCLUSIONS: COMMON LAW HOLDERS, RIGHTS AND INTERESTS AND DETERMINATION
AREA
- For
the reasons given above and elsewhere, it is not established that the Wongatha
Claim group possesses group rights and interests
in the Wongatha Claim area, and
the Wongatha application should be dismissed.
- I
need not address
extinguishment.
CHAPTER 5 – THE MANTJINTJARRA NGALIA CLAIM
5.0 INTRODUCTION AND
OVERVIEW
- I
referred to the MN Claim at 1.2(b) [40], 1.3 [61] and 2.2
[143] ff.
- The
eight MN applicants were identified at [61]. According to the MN LIP, there
were 279 MN claimants. Twenty three of them gave
evidence.
- The
large MN Claim area was described at [144] ff and shown in Annexure A to
these reasons. Its northernmost boundary is located
some 100 km north of the
northernmost boundary of the Wongatha Claim area, and runs substantially
parallel to that boundary. That
northernmost boundary of the MN Claim area has
a small protuberance, the obvious purpose of which is to include Mangkili
–
a place that was of significance for ancestors of the MN claimants.
Mangkili was also significant for ancestors of the Koara, Wutha,
NK 1 and NK 2 claimants.
- The
MN Claim is a claim said to be made by the ‘Mantjintjarra and Ngalia
peoples’. Kado Muir said that the MN Claim resulted
from the amalgamation
of a Mantjintjarra Claim and a Ngalia Claim.
- The
Ngalia are also the group underlying the NK 1 and NK 2 Claims.
Aspects of those Claims are dealt with in Ch 10.
Reference should be made
to that chapter – I will not duplicate here what I have said there.
- At
the centre of the making of the MN Claim is the Aboriginal Community at Mulga
Queen. The Community was established in the early
1980s. The driving force
behind its establishment was Phyllis Thomas and her husband Eric Thomas. They
were living at Leonora at
the time. Phyllis Thomas lives there, and Eric Thomas
lives at the Kanpa Aboriginal Community, where his brother, Preston Thomas
also
lives. Kanpa is east of the Wongatha and MN Claim areas. The two men, their
brother Leo Thomas and their sisters agreed that
Preston Thomas would claim
their father’s country, while Leo Thomas and Eric Thomas would claim their
mother’s country
within the Wongatha Claim area.
- I
discussed the early history of Mulga Queen at 3.7(c) [1098]–[1101].
It will be recalled that Mulga Queen was established as a mining centre in the
early years of the twentieth
century, and that there was a hotel and several
other major buildings and businesses there, including a bakery, general store,
and
blacksmith, as well as several houses. Prior to the establishment of a
ration depot at Mulga Queen in 1953, Mr Shepherd, a
pastoralist at Mulga
Queen, traded with the Aboriginal people. Phyllis Thomas said that her parents
came from the Spinifex to Mulga
Queen before the establishment of the ration
station, and that the Aboriginal people worked for pastoralists in the area for
clothes
and food. She said that she remembered the noise of the gold processing
battery from her childhood.
- When
the Thomases established the Aboriginal Community at Mulga Queen in the early
1980s, no buildings remained there. At first Mr and
Ms Thomas lived
in a bough shelter for some 14 months. In 1988 they procured a
99 year lease from the ALT over Aboriginal
Reserves 25058, 25059 and 25060
on behalf of the ‘Nurra Kurramunoo Aboriginal Corporation’.
- Funding
was secured for a water bore, and, in 1983 or 1984, houses were built. Ms
Thomas said that the Community comprises about
12 houses and a school, and that
the permanent residents comprise about 26 adults and 15 children. The
population includes a school
teacher and a nurse. She said that a shop was
about to be established.
- The
Mulga Queen Community is remote from any other residential centre. Moreover, it
is the only residential centre within the large
MN Claim area – the MN
Claim area does not extend to the south to include such places as Leonora and
Laverton. Although no
MN claimants reside elsewhere within the MN Claim
area, the residents at the Mulga Queen Community represent only a very small
proportion of the Mulga Queen Claim group.
- As
noted elsewhere, the MN Claim area is also the NK 2 Claim area, and does not
overlap the Cosmo Claim area on its east, or the NK
1 Claim area on its west.
The MN Claim area shares common boundaries with each of those two Claim
areas.
- The
MN Claim fails because:
- The
evidence does not establish that the MN Claim group is a group recognised by
WDCB traditional laws and customs, as a group capable
of possessing group rights
and interests in land or waters.
- The
evidence does not establish that group rights and interests exist in the
Wongatha/MN overlap under WDCB traditional laws and customs.
- The
evidence does not establish that at sovereignty, WDCB laws and customs provided
for an ancestral group of the MN Claim group to
possess group rights and
interests in the Wongatha/MN overlap, or for individuals to be able to form
themselves into a group having
such rights and interests.
- The
MN Claim, in so far as it relates to the Wongatha/MN overlap, is an aggregation
of claims of individual rights and interests,
and the Wongatha/MN overlap is
based on an aggregation of individual ‘my country’ areas the subject
of those claimed
individual rights and interests, and the NTA does not provide
for the making of a determination of native title consisting of group
rights and
interests in these circumstances.
- The
Wongatha/MN overlap is not an area, or part of an area, that is ultimately,
defined, whether directly or indirectly, by reference
to Tjukurr
(Dreaming) sites or tracks.
- In
so far as it may be relevant, it is not shown that the ancestors of the MN
claimants had any connection with, let alone rights
and interest within, the
Wongatha/MN overlap at sovereignty. The most that is shown is that the range of
certain more recent ancestors
may have extended down into the very northernmost
tip of the Wongatha Claim area around Lake Wells and Empress Spring.
- The
evidence does not establish that the MN claimants have a connection with the
Wongatha/MN overlap by Western Desert traditional laws and customs, as
required by s 223(1)(b) of the NTA.
5.1 EVIDENCE OF COMPLIANCE WITH S 61 OF THE NTA
- The
MN application was lodged prior to the commencement of the Amending NTA and was
not amended after that commencement. Accordingly,
no issue arises as to the
authorising of the MN applicants to make the MN
application.
5.2 RELEVANT SOCIETY AT THE TIME OF SOVEREIGNTY (‘THE ANCESTRAL
SOCIETY’)
- The
MN (and other GLSC) applicants frequently state, in relation to a particular
issue, that they rely on the GLSC submissions made
on the Wongatha Claim, and
the non-indigenous respondents reply by stating that they rely on their
submissions in response. Accordingly,
the MN applicants give numerous
cross-references, by section or paragraph numbers, to Ch 4 of the GLSC
submissions, and the
non-indigenous respondents give numerous cross-references
to their submissions made in response to those submissions.
- This
practice unfairly leaves to someone else the task of working out whether the
whole or only some part of the Wongatha submission
is being invoked, and if part
only, which part. I have found that many parts simply cannot be applied to a
different Claim.
- It
would be unreasonable to expect submissions on the same point to be set out
fully in all of the many chapters. However, a succinct
summary in a sentence or
two, accompanied by a cross-reference to the more detailed exposition, would
have been appropriate. A particular
deficiency in the practice that has been
followed is that the submission cross referred to has typically contained
extensive references
to indigenous evidence that, on any view, could only be
relevant to the particular Claim brought on behalf of the Claim group of
which
the witnesses were members.
- The
MN applicants submit that the evidence points to the WDCB being the relevant
society at sovereignty, and that rights and interests
in, and connection to, the
claimed land has continued substantially uninterrupted under the laws and
customs of the WDCB since sovereignty.
-
The State submits that the WDCB is not a society of the kind referred to by the
High Court in Yorta Yorta or, even if it was, only part of the Wongatha
Claim area was within the WDCB.
- Groups
5B/5F submit that because the MN applicants ‘substantially duplicate, or
incorporate and adopt, the submissions of the
Wongatha applicants’, they
rely on the submissions that they (Groups 5B/5F) made in response to the
Wongatha Claim. In addition,
they submit expressly that the evidence does not
establish that:
(a) the WDCB extended at sovereignty to the entirety
of the MN Claim area, and, in particular, to that part of it west of the
‘Laverton
to Cosmo’ line (the Berndt line);
(b) the WDCB presently extends to part or all of the MN Claim area; and
(c) in respect of the MN Claim area, the laws and customs of WDCB, or of any
regional division or divisions of it, have continued
uninterrupted since
sovereignty.
- However,
I concluded at 3.6(a)(b) that there was a phasing out between the Berndt
line and the Menzies-Lake Darlot line. I treat the whole of the MN Claim area
as
being east of the Menzies-Lake Darlot line, and, therefore within the area of
the WDCB.
- There
remain issues as to the identity of the Aboriginal people who were to be found
in the Wongatha/MN overlap at sovereignty, and
the relationship between them and
the MN claimants, although, as I have noted elsewhere, the way in which the GLSC
Claim groups are
defined means thatdescent from pre-sovereignty
‘occupiers’ is not required.
- The
State submits, in relation to the MN claimants having adopted the Wongatha POC,
that the uniformity across the various GLSC Claim
groups in the matters
contended for as to the nature of laws, customs, rights, interests, and, indeed,
the WDCB society itself, is
‘an indication of the artificiality ... of
those various groups and of the arbitrary nature of the boundaries that define
the
areas claimed by those groups’. I agree. Why are the GLSC Claim
groups not a single group rather than four groups? Why,
on the other hand, are
they not more than four groups? Again, why are the MN and Cosmo Claim groups
not one group? The levels of
aggregation that have been adopted have never been
satisfactorily explained.
- The
MN applicants rely on the archaeological evidence of Professor Veth; historical
evidence (in particular, that of Craig Muller);
anthropological evidence (in
particular the report of Daniel Vachon and Daniel de Gand and
Mr de Gand’s supplementary
report, as well as the report on the
anthropologists’ conference); and the linguistic evidence of
Dr Clendon. They also
refer to the ethno-ecological evidence of
Mr Kalotas which I addressed at 3.5(c)(2)
[457] ff).
(a) Archaeological evidence
- I
discussed the archaeological evidence of Professor Veth at 3.5(c)(3)
[469] ff. Professor Veth’s evidence is that Aboriginal people of a
Western Desert cultural adaptation were the source
of the archaeological remains
referred to in his reports. His evidence does not assist in relation to the
identity of any ‘group’
that may have been in
‘occupation’ of the Wongatha/MN overlap at sovereignty or at any
time or times since.
- Professor
Veth said that the material culture was non-discriminatory as between groups.
Groups 5B/5F submit that on the basis of
this concession, the material culture
does not assist in identifying whether the MN Claim area was and is part of the
WDCB. I disagree.
The concession was only that the material culture did not
discriminate between Western Desert groups. Professor Veth remained firm
in his
view that the material remains he saw demonstrated a Western Desert cultural
adaptation. I need say nothing further of the
archaeological evidence in
relation to the MN Claim.
(b) Historical evidence
- The
MN applicants refer to the GLSC submissions on the historical record, and Groups
5B/5F repeat their submissions in relation to
the historical record and in
relation to migration. In summary, Groups 5B/5F submit, relevantly, that
movement of individuals and
families occurred towards the fringe of the Western
Desert, especially towards the ration centres, missions and towns there. I
agree.
In relation to the MN Claim in particular, I refer to the migration from
the Mangkili, Tjirrkarli, Tjintjira area down, directly
or indirectly, to the
Mulga Queen area, in a period of some 30 years down to the arrival of the
Banks family, apparently in
1953.
- Mr Muller
disagreed that such migration had occurred to any significant extent but
conceded that he had not considered any of
the anthropological and ethnographic
writings of Bates, Tindale, Elkin and the Berndts, his approach being to leave
anthropologists
to deal with anthropologists. The MN claimants, in particular,
descend from people who came in from the north-east of the Wongatha/MN
overlap.
Three places to the north-east that have been mentioned in evidence are
Tjintjira, which is about 120 km north east
of the overlap (accepting it as
being Lake Gruszka as the anthropologists suggest), Mangkili which is about
100 km north of
the overlap, and Tjirrkarli which is about 80 km
east-north-east of the northern-most point of the overlap. When I say
‘from
the overlap’, this means in the present case from the nearest
point on the boundary of the Wongatha Claim area. I will address
later the
question whether some of the ancestors should be understood to have come from
Lake Wells, within the northern-most tip
of the Wongatha Claim area.
- Special
mention should again be made of the ration depot at Mulga Queen: see
3.7(c) [1098] ff. Mulga Queen is on the northern periphery of
the Wongatha Claim area, but is rather central to the MN Claim area.
The ration
depot was set up at Mulga Queen in 1953 on an 8,600 acre commonage designated
‘Reserve 9881’. A Mr Shepherd
was appointed as its first
superintendent. However, Mr and Ms Shepherd, who lived in the Mulga
Queen area for many years
before that and had traded with Aboriginal people in
the area, were well regarded by the Aboriginal people. According to
Mr Muller,
the depot was ‘specifically intended to feed desert
people’.
- When
the depot opened, there were 20 adult recipients living in a permanent camp at
the ration station. In 1957 the State Government
reserved land in the area for
them, and by the following year their number had increased to 31.
Mr Muller notes that with the
increased population there was a flourishing
of ceremonial activity at Mulga Queen. In addition to the ‘more
permanent’
residents, ‘numbers of nomads’ would visit for
various periods, taking rations as required, and then return to the desert.
Mr Muller notes that many of the Aborigines at Mulga Queen moved on to
other towns between the late 1950s and the late 1960s,
and attributes this to
several causes. One was the death of Mr Shepherd. After his death there
was an exodus of many of the
ration recipients. Half a dozen or so of the
eldest settled at Biddy’s Patch, and the rest apparently moved to such
places
as Milkupurrul and Flowers Well, and, perhaps, Leonora.
- Mr Muller
refers to a suggestion in the historic record that ‘a group of Aboriginal
people frequented the country between
and including the towns of Mulga Queen,
Erlistoun, Cox’s Find, Cosmo Newbery and sometimes Laverton’. Group
5B/5F submit
that the evidence does not establish that such people were
ancestors of the present MN claimants. I agree that it does not,
and I do
not think that Mr Muller was suggesting otherwise. However, the evidence
of Phyllis Thomas, for example, shows that
when she was young, her family moved
around between Claypan (about 30 km south-west of Cosmo and within the
Wongatha and Cosmo
Claim areas, but not the MN Claim area), Mulga Queen,
Stockwhip and Blanket (also called ‘Famous Well’) which was very
close to Mulga Queen (the two were only four to five km apart), Hootanui (about
15 km west of Mulga Queen and just outside the Wongatha
Claim area) and Cosmo,
and that she finished up in the Mount Margaret Mission. Accordingly, at the
time of her girlhood in the 1930s
and 1940s, people who had originated in the
Gibson Desert, such as her family, had come down and were moving around between
such
places.
(c) Anthropological evidence
- I
dealt with general anthropological issues in Ch 3, which included some
references to the evidence of Mr Vachon and Mr de Gand,
the
anthropologists who were retained by the MN applicants.
- Vachon/de
Gand approached their task as one of investigating the MN Claim, and assembling
such evidence as was available to support
it, rather than of conducting a fresh
and independent inquiry directed to ascertaining, on all the evidence, whether
any group or
individuals had rights and interests in the MN Claim area, and, if
so, who those people were. Thus, they did not address the causes
and
implications of the existence of the various overlapping Claims or interview
members of overlapping Claim groups with a view
to ascertaining why overlapping
Claims were being made, and whether, under WDCB laws and customs, one Claim
group rather than another
might have rights and interests in an overlap (since
Mr Vachon was, with Dr Pannell, also retained by the Wongatha
applicants,
he also interviewed Wongatha claimants, but not for the purpose
mentioned). As well, they were, in my view, ready to infer the existence
of a
vital system of laws and customs from MN claimants’ fragmentary knowledge
of particular alleged laws or customs.
- Mr Vachon
considered that all MN evidence was covered in the Pannell/Vachon supplementary
report in relation to the Wongatha
Claim, and could not ‘really see that
there was a way to write a supplementary report simply on the Mantjintjarra
Ngalia’.
However, Mr de Gand thought otherwise, and wrote his
own supplementary report. Mr Vachon also thought that Mr de Gand
had, in some instances, led the information from some of the MN claimants.
- Mr
de Gand had not received the Wongatha anthropological report or read the
documents referred to in it, before completing the
MN report, even though
several important findings recorded in it were expressly incorporated into the
Vachon/de Gand MN report.
- Vachon/de Gand
qualify their MN report with the statement that they did not interview all of
the MN claimants, and that some
senior claimants had not participated in the
‘field component’ of their research.
- As
in the case of other anthropological reports in the proceeding, the Vachon/de
Gand report and the de Gand supplementary report
constantly say such things as
‘the claimants speak’, ‘the claimant group considers’,
‘the claimants
see’, and so on, without identifying particular
claimants, other than that their research findings and conclusions were
referable
to ‘senior MN claimants’, by which they said they meant
claimants born before 1950. It is not clear what Vachon/de Gand
mean when
they refer to ‘many’ or ‘other’ claimants or informants,
for example.
- I
have no difficulty in accepting, on the basis of the observations of the early
explorers described in the reports of Vachon/de Gand
and Muller (John Forrest
(1874), A L Wells (1892), David Carnegie (1896-97) and Frank Hann
(1908)), that there were indigenous
people in the Wongatha/MN overlap at first
contact and, I would infer, at sovereignty. Who those indigenous people were,
at either
time, the evidence does not establish.
- The
MN applicants cite four paragraphs from a summary in the Vachon/de Gand report,
and I will include for convenience paras 12-13
and 18 as
well:
While the land-use and occupation
histories of the senior claimants and their forebears are quite diverse and
conditioned by historical,
social and cultural factors, it is possible to
identify some general features of their occupation of the Overlap
[Vachon/de Gand use ‘Overlap’ to refer to the Wongatha/MN
overlap].
Like other Western Desert peoples such as the
Wongatha Claimants, the Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants and their
forebears’ land-related
practices can be characterised as nomadic,
although the claimants’ movements have, over the years, combined with
periods of
sedentary living in camps often associated with European mines,
pastoral stations and towns. The former European centres are located
largely,
but not exclusively, within the Overlap (like Duketon and Cox (New) Find,
Erlistoun and Bandya stations, Mulga Queen), or
to the west of the Overlap (at
places like Darlot, Yandal PL, Melrose PL, Yakabindie PL) and
Leonora.
All of the [MN] claimants’ Aboriginal
forebears are identified primarily with ngurra located within the Western
Desert cultural bloc. Many senior Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants speak of their
forebears as “coming
from” Mangkili (situated outside the Overlap
but within the overall Mantjintjarra Ngalia claim area, some 100 kilometres
north
of the northern Overlap boundary) and surrounding environs. Other senior
Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants identify their forebears
as originating from
places which are located outside of both the Overlap and the current boundaries
of the Mantjintjarra Ngalia claim.
Two prominent places are Tjirrkarli (140
kilometres southeast of Mangkili) and Tjintjira (probably Lake Gruszka, 130
kilometres
east of Mangkili)....
Along
with the Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants and their forebears, other Western
Desert people occupied the Overlap in that area roughly
south and southwest from
Lake Wells. The written record suggests that these latter people did so at the
time of European contact
and probably before. From around 1910 it appears that,
while their occupation of the Overlap continued, these people shifted their
orbits of occupation and land-use primarily westward. Some eventually lived at
places such as Darlot, Melrose PL and Yandal PL,
Wilson’s Patch, Agnew and
Mulga Queen. Others incorporated the town of Laverton, nearby mining camps and
later the Mt Margaret
Mission within their ‘run’. Among other terms
of identification, the former became known as Koara/Kuwarra or part of
the
“Darlot mob”; the latter became known as Wongatha. The majority
either had no offspring or they had no grandchildren.
For those that did, their
descendants are mostly Koara/Kuwarra or Wongatha
claimants.
... the Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimant group can be
regarded as comprising those Aboriginal individuals who trace their connections,
considered in socio-cultural, genealogical and occupational terms to the
previous Aboriginal inhabitants of the
Overlap....
The secondary sources record a
number of indigenous labels which serve to identify Aboriginal individuals
connected to all or parts
of the Overlap. These include: “Wongada”
(Young); “Wangadha”, “Barduwonga” and “Manjinji
Wonga” (Bates); “Mandjindja” (Elkin), and “Pini”,
“Tjalkadjara”, “Nan:a” and
“Mandjindja”
(Tindale). As discussed in the Wongatha report, each of these labels do not
refer to a distinct “tribe”
or an organised society with distinctive
laws and customs. Rather, these labels identify people with Western Desert laws
and customs
who are connected by these laws and customs to the Overlap and
adjacent Western Desert lands. Some of these labels are used by some
of the
claimants today. Others, like Baduwonga, Tjalkadjara, Nan:a and Pini have
dropped out of use....From the findings
of Bates, Elkin, Tindale, Epling, Birdsell and Morgan, it can be shown that a
significant number of the claimants
are either genealogically connected or
express a kinship relationship to the previous occupiers of the Mantjintjarra
Ngalia Overlap.’
Duketon, referred to in para 13, was about 25 km east of Mulga Queen,
and Cox’s (New) Find, also referred to in that paragraph
(sometimes
referred to simply as ‘Cox Find’ or ‘Cox’s Find’)
was about 65 km south-east of Mulga
Queen – about halfway between
Mulga Queen and Laverton. Both have long since ceased to exist as European
centres. Bandya
and Erlistoun Stations are both south of Mulga Queen.
- As
mentioned above, Mangkili, Tjirrkarli and Tjintjira, referred to by
Vachon/de Gand in their para 14 as the places where
many of the MN
claimants speak of their forebears as ‘coming from’, all lie outside
the Wongatha Claim area, and therefore
the Wongatha/MN overlap. The reference
in para 18 to ‘that area roughly south and southwest from Lake
Wells’ occupied
by different people, raises a question as to the small
area north of Lake Wells and within the northern boundary of the Wongatha
Claim
area, to which I will return. Darlot, Leonora, and the Yandal, Melrose and
Yakabindie pastoral leases are also outside the
Wongatha Claim area.
- The
MN applicants refer to the part of the report of Vachon/de Gand on the
connection between the ancestors of the MN claimant group
and the Wongatha/MN
overlap area. They submit that Vachon/de Gand considered the probable
orbits of occupation, movement and
land-use of those forebears of the MN Claim
group who were living in the vicinity of Mangkili, Tjintjira and Tjirrkarli in
the period
roughly between 1935 and 1953. Vachon/de Gand state:
appears that they habitually travelled
between these three places – within an area of about 5000 sq kms. The
claimants and,
as they say, some of their forebears also occupied and foraged in
the country around Alexander Springs, Empress Springs (within the
Overlap) and
as far as the northern extent of Lake Wells. ... The claimants possess knowledge
of sites throughout this larger area;
knowledge which they say they received
from their senior relatives.’
- The
‘larger area’ to which Vachon/de Gand refer comes down into the
northern tip of the Wongatha Claim area, above the
northern extent of Lake
Wells. Vachon/de Gand refer to one claimant, Nancy Gordon, whose father
was born at Rirrti (Empress
Spring). In evidence, Nancy Gordon said she did not
recall anything else he told her about that place.
- Vachon/de Gand
also refer to a story told by Dolly Walker of a Dreamtime incident between two
grandmothers that occurred at Tuwi
Claypan, which is in the Lake Wells area,
near Mount Gerard Reserve. In evidence, Dolly Walker recounted this
Tjukurr story concerning Tuwi Claypan, and explained that it showed the
relationship between Dimple Sullivan’s family and her own family.
She
said that it involved the Dreamtime grandmothers of Nowie Westlake (a Cosmo and
MN claimant) and Dimple Sullivan (a Wongatha
claimant) and Willy Hill’s
grandfather (Phyllis Thomas said that Willy Hill is included in the MN Claim).
Dolly Walker also
said that Dreamtime people could include real people as well.
She went on to say that just as ‘they’ had a Dreamtime
story just on
the other side of Carter Soak, ‘we’ (the Walker family) had a
Dreamtime story at WarruTjukurr, of which
she added ‘That’s our
country’. I refer to the Walker family’s descent from WarruTjukurr,
both the person
and the place, in Ch 10. Vachon/de Gand attempt to
date the incident Dolly Walker recounted, and conclude: ‘this
would
suggest they may have formed a connection to the Lake Wells area during the time
they lived solely in the desert.’
Dolly Walker gave evidence that her
family was associated with the area north of Lake Wells which they crossed at a
narrow neck (Watuta)
to walk down to visit the Koara people. I have discussed
this matter further in Ch 10 also.
- Vachon/de Gand
conclude that while these people did not extend south of the Lake Wells area and
did not co-occupy the Wongatha/MN
overlap with the people recorded by earlier
ethnographers, including Bates in 1908, they gradually ‘shifted their
orbits of
occupation, movement and land-use toward the area of the southwest
Overlap from around 1925’ and co-occupied these areas with
some of those
people recorded in the earlier literature.
- I
note that the Wongatha/MN overlap is not an area, or part of an area, that was
recognised pursuant to Western Desert laws and customs:
it is an overlap of two
aggregations or poolings, in recent times, of the claimed ‘my
country’ areas of individuals.
Accordingly, a connection of any kind with
one part does not necessarily signify a connection with the rest or with another
part.
Thus, an ancestor’s connection with Mangkili, for example, does
not, without more, signify a connection with the Wongatha/MN
overlap and a
connection of an MN claimant with Mulga Queen does not, without more, signify a
connection with any other part of the
Wongatha/MN
overlap.
Early occupiers of the south-western part of the Wongatha/MN overlap
- The
MN applicants submit extensively in reference to the Vachon/de Gand report on
ethnographic and anthropological material relating
to the earlier occupiers of
the MN/Wongatha overlap. Vachon/de Gand refer to the early observations of
Kenneth Young and Daisy
Bates. For example, they seek to show places within the
Wongatha/MN overlap, with which Bates’s informant, Tjurada, was
associated.
The MN applicants quote from the Vachon/de Gand
report:
the basis of this information, it is
clear that Tjurada had both knowledge of and a familiarity with a considerable
portion of the
Overlap and adjacent lands to the south – an area roughly
triangulated by Laverton-Minnie Creek-Lake Wells. Very likely, along
with close
kin and affines, Tjurada occupied this area with Boonyoo and their mutual
relatives, and that they did so according to
their own laws and customs.’
The difficulty I have with this evidence is to see how it establishes that an
ancestor of an MN claimant had rights and interests
in a Tjukurr based
area within the Wongatha/MN overlap. Rights and interests were not derived from
‘occupation’.
- The
MN applicants refer to the Vachon/de Gand report where the authors suggest
that several people who previously occupied the
eastern half of the Wongatha/MN
overlap and who later lived in and around Darlot, came to be identified as
‘Kuwarra’
(Koara) by a number of MN claimants and others. The
authors state that the word was not applied to the MN claimants or their
forebears,
or to other Aboriginal people who ended up in the Darlot area from
places to the north, such as Wongawol. Vachon/de Gand identify
eleven
named individuals who were ‘early Aboriginal occupiers of the
[Wongatha/MN] overlap’. These included the following
six men: Skipper
Sandy (Tjurada) and his brother Paddy Tintarti (Tjintarti); Charlie Beaman;
Thati [Sati] Evans; Scotty Lewis (Nampu);
and Willy Wheeties.
- Vachon/de Gand
seek to explore the relationship between these people and the MN claimants.
- The
MN applicants point out that these early ‘occupiers’ are referred to
in the indigenous testimony. A number of witnesses
recalled these people living
in places such as Mulga Queen, Darlot and Leonora at times from the 1930s to the
1960s. The MN submissions
simply cite 46 page references where,
apparently, the six individuals mentioned are referred to by any witness. One
piece of
evidence to which they do not refer, perhaps for reasons mentioned
elsewhere, is that MN, NK 1 and NK 2 claimant, Paddy
Walker, said that
he went on a walk with his father as a small child (in the 1930s) to Mangkili,
Tjirrkarli, Empress Spring, Kanpa,
Rutter’s Soak and Cosmo, and that
Skipper Sandy, among others, accompanied them. Also, Cosmo claimant Estelle
Ross said she
was given as a child to Paddy Tjintarti and his wife Alice, who
were childless, and stayed with them intermittently at Mulga Queen.
- Vachon/de Gand
conclude, on the basis of their earlier discussion, that when Europeans
established mines and small settlements
in the general vicinity of Laverton,
they did so within the orbits of occupation, movement and land use of 2-300
Aboriginal people.
They say that those people, or most of them, would also have
occupied the Wongatha/MN overlap. However, they acknowledge
that:
the two decades following contact,
most eventually shifted their occupation patterns in two directions. Some went
westward toward
the goldfields and pastoral station[s] in the vicinity of the
former town of Darlot. Others, particularly from the area around the
well-known
site of Minnie Creek (which itself is outside of the [Wongatha/MN] Overlap),
shifted west/south-westward and incorporated
the Mt Margaret Mission into their
customary “run”.’
- The
MN applicants rely on the conclusion reached in the Vachon/de Gand report
that:
our view the people variously called
Tjalkadjara and Koara/Kuwarra basically occupied the same area as we have
described in conjunction
with Bates’ Laverton district and east/north-east
of Laverton pedigrees. Bates did not identify the people represented on
these
pedigrees with such terms; instead she recorded a variety of other words. It
seems likely that certain individuals (and a
few appear in Bates’
material) did not become known as Koara/Kuwarra until later in their lives and
then, it would seem, at
least some of their offspring took up the label. As we
have said, most of the people from the early days now called Kuwarra occupied
the Overlap and vicinity and then went west towards Darlot. As for those that
shifted their occupation of the Overlap and vicinity
west/south-westward toward
Mt Margaret Mission (and elsewhere, such as Karonie), perhaps some were known as
Tjalkadjara in 1939,
along with a number of other labels (though not Kuwarra).
By Schenk’s time, those at the Mission were called Wongatha as well.
This, of course, is a word recorded by both Young and Bates for the people they
encountered in and around Laverton much
earlier.’
- The
MN applicants state in relation to the Vachon/de Gand
report:
submission is that this particular
discussion in the joint Mantjintjarra Ngalia report well illustrates the
complexity of the patterns
of movement of traditional Western Desert people, as
well as the confusing fragments and labels recorded intermittently and with
limited understanding by European observers in the post-contact period. The
authors of this report, we submit, have managed to tease
out this evidence in a
worthwhile way, leading to conclusions which the Applicants submit, are worthy
of acceptance, and weight.’
- The
MN applicants refer to the passage in the Vachon/de Gand report that I set out
at 3.6(c)(4) [919], and submit that ‘when considering the
“country” or “run” of individuals or groups in the
Western
Desert one needs to proceed with caution’. I agree.
- I
have not purported to summarise all of the evidence (lay and expert) and
submissions relating to the south-western part of the Wongatha/MN
overlap.
Vachon/de Gand have attempted to piece together fragments of evidence,
apparently with a view to establishing that
‘my country’ areas of
the ancestors of MN claimants lay within the Wongatha/MN overlap. However, I do
not think they
have succeeded. Rather the most that has been shown is that some
people with whom some MN claimants have connections, had associations,
apparently of the ‘range’ or ‘run’ type, with places
within that overlap.
Migration of MN ancestors from the Gibson Desert and relationship with previous
occupiers
- I
have dealt with this subject largely in Ch 10.
- The
MN applicants submit under the heading ‘Gibson Desert Drifters’ that
the MN Claim group is largely comprised of people
who came down from the Gibson
Desert. They submit that the ancestors of MN claimants had country that
extended down into the northern
most part of the overlap, above Lake Wells, and
that they shifted further south and acquired rights and interests further south
by
co-occupation with the people already there.
- The
MN applicants submit that the MN claimants share a history of occupation of the
MN Claim area, and share a connection through
intermarriage, ritual
participation, co-occupation and the observation of common laws and customs with
the previous Aboriginal occupiers
of the overlap. They submit on the
acquisition of rights and interests in the area into which people migrated under
traditional
laws. They submit that the indigenous system functioned so that
people could migrate, and acquire rights and interests in the land
migrated to.
- However,
Groups 5B/5F submit that there was migration into an area where the original
inhabitants had died out. They refer to the
general anthropological material of
Berndt. Groups 5B/5F submit that the applicants ‘have not met the onus of
proof in establishing
that traditionally WD people moved on a permanent basis to
the extent demonstrated in the anthropological and historical material
tendered’.
- Groups
5B/5F submit that the Court must be satisfied that the system would have
permitted such widespread migration, and that the
present situation is not a
movement away from ‘a system which emphasised (albeit to a flexible
degree) continuing associations
with a particular place over
generations’.
- The
Cosmo applicant’s response to the MN submissions also supports the
integration with others in the south of the MN Claim
area. The Cosmo applicant
submits:
the Mantjintjarra Ngalia and Cosmo
Newberry claimants share not only a common ancestral society, being the Western
Desert society,
but also a common society in the sense that Berndt described
areas of social interaction. Connection to figures such as Tjurata,
who was
probably born around 1871-1878, before European contact with the area, gives
rise to a strong inference that the current
Cosmo Newberry and Mantjintjarra
Ngalia claimants were integrated into the claim areas in accordance with
traditional laws and customs.’
- Vachon/de Gand
state:
a later period until the early 1950s,
Aboriginal people from the southern Gibson Desert to the east and north-east of
the Overlap
shifted south-westward. They ended up at places like Cosmo
Newberry, Erlistoun, Duketon, Cox (New) Find, Mulga Queen and the Laverton-Mt
Margaret area. Some later resided at Wiluna and Leonora and other places.
The Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimant group is comprised largely of the
descendants of these latter people from the desert.’ (my
emphasis)
- The
authors say they prefer ‘shift’ to ‘migrate’, because,
consistently with a semi-nomadic lifestyle, it
is not reasonable to suppose that
they merely moved from one place and settled permanently at another place a long
way off. They
say that, at the very least, the concept of ‘place’
associated with a sedentary way of life must be modified to accommodate
the
situation in which Aboriginal individuals and groups relied upon mixed
hunter/gatherer pursuits for survival.
- While
Vachon/de Gand engage in a degree of speculation, their conclusions
expressed in the various passages set out above are
in line with the generally
accepted ‘migration from of the desert to the fringes of European
settlement’ phenomenon.
They
state:
primary evidence and secondary
sources show that the pre-contact occupation orbits of the claimants and their
forebears did not extend
south of the Lake Wells area. For one thing, none of
these people appear on Bates’ genealogies. Neither do any of the
claimants’
forebears appear in early Mt Margaret Mission records,
Elkin’s notes from 1930 or Tindale’s 1939 genealogical material.
This suggests that the people connected to the region referenced by Mangkili,
Tjintjira and Tjirrkarli did not co-occupy the Overlap
with the people on
Bates’ Laverton district and north/northeast of Laverton pedigrees. This
much is consistent with what we
know from the claimants about themselves and
their forebears. That is, they probably did not co-occupy the Overlap with the
people
recorded by Bates from the time of contact to 1908. But they did about
20 years later.’
Vachon/de Gand estimate that the MN claimants’ forebears and their
and other relations shifted their ‘orbits of occupation
movement and land
use toward the area of the southwest [Wongatha/MN] Overlap from around
1925’.
- They
continue in a passage that deserves to be set out in full (footnotes
omitted):
is likely that this movement was
tied in some way to the presence or practices of Europeans. At the very least,
people in the bush
would have heard about the changes that were taking place
elsewhere. Some senior claimants say that before their forebears came
to be
attached to stations and mines in the south-west Overlap and vicinity, some
ventured into the area but stayed only a short
while and went back into the
desert. ...
connected to the Mangkili-Tjintjira-Tjirrkarli area
are recognised as being close relations. To some degree it seems that they
intermarried.
They are said to speak the same language and to have lived in the
same general area. They are also identified in the same ways,
that is,
according to certain named places or by labels such as Mantjintjarra (and for a
few claimants, Ngalia). In other words,
by the limited framework of
Tindale’s criteria, they could be considered the same “tribe”.
Contrary to Tindale’s
model of tribal movement, they did not shift
southwestward as a single group at roughly the same
time.
evidence is that the claimants and their relatives
moved to European centres in groups of varying sizes, first coming into places
like Cosmo Newbery, Cox Find, Duketon, Erlistoun and Darlot, then Mulga Queen
and surrounding stations, over a period of about thirty
years. During this
time, some stayed a while then went back into the desert. They were not
recorded by Elkin in 1930 or Tindale
in 1939 because they did not, for the most
part, go into the Mt Margaret Mission or camp in its vicinity. The last of the
desert
people to come in was a party of fourteen – Thatitjarra Banks, his
three wives and their children, and his brother –
arriving at Bandya
Station in 1953. As this example suggests, several members of an extended
family would tend to shift together.
But given the duration of this
southwestward movement and the flexible nature of land-occupying
‘bands’, it was sometimes
the case that close kin were separated for
years.
and Epling did not record the Banks family at Mulga
Queen in 1953 either because they had not arrived from the desert by then or
they
were living at one of the camps out from the settlement. But as we have
indicated previously, a number of the claimants and their
forebears do appear on
the Birdsell/Epling genealogies for Mulga Queen. Photographs were also taken.
One of the attractions of
Mulga Queen was the presence of a prospector by the
name of Sam Shepherd and his wife. This is just the kind of contingent event
that can have relatively broad and long-term effects on Aboriginal occupation.
The claimants and their forebears had established
a close relationship with
Shepherd over many years. Later on, he ran the ration depot at Mulga Queen. He
also exchanged goods for
a variety of bush resources such as kangaroo skins,
dingo scalps and gold. By all accounts the arrangement was regarded as
acceptable.
The claimants remember Piyarrku, as they called him, to be muntha
muntha – a “kind-hearted”
man.’
- The
population shift was generally similar to that of the ancestors of the Koara,
NK 1 and NK 2 claimants – from the
desert in the north,
north-east and east to places associated with European settlement in the
Wongatha Claim area (of the places
mentioned in the passage quoted above, only
the town of Wiluna is outside that area).
- In
a significant passage, Mr Vachon
stated:
Mantjintjarra – I think
we’ve mentioned in this report, and certainly in the executive summary,
that the Mantjintjarra
Ngalia claimants had – their forebears came from
areas usually identified by anthropologists as the Western Desert. They –
nearly all of them, I think, came from places in that part of the Gibson Desert
which they identified with indigenous names, like
Mangkili Claypan, Tjirrkarli,
Tjintjira, Empress Springs, Alexander Springs. They speak of – and
I’m talking about talking
to different Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants.
They speak of they and their forebears coming from that area and going back to
that
area, and even today going back to that area, or some of those
places.
to that extent, they, unlike the Wongatha claimants
as a whole, as set out in the form 1, let’s say, display a common
occupational
history. They come from the same part of the desert, they went
back to the same part of the desert in the course of living at Mulga
Queen and
in a pastoral zone. It wasn’t just the Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants,
because there’s a lot of Cosmo Newberry
claimants that share the same sort
of occupational history, but, yes, that really comes out in the Mantjintjarra
Ngalia evidence.
Again, it’s always qualified by the fact that the
Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants – it was often- it was a rough
identification.
It wasn’t always easy to know what a Mantjintjarra Ngalia
claimant was and wasn’t. Okay?’
- Mr
Vachon’s evidence, then, is that the ‘common occupational
history’ of the MN claimants’ forebears is that
they come from the
places mentioned in the Gibson Desert: Mangkili Claypan, Tjirrkarli, Tjintjira,
Empress Spring and Alexander Spring.
All except Empress Spring lie outside the
Wongatha Claim area and therefore outside the Wongatha/MN overlap. Tjirrkarli
and Tjintjira
also lie outside the MN Claim area.
Testimony of MN claimants relating to migration
- Many
of the MN witnesses gave evidence about the arrival of the Banks family from
Tjintjira in 1952/1953. Evidence to this effect
was given at Stockwhip and
Blanket (also called ‘Famous Well’ and close to Mulga Queen).
- FB,
an old MN claimant, said that when he was young, he came there from Tjintjira
(Lake Gruszka, outside both the Wongatha and the
MN Claim areas) with his mother
and two brothers and a ‘big mob’. He said (correctly) that it was a
long way from Tjintjira
in the north-east, out Warburton way. He said that he
and his family wore no clothes and had never seen a person of European descent
before. He pointed to places at Stockwhip and Blanket where the family had
their wiltjas and puris. FB is on the MN LIP, as are several
other members of his family. The commencement of the Banks family’s
connection to the
Wongatha/MN overlap, indeed to any part of the MN Claim area
can be identified as having occurred in 1952 or 1953.
- RB,
a member of the Banks family, also gave evidence of her family’s journey
from the desert around Tjintjira to Mulga Queen,
or more precisely, to Stockwhip
and Blanket which is only some three km from Mulga Queen. She said that
relatives, Tommy Williams
and his brother Louie came from Mulga Queen to look
for her family ‘in the desert around Tjintjira’. Another person
who
came out to fetch them was Jack Murphy (Partaparta), the father of Clarrie, MM
and Kalman Murphy. She said it was her mother’s
mother, KawuTjukurr from
Tjirrkarli way, who had already come into Mulga Queen from Warburton way with
her two sons, who had sent
the search party out to fetch the Banks family,
because she was worried about them.
- RB
gives a graphic description, both of the meeting between the search party and
the Banks family in the bush, and their arrival at
Stockwhip and Blanket. She
remembers Marapatjal (Tommy Williams) arriving with camels. Her mother, who was
his first cousin, recognised
him. Her family could understand his speech. He
gave them tinned meat and fruit. There was crying for joy on both sides. RB
describes
their subsequent arrival at Stockwhip and Blanket as
follows:
brought us in by camel and cart.
My mother was pregnant with Queenie at the time. We didn’t know anything
about tea, flour,
or sugar. The first time was saw a fence we were afraid of
it. That was on the way into Mulga Queen. We were all naked. I remember
them
telling us to come through the fence. We were all frightened as we hadn’t
seen one before. We thought it was a giant
spider web. Our mother was pregnant
with Queenie.’
RB explained that she thought the fence wires were spider’s web because
the moonlight was shining on them.
- RB
said that her family camped in humpies at Stockwhip and Blanket, and that her
sister, Queenie, was born there. She said that Jack
Shepherd was at the nearby
Mulga Queen, and was a kindhearted man who gave them flour, sugar and tea. It
seems likely that the Banks
family arrived after the establishment of the ration
station at Mulga Queen in 1953 (Mr Shepherd was the first superintendent
of
it) because when the ration station opened, there were 20 adult recipients
of rations living permanently at the ration station,
whereas the number recorded
for 1954 was 31. It seems that the Banks family comprised nine adults plus
children. It seems unlikely
that the commencing number, including them, would
have been as low as 20, and it seems likely that the increase between 1953 and
1954 was explained by the arrival of the Banks family.
- As
noted earlier, Mr Shepherd was already trading with the indigenous people
prior to the establishment of the ration station
in 1953. I infer that Mulga
Queen presented an attraction to them prior to the establishment of a ration
station in that year.
- Phyllis
Thomas also gave evidence at Stockwhip and Blanket of the arrival of the Banks
family in about 1952 or 1953. She said that
there were nine adults plus
children. She recalled them arriving, naked, with camels. She pointed out
where they camped. She said
that FB was in his early teens at the time. His
mother was Mapiya Banks. Phyllis Thomas also said that Queenie Banks’
mother
was pregnant with Queenie when the family arrived.
- Coral
Chapman remembers living at Stockwhip and Blanket as a child. She remembers
seeing Queenie Banks as a baby, lying inside a
wiltja there, crying. She
said she lived there with her parents and aunties and uncles for a long time.
Her auntie, Phyllis Thomas’s
mother, was there. The uncles and aunties
who were there were Yalanga, Yiningku, Wakapu and Kupulutjanu. Those living at
Stockwhip
and Blanket would walk to Mulga Queen to collect their rations.
- Mindi
Chapman also identified the people who were living at Mulga Queen (not where the
present community is) when he lived there as
a child. He said that his sister
Coral Chapman was born at Yarrikarta (Waterfall) about 15 km north-west of
Mulga Queen. He
identified others who ‘camped with us’ there as
Kupultjanu (the stepfather of Phyllis Thomas), Wakapu (the father of
Paddy
Walker), Parntapuka, Yinga (Estelle Ross), Marnupa (Biddy Ross, the mother of
Estelle Ross and Frances Murray), Yinga’s
father and Nowie
Westlake’s mother and father.
- Various
other MN witnesses gave evidence relating to migration into the Mulga Queen
area. Phyllis Thomas said that the Mantjintjarra
came from the Spinifex and
that her ancestors had roamed and camped around Tjilkatjarra. She said that her
people heard about a
good man, Mr Schenk, at the Mount Margaret Mission, and
that they decided to leave the drought plagued desert and migrate to Mount
Margaret for this reason.
- Mindi
Chapman drew a map showing the sites of some 12 waterholes in the region of the
Gunbarrel Highway and Lake Wells. He said that
his father used to go to
Tarralkutjarra waterhole (near Lake Wells) to get red ochre, and that women and
children were not permitted
to go there. He said that his father was born at
Tjirrkarli and that since his father had passed away, Tjirrkarli was now his
(Mindi
Chapman’s) country. He said that as a boy he walked around the
Lake Wells area, that Lake Wells and Tjirrkarli were ‘the
same’
(Lake Wells and Tjirrkarli are some 222–30 km apart), and that both
were his father’s country and became
his own country. He said that his
‘brother’ Andrew Watson now lives at Tjirrkarli and that he (Mindi
Chapman) visits
him there. He identified his mother’s country as
Wakamurru Manngu (Alexander Spring) and Mangkili.
- Nancy
Gordon said she felt that her father’s family belonged to the Empress
Spring (Rirrti) area. She said she has never been
there, but that according to
her understanding, her Uncle Mickey Wayarnu (Mickey Warren), who died in the
1970s or 1980s, was the
last custodian of the Rirrti country. She said her
father was born at Empress Spring, and that not only he, but also people at
Warburton,
had told her it was his (her father’s) country.
- The
thrust of the above evidence is that the older witnesses’ generation or
the witnesses’ parents’ generation migrated
from places north-east
of the Wongatha Claim area, and/or places just within the northern boundary of
it - Lake Wells and Empress
Spring (Rirrti) - to the south-east, to or near
places of European settlement (Mulga Queen, Cosmo, Laverton, Mount
Margaret).
- The
case is one of intra-Western Desert migration to a European source of food,
water and other benefits associated with the pastoralist,
Jack Shepherd, and
later, the ration station at Mulga Queen supervised by him. Mulga Queen appears
to have been a centre for ceremonial
gatherings and corroborees also, but the
explanation for the Aboriginal peoples’ coming and staying there was the
availability
of the European benefits mentioned.
Phyllis Thomas
and the concept of yiwarra
- Phyllis
Thomas was asked if she knew the Wangkayi word for one’s parents’
‘run’ and she answered ‘yiwarra’. She said that
after her mother passed away, her mother’s two sisters who looked after
her (Phyllis Thomas), told her
about her mother’s yiwarra. Phyllis
Thomas said:
said “Yiwarra,
ngurra that Mulga – that Tjirrkarli and (nana) Empress Spring and
Mangkili, yiwarra be down this way Lake Wells Station we be down on
ngurra” [Aboriginal language
spoken].’
Phyllis Thomas then confirmed that her aunties named all those places as part
of her mother’s yiwarra. She said that there were other places
too, such as, Miltji, and that the easternmost place was Tjirrkarli.
- I
regard the passage quoted as important because it illustrates, not just what has
happened in the case of Phyllis Thomas, but what
has happened more generally.
The notion of area the subject of ownership being identified by reference to
Tjukurr sites and tracks seems to have been lost sight of, and under the
influence of multiple pathways of connection, witnesses equated
a person’s
‘range’, ‘run’, yiwarra, or ‘orbit of
occupation’, with the person’s Tjukurr-based
‘estate’.
- The
senior MN witnesses’ evidence was, generally speaking, to the effect that
their parents and grandparents were from the north-east
of the Wongatha/MN
overlap. The only possible qualification concerns the northernmost strip or tip
of the Wongatha Claim area, and,
therefore, of the Wongatha/MN overlap. The
difficult question is whether the ‘my country’ areas of individuals
extended
down into that area, or whether it was only the range, run,
yiwarra or orbit of occupation and land use that did so.
- As
noted just above, Phyllis Thomas gave a description of her mother’s
yiwarra. As will be seen in Ch 10, Dolly Walker and Paddy Walker
identify Mangkili and Tjirrkarli (in particular Mangkili) as the place
their
parents came from, but Lake Wells and Empress Spring are also mentioned.
Vachon/de Gand distinguish between Mangkili, Tjintjira
and Tjirrkarli as an area
where several MN claimants lived as children, on the one hand, and the country
around Alexander Spring,
Empress Spring and Lake Wells as an area of occupation
and foraging, on the other hand.
- However,
other MN claimants have, at least potentially, an estate up there. As mentioned
above, MN claimant Nancy Gordon said that
her father told her that he was born
at Empress Spring (Rirrti). Nancy Gordon said that she understood that Empress
Spring was the
country of her father and of his older brother, Micky Warren
(Wayarnu). MN claimant Mindi Chapman said that his mother ‘came
from’ Alexander Spring (about 20 km north of the Wongatha Claim area)
and also that she ‘came from’ Mangkili,
and that his father
‘came from’ Tjirrkarli. It is possible that the mother’s
estate or ngurra extended down into the Wongatha Claim area. The area of
an ‘estate’ varied greatly.
- Unfortunately,
the distinction between the ‘estate’ and ‘range’ has
become blurred, at least in the thinking
of many of the witnesses. It seems to
me that they have tended to identify places with which a parent or grandparent
had a connection
or connections, and, without more, to claim the area in
question as the witness’s ‘my country area’.
- In
a report that Mr de Gand prepared in April 2000 for the GLSC, he
wrote:
the World Wars, Mantjiltjara
people continued to travel to areas located west of their ancestral areas of
Tjirkali, Kanpa and Tindira [Tjintjira]. These people were aware
of an increasing European presence in areas located further West, and they knew
about the availability of
food in those areas. This factor, combined with
severe droughts that affected the availability of traditional foods and the
supply
of waterholes and soaks, prompted these
movements.
the end of World War II Mulga Queen became an
official rationing depot for Aborigines under the supervision of Jack Shepherd
and his
wife. The initiative to establish Mulga Queen as a rationing depot was
obviously prompted by the steady movement of Aborigines out
of the Western
Desert over a period of at least forty years prior to the time of the
establishment of the Mulga Queen Ration Depot.’
Mr de Gand observed that the Mantjiltjara who came into areas such
as Mulga Queen did, however, maintain contact with relatives
in the Spinifex.
Mr de Gand continued in that report by stating:
the early days Mantjiltjara people often got
their rations from places such as the Mulga Queen Ration Depot and took their
rations, blankets, tea and sugar back
into the “spinifex”. Some
went back to live into the “spinifex”, exposing those people who had
never left
the “spinifex” to items they had never seen. Later these
people were persuaded to visit areas around Mulga Queen before
going back into
the “Spinifex”. This was a gradual process that took many years but
one which maintained a connection
between the people who lived in areas such as
Tjirkali, Kanpa and Tindira and people who lived in Mulga
Queen.’
Knowledge of Tjukurrpa
- I
discuss this matter at 5.6(a) [2057] ff below.
- The
MN applicants refer to GLSC Appendix B3b (‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia –
Tjukurr (Dreamings)’) and Appendix C4b (‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia
– Transmission of Knowledge’). They do so by reference
to section
of the Vachon/de Gand report, headed ‘The Dreamtime, the claimants and the
Darlot Mob’. I address both of
the topics mentioned below at
5.7(a)(b).
(d) Linguistic evidence
- The
MN applicants adopt the analysis made by the Koara applicants (Ch 6). In
substance, the MN submission is that the language
of the MN, Koara and Wutha is
of a south-western Western Desert type, that the linguistic evidence shows that
those three groups
are closely related to each other, and that each is part of
the WDCB.
- In
response to the MN submission that the MN Claim group speaks and understands an
Aboriginal language of the Western Desert type
that is substantially similar to
that recorded in the MN Claim area at and shortly after European contact, Groups
5B/5F refer to
their submissions on the linguistic evidence. I refer generally
to my discussion of language elsewhere, such as at 3.6(f),
4.6(a)(2) [1366], and later in this Chapter at [2251]
ff.
(e) Ethno-ecological evidence
- I
referred to the report of Mr Kalotas at 3.5(c)(2) [457]
ff.
5.3 RELEVANT LAWS AND CUSTOMS AT THE TIME OF SOVEREIGNTY
- The
MN applicants rely on the Wongatha submissions and also on GLSC Appendices B1b,
B2b, B3b, B4b, B5b, B6b, B7b, C2d, C4b and F3b.
The State repeats its
submissions made in response to those submissions.
- Groups
5B/5F repeat their submissions elsewhere and to the MN Evidence Appendix
attached to their submissions. That volume is headed
‘Mantjintjarra
Ngalia Evidence Schedule’, and consists of an analysis, witness by
witness, of the testimony given by
18 MN witnesses who, Groups 5B/5F submit,
were ‘persons identified or referred to as a member of the Mantjintjarra
Ngalia group’,
in relation to (a) indicia of connection to land; (b)
indicia of Western Desert culture; and (c) specific rights claimed.
- The
MN Evidence Schedule is the evidence of the witnesses assessed against Western
Desert laws and customs. The purpose is to explore
the question whether the MN
witnesses fulfil the traditional criteria for obtaining rights in land as stated
by the experts. As
well, the MN Evidence Schedule considers the rights claimed
by the MN Claim group against the evidence of the MN witnesses.
- Those
witnesses do not include Dolly Walker or Kado Muir, as Groups 5B/5F
adopt the submissions made by Group 6A in relation
to the NK 1 and
NK 2 Claims, but for some reason unknown to me, they include
Paddy Walker. The MN Evidence Schedule
also does not include Hudson
Westlake, Justine Westlake or Nowie Westlake who are included in the
MN LIP, and who are also Cosmo
claimants. The GLSC submissions do not
address those people, (perhaps treating them as not claiming ‘my
country’ areas
within the MN Claim area). Neither will I.
- I
have dealt with relevant laws and customs at sovereignty at 3.6(c)(2)
[739] ff.
5.4 RIGHTS AND INTERESTS HELD AT THE TIME OF SOVEREIGNTY
- The
MN applicants submit under this heading:
the
rights and interests held by the ancestral society at 1829 were held under the
Western Desert system as identified by the earlier
observers and anthropological
researchers referred to in section 5.2 above; and that this conclusion,
firstly, properly arises from that evidence (see paras [846] – [942]),
and, secondly and concurrently
(it is submitted) should be inferred from the
research and conclusions of Professor Veth analysed in the same
section.’
The MN applicants also adopt the Wongatha submissions on this topic. They
rely, in particular, on statements in the Vachon/de Gand
Report (see [1949]
above), and on the anthropologists’ joint report (see at 3.5(a)
[411]).
- The
MN applicants ask me to infer that in so far as there is a gap of direct
evidence on the period from 1829 to 1874, ‘the
nature and identity of the
normative ancestral society, and the laws and customs of that society and the
rights and interests arising
under those laws and customs, had not changed
during that intervening period’. Since it is not suggested that there was
any
culturally significant disturbance in that period, I do draw the inference
suggested. The problem, however, is to identify, in an
appropriate manner,
relevant features of the anthropological landscape. I discussed this issue at
3.1 [341] ff.
- Groups
5B/5F submit that I should be hesitant to draw any inferences as to the
continuity of the nature and identity of the ancestral
society and the society
as at the present date, and that on the evidence there have been
‘significant and profound changes
to the nature of the society (in respect
of this area, if not other parts or smaller societies within the
WDCB)’. I agree that there have been profound changes since first
contact. However, as I have previously indicated, I am prepared to assume
that
there was a normative WDCB society at sovereignty and that it has continued down
to the present time.
5.5 THE APPLICANT GROUP AND THE RELEVANT SOCIETY
(a) Membership criteria
- The
MN applicants observe that by para 3 of their Amended Points of Response to
the Wongatha POC, they have adopted and incorporated
the Wongatha contentions in
relation to the Wongatha Claim.
- They
state that, accordingly, ‘the criteria for membership of the group are
pleaded in identical terms to those pleaded for
the Wongatha group’,
namely:
that the person traces his or her
ancestry, considered in genealogical, occupational and/or socio-cultural terms,
to a man or woman
whose “country” is recognised by other members
[of the MN Claim group] as being located within the claim area; or
alternatively
that the person was born and grew
up in the claim area; and (in both cases)that
his/her connection to the claim area is recognised by other members of the
[MN] claim group.’
All Claims are made by reference to Western Desert laws and customs. How can
it be, in relation to the Wongatha/MN overlap, that
one GLSC claimant is a
Wongatha claimant and another, an MN claimant? The MN Claim group
acknowledges that there are Wongatha
claimants who satisfy these criteria, and
the Wongatha Claim group acknowledges that there are MN claimants who satisfy
the comparable
Wongatha criteria.
- The
MN applicants rely on testimony by MN claimants found in Appendix D to the
GLSC submissions. Nancy Gordon said that the
‘main reason’ why the
MN claimants were bound together in a group was that they had ‘cultural
connections’.
She elaborated by saying that her understanding was that
the MN Claim group comprised families that had travelled from the north-east
(from Rirrti, past Banjawarn) and finished up at Mulga Queen.
- Kalman Murphy
said that he was in Ngaanyatjarra and Muntjintjarra groups because his people,
his grandmother and grandfather,
came from Tjirrkarli down to Mulga Queen.
- Phyllis Thomas
said that her old people gave their tribe, which came from the Spinifex, the
name ‘Mantjintjarra’.
She said that the Bonds, Macarthurs, Walkers,
Braes, Murphys, Chapmans and quite a few others have a connection to Mulga Queen
because
they came there as young people and settled down there and
‘claimed’ that land as their own by hunting and living off
the land
‘in a tribal way’. Phyllis Thomas said that
‘Ngalia’ referred to people from up around Lake
Throssell and that
they were the same people as her own people. She said that claimants had been
added into the MN Claim when they
explained such things as where their mother
had come from, and after she (Phyllis Thomas) checked the accuracy of this
information
to her satisfaction.
- Phyllis
Thomas stated, in a part of the transcript not reproduced in the
MN submissions, that:
is [the word]
that old people gave when that anthropologist ... [Professor Norman
Tindale] came here in 1953; he went round all the groups and they given all
the names and the boundaries, ...’
She said that the old people told her that the Mantjintjarra were a desert
tribe that originally came from the Spinifex, from ‘Mangkili
Claypan and
Mangkili’. Mangkili Claypan is about 120 km north of the Wongatha
Claim area.
- In
cross-examination, Phyllis Thomas confirmed that she knew that Tindale,
Aboriginal Tribes set out tribal boundaries, and had seen the book, but
not Tindale’s map showing the location of Mantjintjarra country.
Tindale’s
map does not include a ‘Mantjintjarra’ area,
although it does show a ‘Mandjindja’ area to the east of the
MN Claim area. She said that the first time she heard the name
‘Mantjintjarra’ was ‘maybe’ three years
prior to the
hearing, on an occasion when she went with other ‘elders’ to a
meeting with the Premier in Perth. She said
that while she was in Perth she
lodged her claim. I accept that she learned of the name
‘Mantjintjarra’ on that occasion.
- At
various points, Phyllis Thomas referred to the Mantjintjarra people having come
from Mangkili Claypan (or just ‘Mangkili’),
Empress Spring and
Tjirrkarli. Mangkili Claypan and Tjirrkarli are outside the Wongatha Claim
area, and Tjirrkarli is outside the
MN Claim area too. Empress Spring is
at the north-eastern extremity of the Wongatha Claim area and is within the MN
Claim area.
Ms Thomas said that the Ngalia people (notably Dolly Walker’s
people) came from ‘around here, just a bit further up
too ... Lake
Throssell and all that’. She said that the Mantjintjarra and Ngalia
people were the same mob. The Wongatha Claim
area goes around Lake Throssell,
but the southern edge of it is within the MN Claim area. The
MN Form 1 states that the
MN Claim area includes ‘a portion of
proposed Lake Throssell Nature Reserve’.
- Phyllis Thomas
said that the conjunction of the Mantjintjarra people and the Ngalia people in
the one claim followed a meeting,
apparently referring to herself and
Dolly Walker (‘we two had a meeting, talked about it’). In an
interesting passage,
she was asked if she would prefer the Ngalia name not to be
part of the MN Claim, and replied:
a
big thing to answer. If they working with us, yes, it’s alright, but if
they’re not, I don’t think it should be
there if they want to take
over and do it themselves, you know. There’s two ways of looking at it.
I’m not saying it’s
happened.’
Phyllis Thomas would not agree, however, that the Mantjintjarra and the
Ngalia were different mobs. She said that she preferred
that Kado Muir
(Dolly Walker’s son) be asked whether they were, when he came to the
witness box.
- As
noted elsewhere, Dolly Walker has expressed the wish to be disassociated
from the MN Claim, but has not been removed from
it. Although she remains an MN
applicant and claimant, she now regards herself as associated with the NK 1
and NK 2 Claims
(see Ch 10).
- Like
the other Claims, the MN Claim faces the problem discussed at 3.6(c)(4)
that it is an aggregation or pooling of individual claims. The conjunction of
the two names ‘Mantjintjarra’ and ‘Ngalia’
suggests a
combination of two aggregations. Ultimately, however, the position is no
different from, for example, the combination
of the 20 antecedent claims that
produced the Wongatha Claim. The real vice is the underlying aggregation of the
claimed ‘my
country’ areas of individuals.
- Phyllis Thomas
said that people who came to the Mulga Queen area as young people. settled there
and claimed that area as their
own, are sufficiently connected to it to be
recognised.
- The
MN applicants refer to GLSC Appendix D2b headed ‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia
– Group Identity’. The State also
refers to MN claimants’
testimony extracted in GLSC Appendix D2b. The witnesses listed there are
Mindi Chapman,
Troy Chapman, Nancy Gordon, Kalman Murphy, MM,
Elton Polak, Phyllis Thomas and MW. Some of them emphasise the
distinctness of the Mantjintjarra and Ngalia groupings, while others assert
their oneness.
- I
have read the testimony set out in Appendix D2b, and I think that the
following assessment of it by the State is a fair one:
of the evidence in Appendix D2(b)
provides little indication of what the particular witness thinks might be the
criteria for
membership of the Mantjintjarra and/or Ngalia groups, or the
Mantjintjarra Ngalia claim group. Taken as a whole, the confusion on
this
topic, and the extent to which the witnesses that are said to belong to the
claimant group have failed to confront it, it is
conspicuous.’
Phyllis Thomas, Dolly Walker and Kado Muir were questioned about the
composition of the MN Claim group. Unremarkedly, in view of
the MN Form 1,
they identified, in generally similar terms, the families that were within it,
but they did not enunciate a clear
basis for it, except, perhaps, elements of
common life experiences, and in particular, finishing up at Mulga Queen.
However, there
remain difficulties. The MN Claim is brought on behalf of
the ‘Muntjiltjarra people’ who are identified in the
MN Form 1 as 16 named families and two individuals. Phyllis Thomas
said that ‘Muriel Barnes (dec) and family’,
who were listed, had put
themselves on the Cosmo Claim (‘it was her family’s doing, not
us’). Dolly Walker identified
Phyllis Thomas as ‘Ngalia’, but
in lodging the MN Form 1, Phyllis Thomas identified herself and the
other claimants
as the ‘Muntjiltjarra people’.
- I
agree with the GLSC submission in reply (that too much can be made of the use of
group names). It is recognition of a group identity
that matters. In their
submission reply, the MN applicants rely on the following extract from the
cross-examination of Phyllis
Thomas:
HUGHSTON: Yes, okay. Well, before
you put in this Native Title claim, I take it you and your family didn’t
think of yourselves
as Mantjintjarra people because you hadn’t heard that
word yet; is that right?
THOMAS: Yes, we – we know the meaning of that
people that coming on the route we’re talking about that
yiwarra.
HUGHSTON: Yes.
THOMAS: And they explain that – they never
across the Victoria Desert.’
At this point, the identifying feature is a shared ‘run’ or
yiwarra – something that did not give rise to ownership.
- The
MN POC connection requirement (adopting the Wongatha POC) is that a member of
the MN Claim group trace his or her ancestry to
a person whose
‘country’ is recognised by the other MN claimants as being within
the MN Claim area, or, in the alternative,
that the person was born and
grew up in that area. In of their report, Vachon/de Gand refer to many of
the forebears of senior MN claimants having originated
from Mangkili, Tjirrkarli
and Tjintjira – the first being outside the Wongatha Claim area but just
within the MN Claim area,
the last two being outside both Claim areas. They
state:
a few exceptions, the claimants say
that their forebears and close kin of their forebears variously “come
from” Mangkili,
Tjintjira and Tjirrkarli. It is their ngurra or
“country”. For many of these people (now deceased), this is
corroborated in the genealogies taken by Epling (and
probably Birdsell) in 1953
at Mulga Queen and Wiluna. A few of the claimants also say that they were born
and grew up in the vicinity
of these places, as did some of their deceased
siblings and other close kin. But other senior Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants,
and
most of their descendants, say that they were born and, for the most part,
grew up in the southwest Overlap and vicinity. None of
these latter claimants
were born earlier than about 1930.’
Vachon/de Gand seem to accept that the criteria for membership of the MN
Claim group may pose a problem for the MN claimants.
They proceed to refer to
the familiarity of those MN claimants with the MN Claim area and the
relationship between the forebears
of the MN claimants and some of the Darlot
mob, including intermarriage. They also refer to the MN claimants’
knowledge of
places within the Wongatha/MN overlap. Vachon/de Gand record
that ‘the claimants’ know of Tjukurr associations with Minnie
Creek (Pirlpirr), a ‘significant Kangaroo Dreaming site’, and
Tarraltkutjarra, just north of
Lake Wells, that is associated with the Seven
Sisters story.
- While
I do not suggest that Vachon/de Gand accepted entirely the State’s
criticism, Mr Vachon frankly acknowledged
that he found it difficult to
know who the MN people were, and emphasised that people with rights and
interests in the Wongatha/MN
overlap have those rights and interests not
‘as a people’ but ‘as individuals’, albeit rights and
interests
that other individuals have. This testimony confirms a flaw that is
fatal to all of the present Claims, and which I discussed at
length at
3.6(c)(4), where extracts from the cross-examination of Mr Vachon,
are set out ([896] ff).
- Mr Vachon
agreed that we cannot assume that, when two individuals say ‘this is my
country’ or ‘this is my ngurra’, they are referring to
the same bundle of rights and interests. Rather, he said, it is necessary to
look at each individual’s
history and other circumstances to determine
what bundle of rights and interests he or she is asserting.
- The
State submits that the material in Appendix D2(b) does little to suggest
that there is anything approaching a consistent
understanding as to what is
meant by ‘Mantjintjarra’ or ‘Ngalia’. Groups 5B/5F also
submit that there is
no consistent acknowledgement of, or a definable entity,
known as the MN people. Subject to what I said above about the common feature
of a journey to, and settling down at, Mulga Queen, I agree.
(b) Relationship with the ancestral society
- I
have accepted that the WDCB society existed at sovereignty and has continued to
exist down to today.
- I
have also accepted that the MN Claim area is within the area of that
society.
(c) Relationship with other Claim groups
- At
4.6(c), I referred to the testimony given by various MN claimants.
- I
have discussed the anthropological evidence at 5.2 above.
- Eric Thomas
said that in the 1950s, when he and others were grading the road to Banjawarn
and Bandya Stations, they camped at McKenzie’s
Well, and some visitors
from the Kalgoorlie area or Cundeelee area lit a fire on the ridge. He said:
‘that meant to say that
they are there, and they want to come in
[apparently to McKenzie’s Well] to see them.’ He said that this
happened ‘just
on dusk, just before sundown’, and that the two
groups met and started ‘crying and greeting one another’, then
they
started talking. He said that that time in the 1950s was the only time he saw
this kind of encounter, which was called ‘papaluka’, and
which his old grandfather Shannon and grandmother RB told him had happened
‘for years’.
- This
evidence of an approach by a group to the camp of other people does not, to my
mind, necessarily point to the existence of rights
and interests. Moreoever,
the incident occurred some fifty years prior to the hearing, and the initiative
was taken by people from
outside the Wongatha Claim area, who, apparently, were
not ancestors of any claimants before the Court.
- Phyllis Thomas
said that when she goes to Laverton, she calls in to see her aunty,
Dimple Sullivan (a Wongatha claimant), and they ‘papula, or
greet each other’. She also said that, before going out to Tjirrkarli,
she telephones her cousin Andrew Watson, even
though Tjirrkarli was part of
her mother’s yiwarra. She said that she has great respect for
Andrew Watson, who lives in the Aboriginal Community at Tjirrkarli, and
would be ashamed
to put her foot there without phoning him first.
- The
MN applicants also refer to the testimony of Luxie Hogarth, a Koara
claimant and Dennis Forrest, a Wongatha claimant,
but their evidence does
not support the MN Claim.
- I
do not find any of the evidence referred to by the MN applicants of assistance
in relation to the present issue concerning the relationship
between the MN
Claim group and other Claim groups.
- The
MN applicants’ submissions do not address the relationship between the MN
Claim group and other Claim groups, except in
a most general way. They do not
address the possibility of Wongatha, Koara, Wutha or other people having rights
and interests in
the MN Claim area, or how co-existing sets of rights and
interests are to be accommodated to each other. The MN Claim group apparently
rejects and opposes the claims of the Wongatha, Koara and Wutha Claim groups,
as groups, to hold rights and interests in any part of the MN Claim area,
while conceding that particular Wongatha, Koara or Wutha claimants
may hold
individual rights and interests in particular ‘my country’ parts of
that area, unique to the individual.
- The
MN applicants submit:
is submitted for the
Mantjintjarra Ngalia Applicants that the evidence establishes that the
“Mantjintjarra Ngalia people”
are the holders of the common or group
rights comprising the native title for the [Wongatha/MN] overlap area,
together with those Wongatha persons and also the Koara and Wutha Peoples, to
the extent of their overlaps who have
shown connection in terms of a “my
country” relationship with the
area.’
- The
submission is then, that the MN Claim group holds group rights and interests in
the whole of the Wongatha/MN overlap; that the
Wongatha Claim group does not
hold group rights and interests in any part of that overlap; but that particular
Wongatha claimants
who so prove, hold individual rights and interests in
‘my country’ areas within that overlap. The reference to ‘the
Koara and Wutha Peoples’ was introduced in the GLSC supplementary
submissions, and does not sit well with the context. However,
I treat the
submission as referring to those Koara and Wutha persons who have shown
connection in terms of a ‘my country’
relationship within the
overlap.
- It
may be taken that each of the four GLSC Claim groups takes a similar stance,
that is to say, that it rejects the group claim made
by any other overlapping
Claim groups to hold group rights and interests in any part of the area the
subject of the first Claim group’s
claim, but concedes that individual
claimants in overlapping Claim groups may hold individual rights and interests
in particular
‘my country’ areas within the first Claim
group’s Claim area.
- Like
the other GLSC applicants, the MN applicants do not seek to identify those
non-MN claimants who hold such individual rights and
interests in the
Wongatha/MN overlap. Nor do they seek to explain how, in day to day activities,
the MN claimants might identify
that sub-set of, for example, the Wongatha Claim
group, and be satisfied as to their entitlements.
- The
further difficulty with the GLSC ‘sharing’ concept is pointed out by
the Cosmo applicant in his reply
submission:
tension between the various
arguments of the GLSC Applicants is most evident in the case of the
Mantjintjarra Ngalia submissions.
The requirement for the native title holders
in respect of this overlap area to all establish a “my country”
relationship,
and the reservation of rights to “speak for country”
and undertake heritage surveys to only those people, all attest
to exclusive
native title. Even in the attempt to somehow resolve this situation with the
simultaneous assertions of common non-exclusive
rights and interests, the
submissions infer the inherent right of the owners to have an opinion about
other people accessing their
country: “The claimants revealed that
they have no difficulty with neighbouring people coming on to their country for
the purposes of seasonal
hunting, gathering and camping.”
[a quotation from GLSC supplementary submission]. This evidence only
goes to support the arguments of the Cosmo Newberry Respondents in relation to
exclusive native title that is held
in accordance with traditional laws and
customs that regulate contingent rights. It is completely inconsistent to submit
the existence
of “shared rights” with non-claimants yet acknowledge
the need for non-claimants to obtain permission to access and use
the country
[a reference to GLSC supplementary
submissions].’
(d) Holders of the common or group rights comprising the native title
- I
quoted at [2041] above from the MN applicants’ submission relevant to this
topic. The MN applicants rely on Appendices D2(b)
(‘Claimant groups
– Group Identity – Mantjintjarra Ngalia’) and evidence
referred to at 5.5(a) above, C1(b) (‘Rights and Interests –
Decisions – Mantjintjarra Ngalia’, and evidence of Phyllis Thomas),
B3(b) (‘Evidence in relation to Tjukurr’) and B1(b)
(‘Traditional Laws and Customs – Ngurra – Mantjintjarra
Ngalia’ and evidence relating to Tjukurr and ngurra referred
to below). The MN applicants also refer to the evidence of members of other
Claim groups, notably, the Wongatha and Cosmo
Claim groups, who recognised, in
one way or another, a connection between certain MN claimants and certain places
or areas.
- The
State refers to the MN submission set out at [2041] above.
- The
State submits that according to that submission, the common or group rights
comprising the ‘native title’ are held
by ‘a composite group
that includes Wongatha, Koara and Wutha people’, and that this weighs
against the GLSC submission
to the effect that authorisation of separate
applications by each of those groups can amount to compliance with requirements
of s 61A of the NTA. I read the MN submission differently. I read that
paragraph as a submission that ‘the particular [group] native
title
claimed’ is held by the MN Claim group alone, and not by that group plus
the additional Wongatha, Koara and Wutha individuals
referred to. It is true
that the words ‘together with’ in the submission could be taken to
mean that the group rights
and interests are held by the composite group
described by the State, but in all the circumstances, I construe the submission
to
assert that the MN people hold the particular bundle of group rights and
interests claimed in the MN application in the Wongatha/MN
overlap, while
acknowledging that individual Wongatha claimants hold unidentified individual
rights and interests in parts of that
overlap.
- There
remains, however, the fundamental problem noted elsewhere. On one view, the MN
Claim group claims to be the only holder of
group rights and interests
in, say, the Wongatha/MN overlap, conceding that individual Wongatha claimants
may have individual rights and interests in smaller ‘my
country’ parts of it. But by making the Wongatha Claim, for example, the
Wongatha
applicants assert that all Wongatha claimants have native title
rights and interests in the Wongatha/MN overlap, at least by being members of a
group that has
group rights and interests in that area. For their part, the
Wongatha applicants concede that non-Wongatha individuals have individual
rights
and interests in particular ‘my country’ parts of the Wongatha Claim
area, but not that an overlapping Claim group
has group rights and
interests in any overlap area. Each other GLSC Claim group takes the same
position, mutatis mutandis. Why does each GLSC Claim group not concede
that each other GLSC Claim group has group rights and interests in the
respective overlaps? It is odd that each GLSC Claim group has no difficulty in
propounding its own group
claim to group rights and interests in, relevantly, an
overlap, while not accepting that all the members of an overlapping GLSC Claim
group have rights and interests in the overlap qua members of the
overlapping Claim group.
- The
true position, as concluded elsewhere, is that the Claim groups are not
traditional landholding groups, and that there are no
group rights and interests
in the respective Claim areas, the various Claim groups having been constructed
in recent times to make
claims under the NTA.
5.6 RELEVANT TRADITIONAL LAWS AND CUSTOMS
(a)(b) Nature and content of traditional laws and customs still acknowledged and
observed; Acknowledgement and observance of laws
and customs by the members of
the Claim group and their ancestors since sovereignty
- The
MN applicants submit:
laws and customs
revealed by the evidence as being currently observed by the Mantjintjarra Ngalia
applicants [sic claimants], are identifiable as traditional laws and
customs, on the basis that they largely accord and conform with those
traditional laws and
customs observed at sovereignty, with necessary
adaptations.’
- The
MN applicants refer to their adoption of the Wongatha POC, and, in particular,
of para 4’s reference to the ‘Tjukurr’ (Dreaming)
and ngurra or ‘a person’s birth-place, camp or a more
extensive area’. They refer to the discussion of a person’s
traditional
rights and interests that arise in relation to his or her
ngurra in the Vachon/de Gand primary anthropological report, the
de Gand supplementary anthropological report, and the Wongatha
primary
anthropological report.
- The
MN applicants refer to para 5 of the Wongatha POC adopted by them and to
the 21 classes of activity there mentioned by which
they say they have
maintained, as far as practicable, traditional connection with the Wongatha/MN
overlap.
- A
particular difficulty with the MN Claim group’s submissions is that the
structure of them conforms neither to the structure
of the Wongatha submissions,
nor to that of the Koara and Wutha submissions. The MN submissions commence
with ‘Tjukurr’, having omitted the Wongatha ‘(a)
Men’s law’ and ‘(b) Women’s law’, then later
switch to the
structure of Koara 6.6 and Wutha 7.6, then later,
under the heading ‘Further activities’, return to the Wongatha
structure, then later again address additional
laws and customs. The only safe
course for me to follow is, I believe, to adhere to the MN applicants’
structure of their
5.6 submissions.
- The
State does not address separately, Tjukurr, ngurra and the
‘activities showing customs and traditions’ referred to by the MN
applicants. However, Groups 5B/5F do so.
The State refers generally to its
submissions responding to the MN submissions at 5.3 and to its responses
to GLSC Appendices A and B, set out under the headings ‘4.7
Relevant Traditional laws and customs’ and ‘4.8(b) Connection
of members of the applicant group to the claim area’. In relation to
Tjukurr and ngurra, the State repeats its submissions at
4.7, and submits that for the most part, the testimony of MN witnesses,
and indeed witnesses from other GLSC Claim groups, is not materially
distinguishable from that given by witnesses who profess to be members of the
Wongatha Claim group.
- Group
6A repeats its submissions at 4.7 and adopts the submissions of the State
and of Groups 5B/5F.
(1) Tjukurr
- Vachon/de Gand
state:
there is strong evidence for
continuity of “tradition” during the more recent history of
Aboriginal occupation of the
Overlap and adjacent lands, it should be discerned
in the claimants’ knowledge and practice relating to Tjukurr
– the basis of Western Desert laws and customs.’
The MN applicants refer to a statement by
Vachon/de Gand that the tjikurr is a ‘fundamental aspect of
Western Desert laws and customs.’ In substance, knowledge and practice
related to the Tjukurr should be a litmus test of continued
acknowledgement and observance of Western Desert laws and customs.
- The
MN applicants refer to GLSC Appendix B3b ‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia –
Tjukurr (Dreamings)’ and Appendix C4b, ‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia
– Transmission of Knowledge’. They do so by reference
to in the
Vachon/de Gand report headed ‘The Dreamtime, the claimants and the Darlot
Mob’.
- The
MN applicants refer to the testimony of Wongatha witnesses discussed at
4.7. They refer to an ‘attached Dreaming Map (Map 5)’ as
showing dreaming tracks crossing into neighbouring claim areas.
Apparently the
reference should be to the map in GLSC Appendix F4 (entitled ‘Map 4
‘Tjukurr Places (Open)’), and identifies sites within,
relevantly, the Wongatha/MN overlap associated with particular Dreamings. Map
4
identifies the following Dreamtime sites noted in the Wongatha/MN overlap:
Wati Kutjarra, Seven Sisters, Marlu, Tjilkamarta, Mallee Hen,
Eagle Hawk, Honey Ant, Goanna, Papa, Waltji and Dragonfly. The MN
applicants also refer to restricted men’s and women’s evidence.
- A
difficulty I have with Map 4 is that although it shows a number of sites
within the Wongatha/MN overlap (some sites are associated
with more than one
Dreaming), the significance to be made of this depends on the evidence given in
relation to the respective sites
and Dreamings. Generally speaking, the
testimony of claimants in relation to Tjukurr was of a very general kind
and hardly any of the witnesses had a detailed knowledge of the story or stories
associated with sites.
(Phyllis Thomas’s account of the story of the
blind man and his wife referred to at [2079] below is an exception.)
- Groups
5B/5F rely on their submissions in relation to Tjukurr. I accept their
submission that in order to ascertain whether the MN Claim group as a whole
observes and acknowledges the Tjukurr, it is necessary to consider the
number of MN claimants (there are 279 LIP listed MN claimants) who
testified about Tjukurr and the nature of their testimony.
- It
must be recalled that Mr Vachon agreed that it is not just knowledge of the
Tjukurr that matters, and that at the very core of the body of Western
Desert traditional laws and customs are:
- a responsibility
to learn and to teach the Tjukurrpa through the constant and repetitive
involvement in song and dance ceremonies;
- knowledge by all
adults of important ritual sites, if only so that they can be
avoided.
- In
their principal report, Pannell/Vachon make their ‘core elements’
and ‘plan of life’ statement that was
set out at 4.7(a)(b)(3)
[1516]. They continued:
the various
Tjukurr are known to the claimants in the form of landscape features and
cultural narratives, Tjukurr not only denotes certain physical entities
but also signifies a range of relationships. Anthropologists sometimes describe
the relationship
between a person and a Tjukurr in terms of totemism, eg
local totems, dream totems and so on. For the Wongatha claimants, the
relationship between Tjukurr, person and a place is best encapsulated by
the Western Desert concept of ngurra.’ (my
emphasis)
Mr Vachon agreed that, in broad terms, the traditional law and custom which
both the Wongatha and MN Claim groups profess to have
is based on Western Desert
law and custom and is the same. Mr de Gand also agreed that the same
traditional laws and customs
are practised and recognised by the Wongatha and MN
groups and that they are both Western Desert groups. I accept, therefore, that
the observations are also Tjukurr is relevant to the MN Claim.
- I
discussed at [1517] the meaning and significance of the Pannell/Vachon
‘core elements’ and ‘plan of life’
statements.
- The
MN applicants largely do not rely on the testimony of Paddy Walker, Kado Muir,
Dolly Walker, and Eric Thomas, except to the extent
referred to by cross
references to their submissions in Ch 4, no doubt on the basis that Dolly
Walker, Paddy Walker and Kado Muir
sought to give evidence as members
of the competing NK 2 Claim, and in support of that Claim, while
Eric Thomas is a Wongatha
claimant. Nor do the MN applicants rely on the
evidence of Hudson Westlake, Nowie Westlake, Wayne Westlake, and Justine
Westlake,
who are also Cosmo claimants. While there is no overlap between the
MN and Cosmo Claims, it was not clear from their evidence whether
these
witnesses claim rights and interests in the MN Claim area.
- I
will now address the testimony given by MN claimants in relation to the
Tjukurr.
- Troy
Chapman, who was born in 1976, spoke of the Goanna Dreaming at Lawut. He
said that his knowledge of the story was that the black goanna
was up high on
top of the rirra and was angry when the ‘normal goanna’ went
up to his hill, since each had his own rock hole. They fought and there
was
lightening in the distance. Mr Chapman
added:
so that’s the story. So most
likely they fighting over the water, you know, who has the most
water.’
Importantly, Troy Chapman said that he learned the story from Phyllis Thomas
only about three or four years before giving evidence,
when he went out with
‘anthropologists and archaeologists’ on a trip in connection with
preparation of the native title
claim. He said he had ‘learnt a lot about
all this country’ by going out with the anthropologists.
- Troy
Chapman also said that a couple of years before he testified (that would be in
about the year 2000) his Aunty Phyllis Thomas
told him a Seven Sisters Dreaming
about Lawut. Asked to tell the story, he
said:
more likely Seven Sisters got a hold
of one man, and they had a fight at Lawut, and they dragged him round and
that’s how the
Claypan was made.’
- Thus,
in relation to Lawut Claypan, Troy Chapman had learned two stories from
Phyllis Thomas in or around the year 2000: a Seven
Sisters story, and a Goanna
story. Troy Chapman’s evidence referred to above was given by him
before he was initiated.
He was initiated during the hearing.
- The
MN applicants submit that Nancy Gordon gave ‘particularly
pertinent evidence’ to the Tjukurr and its relationship to the
Wongatha/MN overlap. Her relevant testimony is as
follows:
Gordon: There is a Tjukurr story at
Rirrti [Empress Spring]. I am not quite sure – I am unsure of that
Tjukurr story, but it’s been told to me but I can’t – I
haven’t
sort of really, you know, understood
it.
Walker: Well, what is a Tjukurr
...
Gordon: But my father’s own Tjukurr at time of
conception is the Mallee Hen.
Walker: How do you know
that?
Gordon: Because we just knew that we not allowed to
– I mean, he don’t like eating Mallee Hens and
that.
Walker: Right. And what is that Tjukurr
story?
Gordon: I can’t tell you because I don’t
know. It’s something to do with the eagle and all
that.
Walker: Right. I’m not asking about a
particular story, but I’m actually asking what it means in general terms
when you
use the words “Tjukurr
story”?
Gordon: Well, that’s – you know –
that’s part of the Dreaming and – and it’s the creation of
that,
you know.
Walker: Of that
what?
Gordon: Of that country and
that.
Walker: Yes, thank you. Now when your father said
that his Tjukurr was Mallee Hen, did he refer to any particular country in that
regard?
Gordon: It was around that
area.
Walker: Which area to be
clear?
Gordon: That
Rirrti.’
Rirrti (Empress Spring) is in the far north-eastern corner of the
Wongatha Claim area and within the Wongatha/MN overlap.
- Nancy Gordon
was born in the bush at Broad Arrow ‘around 1946’ and in speaking of
her late father, Jack Gordon,
appears to have been speaking of things she
learned as a girl, in say the 1950s or 1960s. Her father died in 1969.
- Groups
5B/5F point out that Nancy Gordon said that she had undertaken studies at
Curtin University and obtained a bachelor’s
degree and a postgraduate
diploma, the bachelor’s degree being in Indigenous Community Management
and Development, and the
diploma being in Indigenous Research and Development.
Groups 5B/5F ask me to infer that the general knowledge of Tjukurr which
Nancy Gordon demonstrated may have been gained in the course of her
university research. I do not draw that inference.
For a start, it was not put
to her in cross-examination that she had gained the knowledge in that way.
Second, it is fanciful to
think that she would have learned of her own
father’s Tjukurr at the time of his conception in the course of her
university research. Third, her research and development topic concerned fringe
dwellers at Kalgoorlie/Boulder, a topic that has nothing to do with a conception
totem or Tjukurr. Fourth, while I suppose it is possible that
Nancy Gordon acquired some general knowledge concerning the Tjukurr
in the course of her university studies, the titles of her degree and her
diploma hardly suggest it.
- The
fact remains, however, that the most that can be said is that her father may
have known Tjukurr stories, but, if so, the evidence does not establish
that they have been passed down to Ms Gordon. Ms Gordon did not
testify
as to the content of any story, or as to any relationship between any
story and any part of the Wongatha/MN overlap. Her evidence
can be summarised
as being that she thought there was a Tjukurr story that had something to
do with the eagle connected with Rirrti (Empress Spring), and that her
father’s conception totem
was the Mallee Hen which her family was not
allowed to eat.
- Kalman Murphy
testified, at Salt Soak at Yilindu, not far from Lawut Claypan, some 26 km
south of Mulga Queen. Kalman Murphy said that
he knew only a little bit
about the place and said that there was a woman digging honey ants there when
suddenly a man named ‘Yula’
at the side was ‘perving on the
woman’. He said that the occasion of his testifying was the first time he
had been to
the site, adding ‘I don’t know much about the Story
about this place here, you know’. (Other witnesses said that
Yula was the
male character in the Seven Sisters story.)
- Kalman Murphy
also referred to a dog Dreaming associated with Mount Leonora, also called
Gwalia Hill, which is very close to
the town of Leonora (Leonora and Gwalia are
within the Wongatha Claim area, but about 45 km south of the southern boundary
of the
MN Claim area). He said that he learned the story from his brothers
Clarrie and Reynold and Hudson Westlake (all watis). When asked if he
knew other places out in the bush that he learned about from people, he said
that he did not know any Dreaming
around Leonora, apart from the dog Dreaming.
- As
noted below, Kalman Murphy, a wati, gave restricted men’s evidence
in relation to the Papa Ngalia (Dingo Man) and Wati Kutjarra
(Two Men) Tjukurrpa stories. He told about where the Wati
Kutjarra came from and their interactions with dogs and of the movements of
some of the Tjukurrpa characters following those interactions. He said
that the only part of the story that is ‘open’ is that one of the
dingoes
was killed by the Wati Kutjarra. He pointed out certain features
of the landscape which are, or represent, some of these Tjukurrpa
characters and the results of some of their actions. Some of the features were
close to Leonora and Menzies, and towards Southern
Cross.
- Adele Phillips
said that her father (Johnny Phillips) showed her a place near Mulga Queen
associated with the ‘Honey ant Tjukurr’, but that she had
forgotten the name of the place. She said that he also showed her a place
associated with the Bardi Tjukurr at Yundamindra. She said that there
was a big Yapu (stone) there with a Bardi lying down (see
T6417-8). Mulga Queen is, but Yundamindra is not, within the MN Claim
area. Yundamindra is in the southern part of the Wongatha Claim area.
Adele Phillips is an MN (and NK 1) claimant, but Johnny Phillips
is a Wongatha claimant.
- Elton Polak
said that he had no knowledge of the content of Tjukurr, beyond saying
that he knew of a ‘Honey Ants Dreamtime’ place that was blown up a
few years ago. He did not say what
the story was or identify the place.
- Phyllis Thomas
had considerable knowledge concerning Dreamtime stories. She told in detail a
story of a blind man and his wife who crossed the
Victoria Desert from the
Spinifex. I need not recount the story. She said that Johnny Phillips
brought that story from somewhere
in the Spinifex and gave it to her and others.
She said they made him ‘sit down and talk’. She said that he could
‘tell
a good Tjukurr ... but now he’s had a stroke and his
speech is not too good’.
- Asked
whether the story about the blind man and his wife was for any particular place,
she said that it was ‘for anyone who
want[s] to pass it on to the
next’.
- Phyllis Thomas
also referred to a Dreamtime story about the Wati Kutjarra (two young
warriors). She said that they travelled from Darlot (within the Koara Claim
area and just outside the Wongatha Claim
area), down to Lawut Claypan (about 24
km almost due south of Mulga Queen, and within the Wongatha/MN overlap) where
they rested
for a while, then flew across, zigzagging, to Laverton and Mount
Margaret, then back to Leonora, then back to Darlot. So they travelled
across
the MN Claim area and ‘other Wangkayi countries: Waljen, Koara’.
She said that they were like ‘a hit man’
sent out to check on
people. On Map 4, Lawut is shown as a site associated with the Wati
Kutjarra and three other Dreamings.
- Phyllis
Thomas also told the ngarnamarra and warnampi (mallee hen and
water snake) Dreamtime story associated with a site in the Murphy Ranges,
between Laverton and Mulga Queen and within
the MN/Wongatha overlap. She said
that the story was not pika ngurlu. She described two pinnacles where
the hen sat down and laid her eggs. A water snake (warnampi) that lived
in a creek, not far from the mallee hen, swallowed the hen and the eggs. A site
associated with the mallee hen at Murphy
Hills is shown on Map 4.
- The
MN applicants submit ([997]) that this testimony of Phyllis Thomas
shows:
wide-ranging extent across the GLSC
applicant claim areas of this dreaming, and how members of the Western Desert
cultural block are
united through this concept, and its particular myths, and
the heroic exploits of these dream time
figures.’
I accept the submission. A similar observation could be made in relation to
the Seven Sisters story.
- Phyllis Thomas’s
testimony was precise and detailed as to the story about the blind man, but she
did not associate it with
any particular place within the Wongatha/MN overlap.
The travels of the Wati Kutjarra and the ngarnamarra to which she
referred, however, did cross that overlap.
- Phyllis Thomas
said that there was a Parnparnpalala Dreamtime story. She also said that
there were ‘rockholes Dreaming time stories’. She said it was
important to keep
the Dreamtime stories and not to throw them away; that it was
important to pass them onto the younger generation; and that she has
passed on
the stories to her daughters who have passed them on to their own children.
- Phyllis Thomas
stated that she knew the Seven Sisters story but would not say anything about it
for the time being, because she
understood it was to be told the following day
on site at Salt Soak. Phyllis Thomas also said that she knew Eagle Hawk,
Cockatoo
and Crow Dreamtime stories. She said that the Eagle Hawk
Dreamtime story related to Empress Spring, which she, as a woman, was not to
talk about because it belonged to
‘the men’s business all
that’.
- Phyllis Thomas
asserted that Tjukurr (Dreamtime) is the basis of the claim to country
and that in relation to claims which overlapped the MN Claim area, saying
‘If
they don’t bring their Tjukurr out, they haven’t
got it [a claim to country within the Wongatha/MN overlap]’. This
testimony, therefore, was that entitlement
to country depends on knowledge,
perhaps familiarity, with the Tjukurr associated with an area. I
referred earlier at 3.6(c)(3) [844] ff to evidence that an area
framed by associated Tjukurr sites and tracks was the subject matter of
rights and interests in country.
- The
MN applicants also cite Phyllis Thomas’s testimony, that she had been
visiting Mount Gerard (also called Mount Toohey
– near Lake Wells and the
De La Poer Nature Reserve) before the advent of native title, and has
continued to do so
since. She said: ‘[w]e have good reason to want to
visit Mount Gerard, because we have sites there, and Dreamtime stories.
As we
go along, and we pull up and show our children, and talk to them about it. And
that's what we should be doing, teaching the
children our culture and
heritage.’ She also said there are two big claypans there, and that to
the east of Mount Gerard,
near Lake Wells, is a men’s site and a
women’s site. She did not give any details of the Dreamings at these
sites.
She described going out there and said that she that ‘they’
go out there, taking watis with them every year. She said that she has
taken her daughters, Sophia and Leanne Thomas, there and that the men who had
been going
out were FB, MW, his recently deceased brother, and Mindi Chapman
(all MN claimants).
- The
MN applicants refer to gender restricted testimony as supporting the
acknowledgement and observance by the MN claimants of the
Tjukurr.
However, only the testimony given at one site, Murphy Hills/Cox’s Find,
related to a place within the MN Claim area, and,
as I have explained elsewhere,
the intended witness did not attend and the evidence that ‘substitute
witnesses’ were
able to give did not advance matters. Dolly Walker
gave gender restricted evidence at Makarra, but she testified in support
of the
cases of the NK 1 and NK 2 claimants, and said that she wished to
disassociate herself from the MN Claim. In any
event, Makarra is only
15 km north-east of Leonora, well south of the southern boundary of the MN
Claim area.
Conclusion on ‘Tjukurr’
- I
accept that Phyllis Thomas has a very good knowledge of Dreamtime stories.
I have recounted the testimony of certain other
MN claimants above.
- There
are real difficulties as to which Claim group or Claim groups the extensive
knowledge of Dreamtime stories possessed by Dolly
Walker, Paddy Walker and Kado
Muir are to count for. As noted at [2175] below, I count their knowledge as
that of the NK 1 and NK
2 Claim groups, not the MN Claim group. Similarly,
Hudson Westlake, Nowie Westlake and Justine Westlake all gave some evidence of
knowledge of the Tjukurr, but I have counted it in Ch 8 as evidence
of the Cosmo Claim group’s knowledge, not that of the MN Claim group.
- Another
difficulty is the position of FB, who had had a stroke and could not speak. I
accept, on the basis of the evidence of others,
that he had a rich store of
knowledge of Dreamtime stories.
(2) Ngurra
- The
MN applicants refer to Appendices B1b and F3b (‘Mantjintjarra
Ngalia’ – Use of ‘Ngurra’/Ngurrara’
and other similar terms’) and F3b (Mantjintjarra Ngalia – ‘my
country’) to the GLSC submissions, and, in
particular, to the testimony of
Phyllis Thomas, Kalman Murphy, Mindi Chapman and
Troy Chapman. Additionally,
they refer to the Vachon/de Gand primary
report; and the de Gand supplementary report. They also rely on Map 3B in
Appendix
F4 as showing the places that the indigenous witnesses identified
‘as the places where they were born or grew up; and, in that
way and to
that extent, the places to which such witnesses have expressed a personal
“my country” identification’
(Map 3B also includes similar
areas for ancestors). Map 3B is entitled ‘Connection to country/Group
Identification –
Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants. Birth places, Growing Up
of claimants and ancestors.’
- As
ever, the problems with the maps demonstrate themselves. There are no
transcript references or other means given of linking the
places shown with
particular MN claimants or testimony, and there is no indication of places
outside the Wongatha/MN overlap where
MN claimants or their ancestors were born
or grew up. I do not know how many of the growing up symbols on the map refer
to the same
person.
- Map
3B identifies places of birth with a yellow square and places of growing up with
a black cross. There are three yellow squares
and eight black crosses within
the Wongatha/MN overlap. This seems to represent a very small proportion of the
total number of the
MN claimants and their ancestors, even after allowance is
made for the fact that the Wongatha/MN overlap is only, in my estimation,
approximately one-third of the total MN Claim area, and the fact that each place
indicated on the map may represent the place of
birth or of growing up of more
than one MN claimant. (For example, Coral Chapman, MM and Clarrie Murphy
were all born at Mulga
Queen.)
- The
MN applicants submit that ‘those places, taken together, have a very large
geographic spread across the [Wongatha/MN] Overlap
area. They include
Rirrti (Empress Spring), Lake Wells, Nambi, Cox Find, Mulga Queen and
various other locations’. The MN applicants
submit:
effect, and taking into account the
geographic and environmental realities of the area, and their impacts on orbits
of occupation
and movement, the whole of the Overlap is embraced by the totality
of the individual “my country” relationships held
by individual
claim group members; and the rights and interests of the group as a whole, or in
a corporate sense, arise from the
aggregation of those relationships and the
“connectedness” of the
members.’
In the north-eastern two-thirds of the Wongatha MN overlap, there is a place
of birth at Rirrti (Empress Spring) and one at Miltji,
and a place of growing up
at Lake Wells. In the
south-western third, there is one place of birth
(Mulga Queen) and six places of growing up. I do not regard this as embracing
the
whole Wongatha/MN overlap, but if more were known, ‘place’ might
signify a larger or smaller area, depending on the circumstances
of the
individual case. By the expression in the submission, ‘taking into
account the geographic and environmental realities
of the area’, the MN
applicants probably intended to indicate that there are substantial parts of the
MN Claim area in which
birth and growing up would be impossible. But this begs
the question: why are those parts included? The point is that the MN Claim
area
is not an entity recognised under traditional Western Desert laws and customs,
and birth or growing up in one part cannot necessarily
be taken as indicating
anything in relation to any other part. In saying this, I do not overlook the
fact that by naming a place,
Aboriginal people would intend to refer to a larger
area.
- In
effect, Map 3B, like other similar maps in Appendix 4, is only a graphic
illustration of a submission, and while I have found it
helpful in that respect,
I cannot give any weight to the map, without first reconstructing from the
testimony of the MN witnesses
the process by which the sites on the map must
have been identified – a task I will not undertake.
- The
passage quoted above again illustrates the non-group nature of the rights and
interests to which the evidence refers. The submission
is that there are
individual rights and interests which someone has aggregated to make up a claim
by a group formed for the purpose,
of group rights and interests (see
3.6(c)(4)).
- When
considering the testimony of the MN claimants, we must remember that according
to the MN POC, the criteria of connection relied
on are:
- (a) birth
and growing up in the MN Claim area; or
- (b) ancestor’s
‘country’ within the MN Claim
area.
and,
of course, recognition by the other members of the MN Claim group.
- The
passages in the testimony of Phyllis Thomas relied on all involve
her using the word ngurra in the sense of a specific camp or camping
site. While her use of the expression may indicate a tie to the specific place
where the
camp is, it does nothing to the assist identifying the extent of the
country claimed.
- There
is much further testimony of Phyllis Thomas contained in the transcript
extracts in GLSC Appendix F3b. She said that she
was interested in only two
ngurra – Mount Margaret and Mulga Queen. She said that she calls
both her ngurra. She said that Mount Margaret (meaning, no doubt, the
Mission) had done a lot for her. She said that Mount Margaret and Mulga
Queen
are equally important to her, even though she does not live at Mount Margaret.
She said she goes there every year.
- Phyllis Thomas
said that Mount Margaret was her ‘heritage where I was brought up and all
that’. She said that she
had reflected on her testimony that Mount
Margaret was her ngurra, and said that the better way of expressing it
was that it was her ‘heritage’ and not her ngurra, because
she had been forced to live there (at the Mission). She said that Leonora was
also part of her heritage rather than her
ngurra:
my heritage. That’s my
yiwarra. Like my mother had a yiwarra run, and I got a
yiwarra run too.’
- In
saying that she was ‘forced’ to live at the Mission, Ms Thomas
was referring to the fact that the police had been
looking for children to take
them away to Mogumber. She explained: ‘My mother would blacken me with
burnt sandalwood seed
to make me look darker [to make her appear to be a full
blood, rather than a half caste]’. She said that the Mount Margaret
area
was Waljen country, and it would not be right for her to claim that country
under her own name.
- Phyllis Thomas
said that Mulga Queen was her ngurra because it was her mother’s
ngurra. Her father’s ngurra, on the other hand, was
Tjirrkarli and further east. She said that nobody had told her that her
mother’s ngurra was her own ngurra, then, confusingly,
concluded:
I’m thinking on the
heritage side. If I’m allowed to have two ngurras. If I’m not
allowed to, what would I call
Mt Margaret? Maybe heritage or what? I want that
made clear to me because Mt Margaret has been my
ngurra.’
So far as her Mulga Queen ngurra is concerned, she included kapi
Lawut, German Well, Banjawarn and Biddy’s Patch.
- Phyllis Thomas
said that she had been told that when her mother was young, she had lived in
country around Mulga Queen and right
back to Tjirrkarli, Empress Spring and
Mangkili Claypan. She said the old people including her mother had roamed
around till they
stopped at Mulga Queen. ‘They been here a long time,
they never – they never go and claim no other land’. She
said she
understood her mother’s country was ‘here’ (meaning at Mulga
Queen) because she (Phyllis Thomas)
saw the wiltjas, puris
and remains of cooking pits there. She said that because her mother was around
Mulga Queen, under Wangkayi law, it was her mother’s
country and it became
her country. She said that after her mother passed away, her mother’s
sisters, who looked after her,
said that her late mother’s yiwarra
went from Tjirrkarli, Empress Spring and Mangkili down to Lake Wells. She said
that Lake Wells, Tjirrkarli, Mangkili, Empress Spring
and Miltji all formed part
of her mother’s yiwarra. Phyllis Thomas said that she had never
been to Tjirrkarli but had been as far as Lake Wells (Yili Yili).
- Phyllis Thomas
said that Mulga Queen was her ngurra and that ‘it’s
ngurrara where the claim been put, ngurrara’. She
was born on the outskirts of Laverton, and between her birth and her entering
the Mission, she lived at Claypan (on the Laverton/Cosmo
road), Mulga Queen,
Hootanui, Stockwhip and Blanket (called by miners, ‘Famous Well’,
and to be distinguished from Famous
Blue close by), and Cosmo. Apparently she
lived at Mulga Queen on two occasions during the first eight and a half years of
her life;
first, after camping at Claypan with Mr and Mrs Bond, when she
said they went ‘back home to Mulga Queen’ where they
‘lived in
a wiltja’, and, second, following the death of her mother when the
family went from Cosmo ‘back to Mulga Queen’ and stayed
there
‘for a while’. Accordingly, Phyllis Thomas spent two periods
of unknown duration during her young childhood
at Mulga Queen.
- Asked
what things she does on her ngurra, she said that she teaches the
children how to dig honey ants and ‘hunting Aboriginal way’.
- Phyllis
Thomas’s claim to ngurra is typical of those made by the claimants
in the case. First, it does not conform to traditional Western Desert laws and
customs
by identifying a subject area by reference, directly or indirectly, to
Tjukurr sites and tracks. Second, it is actually a claim based on an
ancestor’s ‘run’ or ‘range’ or ‘roaming
area’, that is to say, an area to which the ancestor had multiple pathways
of connection that were related to use or ‘occupation’
of the
land.
- Kalman Murphy
spoke of Mulga Queen and the area around it as his ngurra. He said that
Aboriginal people from elsewhere, such as Menzies, were welcome to come there,
provided they came to the Mulga Queen
Community and saw his Aunty Phyllis
to ask where to go to hunt.
- The
evidence does not reveal precisely what area around Mulga Queen
Kalman Murphy had in mind, but I take it to be relatively
small. I refer
below to the places around Mulga Queen that he knows.
- Kalman Murphy
was born at Kalgoorlie Regional Hospital in 1975 at a time when his parents were
living on the Leonora Aboriginal
Reserve (south of the MN Claim area). At the
time of testifying, he was 26 years old and living at the Nambi Village in
Leonora.
He said that two of his brothers were born at Mulga Queen, while his
other brother and his sister were born in Leonora. Kalman Murphy
said that
as a child he lived at the Leonora Reserve, first with his parents, but also
with Phyllis Thomas. He said that as
a child he probably came more than
once from the Leonora Reserve up to Mulga Queen and Banjawarn Station (most of
that station is
within the northern boundary of the Wongatha Claim area) with
his parents, and returned to Leonora Reserve.
- Kalman Murphy
said that as a boy he may have come up to Mulga Queen with relatives, because he
had been told he had been as far
north (of Leonora) as Banjawarn Station. When
he was about 10, he went to Naburu Hostel in Leonora, and after schooling worked
with
his uncle, Mindi Chapman, on Banjawarn and Melrose Stations. He was
taught by relatives about hunting and bush tucker in the
bush about 60 km out of
Leonora, at places such as Nambi. He said that as to places around Mulga Queen,
he knew only Waterfalls,
Puntin Soak and Horseshoe Bend and Minga Well
having first gone to Waterfalls when he was mustering on Banjawarn with his
uncle, Mindi Chapman. It was also his uncle Mindi
Chapman, who took
him and his brother to Puntin Soak for the first time when he was 17, to camp
there and to muster.
- He
first lived at Mulga Queen ‘when this place was put up’. His aunty
Phyllis Thomas gave him, his mother and his
brother Reynold a house to live
in. He estimated he was probably about 20 years old at the time. That would be
about 1995. He
said that the present Aboriginal Community at Mulga Queen is
fairly recent and he did not know if there was anything there before
that (in
fact the present Mulga Queen Community dates from the early 1980s). He also
said that he lived at Mulga Queen for about
a year with his wife and children,
then left to work for the Leonora Shire. However, he visits Mulga Queen
regularly. (It is difficult
to reconcile the statement that he, his mother and
brother went to Mulga Queen to live when the community was established, and that
he was about 20 years old when they did so.)
- Kalman Murphy
was not born in the MN Claim area and did not grow up in it. His attachment to
Mulga Queen and the area around
it is due to his attachment to his aunty Phyllis
Thomas. She raised him in Leonora for some six months, and, as noted above, she
gave him, his mother and his brother a house at Mulga Queen to live in. There
is obviously a family tie. His work with Mindi Chapman
on Banjawarn and
Melrose Stations also seems to have taken place within the MN Claim area.
- It
is difficult to see that Kalman Murphy satisfies the criteria for
membership of the MN Claim group through the ‘birth
and growing up’
criterion of connection. His mother told him her ngurra was Mulga Queen,
Tjirrkarli and Cosmo. He said his father came from Tikatika on the other side
(east) of the Warburton Ranges.
- He
said Tjirrkarli is ‘like home’ to him because his thamu and
granny came from there, and were born there. He said he can claim men’s
places around Tjirrkarli, where his family came
from, now that he is a man
(wati).
- Kalman Murphy
said that his ngurra that he can claim is the Mulga Queen country and the
open flat country nearby (where his brothers MM and Clarrie were born) and
wherever
there are old camps, north, south, east and west of Mulga Queen. He
also said that the line of rockholes from Tjirrkarli to Mulga
Queen was his
country too because his family came from there. Asked how far his ngurra
goes, he said ‘I wouldn’t have a clue’. His mother and
brothers and sisters told him that the Mulga Queen area
was his country. He
also said that his aunty Phyllis Thomas, uncle Mindi Chapman and aunty Coral
Chapman told him his mother’s
ngurra was at Mulga Queen. He said
he was first told this when he was about 17 years old (nine years previously
– in about 1993).
- Apparently,
then, Kalman Murphy claims a ngurra at Mulga Queen and its immediate
vicinity, on the basis that it was his mother’s ngurra.
- Mindi Chapman
said that ngurra meant ‘camp’, whereas ngurrara meant
‘country’. Asked where his ngurra and ngurrara were,
he answered in each case Alexander Manngu (Wakamurru Manngu, Alexander Spring).
Mindi Chapman was born at Cosmo (outside
the MN Claim area), when his
parents were living in a wiltja there. His mother told him that she came
from Wakamurru Manngu (meaning ‘Eagle Nest’) or Alexander Spring
– about
17 km north-east of the north-easternmost point on the boundary of
the Wongatha Claim area, but within the MN Claim area. She also
told him that
she came from ‘Mangkili ... halfway to Tjirrkarli’. (Tjirrkarli is
outside both Wongatha and MN Claim
areas.) His father told him that he (the
father) came from Tjirrkarli and was born there, and that he and that he and
Mindi Chapman’s
mother were married when they walked from Alexander
Spring to Cosmo (where, it will be recalled, Mindi Chapman was born). That
walk,
assuming it to have been more or less direct, would have brought them into
the northern part of the Wongatha Claim area, down past
Empress Spring, on their
way to Cosmo. Mindi Chapman remembers living as a child with his parents in a
wiltja at Mulga Queen, and while still a child going back to Cosmo when
Mr Donegan was there. (Mr Donegan was appointed as Superintendent
of the
Cosmo Ration Depot in 1940, and remained there until the early 1950s.)
- He
said that he claimed his father’s country – Tjirrkarli and around
Mulga Queen. He said Tjirrkarli was his father’s
country because his
father was born there. Mindi Chapman said his own country was Tjirrkarli
and Wakamurru Manngu (Alexander
Spring). He also said that Lake Wells was his
country because he had walked around it as a boy, with his father, mother and
brother.
He said that his father told him a long time ago, when they were
living at Cosmo, that walking around a place as a child with your
parents makes
that place your country. Mindi Chapman also said that Lake Wells was his
father’s country. He said that
his mother’s country was Wakamurru
(Alexander Spring), Mangkili Claypan and Tjirrkarli.
- MM
said that Mulga Queen was his ‘country’ because his ‘old
people’ ‘walked around’ and ‘lived’
and
‘came from’ there, and because he was born there. He said it was
‘probably all around Mulga Queen’ because
the old people did not sit
in one place but roamed around. He said his country went south-west to
Banjawarn Station because the
old people travelled there. His country included
only part of Banjawarn, Biddy’s Patch, Flower’s Well, and Wala Wala,
where his father had a sandalwood camp, which is about a half hour’s drive
from Biddy’s Patch. He said his country did
not include Erlistoun or
Nambi Stations. He said that Patjar was his grandfather’s country, and
that Leonora was everyone’s
country and everyone claims it. Banjawarn
Station was his country because he worked there when he was a younger man, and
had ‘fond
and pleasant memories’ of the place. and because his
father worked there pulling sandalwood, and his grandmother lived at Flowers
Well.
- Troy Chapman
said that ngurra is the place where a person is born, and added
‘I’d say that ... it’s a place where you’re at home, at
home.
It’s just like this country’s got a big roof over the top of
it, and it’s like a big house, the country is.’
He said that his
ngurra was Mulga Queen and as big as the (MN) Claim, and extended to
Tjirrkarli and the (Mulga Queen side) of Banjawarn and Bandya Stations.
He said
it was his mother’s and grandfather’s (on his mother’s side)
country. His mother was born at Mulga Queen
and that is why it was her
country.
- He
said that his father came from the Central Desert, from the Warburton, Wanan and
Blackstone area. He said that Empress Spring
is part of his mother’s
ngurra because her own mother ‘came from’ there, that is,
‘that’s more likely where she walked from, and then she
came here
and made a ngurra’. His mother told him 10-11 years ago that the
Mulga Queen area was her ngurra. His mother was born at Mulga Queen and
her mother was born at Tjirrkarli and they came through the Lake Wells area.
- A
straight line from Tjirrkarli to Mulga Queen runs through Lake Wells.
Tjirrkarli is 375 km from Mulga Queen.
- Troy Chapman
said that Tjirrkarli was within the MN Claim area (it is not). Although
he affirmed that his mother’s country has the same boundaries
as the MN
Claim area, he also wrongly thought that Erlistoun Station was outside of the MN
Claim area (it is just within the MN southern
boundary). He said that Nambi and
Melrose Stations are not part of the MN Claim area (in fact, both are).
- Troy
Chapman said that ngurrara means ‘camp’ and that
ngurra has a similar meaning to ‘the place where you’re
actually staying in, and ngurrara is the place, is the country’.
He said that his claim to country was based on the fact that his mother was born
at Mulga Queen.
He said:
mother’s
side, more likely I’d take my mother’s side too, like
grandmother’s side, where they come from, so
she would more likely claim
her mother’s side too, so I have the right to claim my mother’s side
and my grandmother’s.’
He explained the more extensive reach of his claimed country was based on the
fact that his family had come from Tjirrkarli through
Lake Wells down to Mulga
Queen.
- Troy Chapman
claimed to know where the boundaries of the MN Claim area are
‘exactly’, but it is clear that he did
not. He is not to be
criticised for not knowing whether places are or within or outside the MN Claim
area. Generally speaking,
the evidence does not disclose the process by which
the boundaries of the various Claim areas were arrived at. I assume that those
indigenous people who took a leading role following the enactment of the NTA,
perhaps with professional advice in some cases, drew
them by reference to the
connections asserted by individuals to ‘my country’ areas. In
addition, there were negotiations,
resulting in agreements as to what was to be
claimed, and what was to be foregone, in various claims. This all combines to
show
the articifial nature of the Claim area boundaries, said to explain why a
person such as Troy Chapman could hardly be expected to
know what was in, and
what was out.
- Adele Phillips
said that her father Lawarr (Johnny Phillips) came from Yapupara (Baker
Lake), and that he has lived at Mulga Queen since he
was young. (It will be
recalled that Johnny Phillips could barely speak due to his having suffered
a stroke.) Adele Phillips
said that he told her he met her mother at Mulga
Queen. Johnny Phillips is a Wongatha claimant, but Adele’s mother was
Nellie
MacArthur (who is deceased), and the MacArthur family are MN
claimants.
- Another
MN claimant, Elton Polak (who lived in Kalgoorlie, and had just come
back to give his aunty, Phyllis Thomas, a hand ‘with all this
overlapping
and stuff’), said that he had spent close to about three of
his 25 years living in the Mulga Queen area. He said that he lived
at Mulga
Queen with Phyllis Thomas for about two years, at a time about four and a
half to five years prior to giving evidence.
He said that he would like to come
back to Mulga Queen one day and show his children how to hunt and live off the
land. He said
that Mulga Queen was his ngurra because all his people had
lived there: his aunty (Phyllis Thomas) and his thamu (Kupulutjanu).
He said his ngurra was not limited to Mulga Queen, but extended to places
where he camped during that two year period, namely, Flowers Well, Hootanui
and
Winter Camp. He said the old people, including Phyllis Thomas and ‘Granny
M’ (presumably MB), some of whom are deceased,
told him that Mulga Queen
was his ngurra because he camped out there and his ancestors had done so
too. He said, however, that Leonora was not his ngurra because it was
just a place where he stayed and was ‘reared up’. Asked why the
Mulga Queen area was his ngurra, Elton Polak gave the following
unclear reply:
they made a ngurra
everywhere, camp, you know, they follow from here, they went to here, and made a
camp here, ... and they come back this way and they
made a camp. They made a
camp everywhere. ... That’s why they say it’s their ngurra.
That’s why I’m saying it’s my
ngurra.’
In addition to the two year period mentioned, Elton Polak said that when
he was about 10 years old, he stayed at Mulga Queen
with his Uncle Eric and
Aunty Phyllis Thomas ‘a fair few times’.
- Apparently
Elton Polak was not born within the MN Claim area, and I do not conclude that he
‘grew’ up there on the slender
evidence he gave, of having, as a
ten-year old, stayed at Mulga Queen with the Thomases ‘a fair few
times’. He rejected
Leonora as his ngurra because it was only
where he was ‘reared up’ – a connection on which many
claimants have based their claims to ‘my
country’ areas.
Mr Polak’s claim rests on the place of his and his ancestors’
camping and roaming –
a ‘range’ based claim.
- Nancy Gordon
said she had always understood ngurra and ngurrara to mean the
same thing, namely, ‘country’. She said that she had heard her
father call Rirrti (Empress Spring) his ngurra or ngurrara. She
said that she thought Rirrti had ‘cultural significance’ for her
family and felt that it was where her family belonged.
She said that she had
driven along the road between Cosmo and Warburton many times but had never been
to Rirrti, although she knew
from a map that it was near Tjukayirla
Roadhouse.
- Wayne Westlake
said that when he was living at the Wongatha Wonganarra Village in Laverton,
before moving out to Cosmo to live in 1991/1992, he
had no interest in the
matter of his country. It was when he was discharged from prison (in about 1991
or 1992) that he found that
his mother’s sister’s family was living
at Cosmo, and began to live there himself. His aunt told him that his father
(Bundy Westlake) was born at Cosmo. Since then, he has stayed at Cosmo and
made it his home. Accordingly, Wayne Westlake,
an MN claimant, identifies his
ngurra as lying outside the MN Claim area.
Conclusion on ‘Ngurra’
- The
claimed ‘my country’ relationships of which evidence was given were
based on diverse connections. Many focussed on
the Mulga Queen area.
References to other places, such as Empress Spring and Lake Wells, were,
generally speaking, directed to journeying
or roaming. Several claimants
recalled their ancestors’ stories of migration to Mulga Queen from places
in the desert to the
north-east, such as Tjirrkarli, Alexander Spring, Mangkili,
Yapupara (Baker Lake) and Tjintjira. However, the MN Claim tends to
be focused
on the present day reality of the existence of the Mulga Queen Aboriginal
Community, which, in turn, has resulted from
the earlier attraction of
indigenous people from those places to the place that was variously a pastoral
station, mission and ration
depot at Mulga Queen.
- The
concentration of residents at Mulga Queen is explicable, not only by the
attractions of European settlement and later the ration
station, but also by the
fact that some of the MN claimants or their ancestors worked on nearby pastoral
stations. Mindi Chapman,
for example, testified as to his movement around
the various stations on account of his employment as a shearer and a
‘jackaroo’.
The stations in question included stations outside both
the Wongatha and MN Claim areas, such as Wanganoo (north of Melrose Station).
After he retired, Mindi Chapman came to live at Mulga Queen because his friends,
Eric and Phyllis Thomas, were living there.
(3) Residence
- I
refer to my discussion of residence within a Claim area elsewhere (see
4.7(a)(b) [1443].
- The
MN applicants rely on GLSC Appendix A1b headed ‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia
– Residence in the Claim Area’, and para 5
of the Wongatha POC.
Appendix A1b gives extracts from the evidence of 12 of the 19 MN witnesses.
They refer, in the text of their
submissions to the testimony of Coral Chapman
given at Stockwhip and Blanket, Mindi Chapman, Troy Chapman,
Kalman Murphy,
MM, Phyllis Thomas and MW. They rely on Map 3B in GLSC
Appendix F4 as showing the places referred to in the evidence as places
where
the MN claimants or their ancestors were born or grew up. Map 3B is captioned
‘Connection to Country/Group Identification
– Mantjintjarra Ngalia
claimants – Birth places, Growing Up of claimants and ancestors’. I
referred to Map 3B
at [2095] above.
- The
evidence shows that witnesses or their parents or other ancestors have from time
to time resided within the MN Claim area, principally
at Mulga Queen or
neighbouring campsites, such as Stockwhip and Blanket. However, the mere fact
of residence is not probative of
the existence of laws and customs giving rise
to rights and interests in the land resided upon, even less in a much larger
area within
which that land is located. Whether it is one of the connections
that can activate a law or custom providing for the acquisition
of rights and
interests is another matter.
- The
MN applicants submit:
the inhospitable
nature of the country, particularly in the north-east of the
[Wongatha/MN] Overlap, it is submitted that the effect of the geographic
spread of the evidence of the important linkages (to connection) of residence
and growing up is to establish, to the Court’s satisfaction, the existence
of such linkages across the whole of the
Overlap.’
- I
do not agree. The submission assumes what has to be proved: the integrity, by
reference to traditional laws and customs, of the
MN Claim area as an entity, so
that residence on part signifies residence on the whole.
- Residence,
as distinct from either periodic visits or temporary camping in the course of a
journey, has been concentrated at Mulga
Queen, and, for work purposes, on nearby
stations.
- In
relation to present day residence, Groups 5B/5F submit that, according to the
places of residence shown on the MN LIP, only eight
out of the 279 persons
listed on that LIP reside within the MN Claim area. In so far as the MN
applicants rely on current place of residence, they derive little
assistance from this particular aspect of the evidence. The MN Claim group does
not, however,
rely only on current residence. It submits that the evidence
establishes ‘that MN witnesses have resided at places within
the Overlap
area from the 1930s through to the 1970s, and from the early 1980s to the
present time’. I accept this submission,
although, I note that MN
claimants’ present day residence within, and visitation to, the MN Claim
area, seems to be limited
by reference to the Mulga Queen area. The evidence
does not support any continuity of residence in, or visitation to, more distant
parts of the MN Claim area. Moreover, the submission refers to MN witnesses,
who form a relatively small proportion, say one tenth,
of the total MN Claim
group.
(4) Travelling over the area and camping at particular sites
- The
MN applicants rely on Appendix A2b (‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia –
Travelling and Camping in the Claim Area’) to the
GLSC submissions and, in
particular, on testimony of Phyllis Thomas, Troy Chapman, Mindi Chapman and MW.
Appendix A2b gives extracts
from the testimony of 12 MN claimants. The MN
applicants illustrate by Map 2B in Appendix F4 travelling and camping by MN
claimants
within the Wongatha/MN overlap. (Map 2B is captioned
‘Occupation and Use – Mantjintjarra Ngalia claimants –
Hunting/Foraging,
Camping/Travelling and Site Surveys’.)
- Groups
5B/5F adopt the State’s submissions in response to the Appendix A2(b).
- It
is not disputed that if we take the MN claimants and their ancestors, we will
find many instances over time of their having travelled,
camped and hunted
within the Wongatha/MN overlap. However this evidence is not probative of the
existence of laws and customs.
It may be evidence of a kind of connection as a
matter of fact. It may also be relevant to the content of rights and interests.
But these matters are different from evidence probative of current day
acknowledgment and observance by the MN Claim group of the
pre-sovereignty body
of laws and customs.
- Within
the Wongatha/MN overlap the Map shows some 29 green squares said to represent
‘Travel and Camping’ and 17 golden
discs said to represent
‘Hunting’. But in the absence of links to the evidence and of any
comparator, I do not know
what these show. It is conceivable, for example:
- that the MN
claimants and their ancestors travelled and camped in as many places outside the
MN Claim area as within it; and
- that claimants
on other Claims, such as the Wongatha Claim, and their ancestors, would be
equally represented in the Wongatha/MN overlap
according to the same
criteria.
- The
MN applicants submit:
the environmental
realities, particularly in the area approximately between Cosmo Newberry, Lake
Wells and Empress Spring (Rirrti),
it is submitted that the effect of the
evidence has been to encompass the whole of the Overlap
area.’
This submission, as I understand it, is similar to one made in respect of,
for example, birth and residence. The reasoning seems
to be: (1) we seek to
establish native title over the whole of the Wongatha/MN overlap by, relevantly,
travelling and camping over
the whole of it; (2) for environmental reasons, a
significant part does not lend itself to travelling and camping activity; (3)
having
established travelling and camping on the part that does, we should be
treated as having also established it on the part that does
not, and so proved
travelling and camping over the whole. If my understanding of the submission is
correct, the preferable approach
is simply to note that because of the
inhospitable nature of the environment, travelling and camping activity is not
possible in
a significant part of the Wongatha/MN overlap, with the result that
if native title rights and interests are to be proved in that
substantial part,
it will have to be done by other means.
- My
observation above that residence at places within the Wongatha/MN overlap is
not, without more, probative of present day acknowledgment
and observance of a
body of pre-sovereignty laws and customs, is applicable to travelling and
camping. In any event, the distinction
between ‘residence’ and
‘camping’ disappears when the camping is long term.
- Coral Chapman
said that when she was small, she lived at Stockwhip and Blanket (close to Mulga
Queen). She was born in about 1948, and so was
probably referring to the 1950s.
She said that her mother and father and aunties and uncles were camped there for
a long time. She
said that they would walk to the ration station at Mulga Queen
(it was established in 1953) and collected their rations ‘[a]nd
their food
[was] all ready with names on’. I infer that the proximity of Stockwhip
and Blanket to the ration station at Mulga
Queen, made it an attractive place at
which to ‘camp’ or ‘reside’.
- Groups
5B/5F submit that travelling and camping was carried out due to reasons of
employment. They refer in particular to the evidence
of Mindi Chapman.
Mindi Chapman said that in the old days when he was camping in a
wiltja with his parents at Mulga Queen, he and others hunted with a dog
in order to get kangaroo skins, and that they got gold too, in both
cases to
sell to Jack Shepherd at Mulga Queen, and to Horace Hill at Salt Soak and Nambi
Station in exchange for flour, tea, sugar
and tobacco. He said this was done
prior to the giving out of rations. His father also hunted with spears. He
gave evidence that
the places he had walked around with his parents were:
Spring, Rungku, Puntin Soak, Puturrkapi, Yultu, Irarri (Red Well), Cutline
Bore,
Butcher’s Well, Tjilkatjarra and Walkiri.
- Mindi Chapman
further said that when he was working for Horace Hill, and camping at Salt Soak,
he, his two brothers Roy and Lumi,
and Brian Jennings ‘cleared the road to
Lake Wells’ using axes and camping on the way. They went through Red
Well, Parntapuka
(Wartapuka), Miltji and Karru. Later he worked for
Horace Hill’s son, Peter Hill, doing contract fencing on Lake
Wells Station.
- Mindi Chapman
said that after he left Salt Soak, and before working on Melrose Station, he
went and camped in the bush at Lawut,
Puntin Soak and Tjilkatjarra, where there
were a mob of people camped. Mindi Chapman worked on numerous other
stations, which
he named. His work was both within and outside the MN Claim
area. He gave evidence that in the 1950s, between working on stations
and on
holidays for some months, and sometimes on weekends, he would return to Mulga
Queen to visit his parents. He has lived at
Mulga Queen in the early 1980s and
for three years until 2000.
- Mindi
Chapman also described the sites he visited on a trip to Warburton. Groups
5B/5F submit that this trip was made during the
course of employment. However,
Mindi Chapman said that this trip was when he was a small child. He
travelled from Mulga Queen
to Warburton via Wakamurru and Tjirrkarli with his
parents (his mother was born at Wakamurru, his father at Tjirrkarli). He said
that they travelled and camped via waterholes and ate food his father hunted.
Other places he identified going to were Lalalka (Lake
Wells), Nyirruru,
Marnakutja, Nurr, Mali Claypan and Tilyin. They attended some corroborees and
returned via Tjirrkarli. Mindi
Chapman crossed much of the MN Claim area on
this trip. Mindi Chapman also gave evidence that he claims the country around
Lake
Wells because his father told him that he could because he walked around
there as a child. Groups 5B/5F also submit that this trip
occurred only once.
I accept that is the case. However, Mindi Chapman gave evidence of having been
to places, such as Tjirrkarli,
Wakumurru/Warluwurru Manngu, and Lake Wells at
other times in his life.
- Groups
5B/5F also submit that the MN applicants refer to places where travelling and
camping took place in the past but does not today.
They refer to the MN
submissions where the MN applicants state that Mindi Chapman referred to
Tarralkutjarra (Taralkutjarra
– an isolated place about 45 km west of Lake
Wells), where the old men, including his father, were allowed to go to get red
ochre. This evidence referred to a historical event. However, Mindi Chapman
gave evidence of being taken and shown where Tarralkutjarra
was in recent years.
Phyllis Thomas also testified that Mindi Chapman had been to the Lake Wells area
in recent years. The MN applicants
submit that this is the site named by
Tjurada as ‘Taralgudana’.
- In
summary, Mindi Chapman hunted, travelled and camped within the Wongatha/MN
overlap, in connection both with non-traditional activities,
such as getting
kangaroo skins for trading, road construction, contract fencing, and, no doubt,
mustering, and traditional activities
such as camping and hunting.
- Kalman Murphy
said that he went to Waterfalls and Puntin Soak many times when he was working
as a musterer with his uncle, Mindi Chapman,
on Banjawarn Station, and that
his uncle Mindi Chapman and aunt Coral Chapman, first took him to
Minga Well, some four km
north-west of the Mulga Queen Aboriginal
Community, a couple of years before he gave evidence, since which he has been
back there
many times. He was also shown places where two of his brothers were
born and where his mother had camped.
- Phyllis Thomas,
who was born in 1932, gave evidence of having lived as a child in a
wiltja at Mulga Queen and Hootanui and of having walked with her family
extensively within and outside the Wongatha/MN overlap. For example,
they
walked from Hootanui (like Mulga Queen, Hootanui is on Bandya Station, but it is
some 10 km west of Mulga Queen and outside
the Wongatha Claim area) to
Liwuliwu (about halfway between Mulga Queen and Cosmo, and within the
Wongatha/MN overlap) and back,
camping at Stockwhip and Blanket (Famous Well)
and Mulga Queen. These travels appear to have been in the mid to late 1930s.
She
lived at Biddy’s Patch (outside the overlap but within the MN Claim
area) in the late 1950s and returned to live at Mulga Queen
in the early 1980s.
During the 1960s and 1970s she lived in Leonora but said that she came out to
Mulga Queen in that time for long
weekends and school holidays. Phyllis Thomas
showed the Court a number of wiltjas at Old Winter Camp near Mulga Queen
Community.
- The
MN applicants rely on the testimony of Troy Chapman as supporting a
submission that ‘his community’ has been camping in a large area
around Mulga Queen over the past 100
years. However, the relevant portion of
the transcript either gives a different picture or at least is unclear.
Troy Chapman’s
evidence concerned certain camps or camp sites
which he was trying to have registered under the Heritage Act. He
appeared to say that he, or he and others, had shown the sites to
anthropologists (he having therefore already known of them).
It is unclear
whether he then said that the anthropologists had told him, or that he had told
them, that people used to camp there.
However, it seems clear that he himself
recognised the camps as camps that were ‘just about 100 years old’
and he said,
should be preserved for another 100 years or so.
- I
accept Troy Chapman’s evidence that his aunty Phyllis Thomas,
his uncle Mindi Chapman, and others showed him
old camp sites ‘where
old people once used to live’. He said that they were at Minga Creek,
Flowers Well, Biddy’s
Patch (Milkupurrul), Stockwhip and Blanket (Famous
Well), Famous Blue and Government Well. On a site visit, I saw the remains of
some of these camps. I accept that they were ‘old’. Precisely how
old they are does not matter, because even if they
were only, say, 50 years old,
it is not seriously in dispute that indigenous people camped within the
Wongatha/MN overlap 100 years
and more ago. Indeed, having regard to the
size of that overlap, it would be surprising if they did not.
- Troy
Chapman also said that his responsibilities as a member of the Mulga Queen
Community included keeping the Community ‘in
good nick’ and showing
visitors where they are able to camp. He said that he had responsibilities not
just in the Community
itself, but beyond, saying, ‘it's a large area where
I can actually go out and show people. ... Halfway from here to Laverton,
Banjawarn Station and right out to Spinifex country back through this way here,
north-east, out through this country here, yes, out
through Spinifex
country.’ He gave evidence that his aunty, uncle and others had also shown
him rockholes further away from
the Community, at Puntin, Payari, Miltji,
Yiliyili and Waterfalls.
- Mindi Chapman
agreed that going out camping and hunting nowadays differs from that activity as
it occurred in the past. In the
past, when Aboriginal people were on foot, they
could not carry much water, and thus depended on waterholes, being able to
travel
only for one or two days between them. However, when he went out camping
and hunting from Mulga Queen, he went by truck and would
carry water and canned
food; was not confined to camping near water holes; and could travel much
further by truck than was possible
on foot. He agreed that camping nowadays was
‘really just a bit like a holiday’. Most of the camping
destinations referred
to fall within an area in the vicinity of Mulga Queen,
such as at Lawut Claypan and Ten Mile.
- The
MN applicants submit that Phyllis Thomas gave evidence of current hunting and
camping practices. When asked about getting food
in the Mulga Queen community,
Phyllis Thomas said that they get stores from town and that ever since moving
back to Mulga Queen they
have used the reserve for food, but that:
the village, we use all that reserves round
there. We go out and do exercise and digging honey ants, and things like that,
as we
have showed it to the court before. And further away, we go out week-ends,
long week-ends and camp. School holidays, we go through
there out, and we do all
that area to Lake Wells, when weather's good. Rain, we get bogged.’
- The
MN applicants also refer to Phyllis Thomas’s evidence that she takes young
people out bush, camping and hunting: ‘Maybe
some of them have lost their
culture, and show them back, this is your culture, you stick to it.’ The
people to whom she refers
are not necessarily MN claimants, although she says
she knows their parents. They are people from Kalgoorlie, Leonora and Laverton
whom the Community at Mulga Queen takes as part of a program run by the
Department of Community Corrections. She said that the young
people are all
‘Wongatha’ people whatever the area they come from.
- The
MN claimants also refer to MW’s evidence that he knew the country around
Mulga Queen because he lived near Famous Well as
a child during the War. He
went from rockhole to rockhole in the bush with his father and other families
including the Westlake,
Murphy, Bond and Banks families. He was then placed in
the Mount Margaret Mission, but Mindi Chapman would collect him and take
back to
Mulga Queen every holiday.
- Map
2B in GLSC Appendix F4 is subject to the same criticism as the other maps in
that Appendix. In addition to criticisms previously
made, I note that no
distinction is made between, for example, camping that may have happened more
than 50 years ago when ancestors
were ‘migrating’ from the desert
beyond the north-east boundary of the MN Claim area, and camping which may occur
today
in the vicinity of the Mulga Queen Aboriginal
Community.
Conclusion on ‘Travelling over the area and camping at particular
places’
- Clearly,
between them, MN witnesses and their ancestors have travelled and camped a great
deal within the MN Claim area, mainly in
the south-western half to two-thirds of
the Wongatha/MN overlap. Indeed, much of the camping has centred on Mulga
Queen, some of
it being within the Wongatha/MN overlap and some being within a
small area north-west of the Wongatha Claim area boundary, but still
within the
MN Claim area. Much, but not all, of the camping occurred when Jack Shepherd
was the pastoralist and, a little later,
ration station superintendent, at Mulga
Queen. I infer that his presence was one factor influencing the choice of
camping site.
Evidence was also given of camping in the last 20 years
since the Community at Mulga Queen was established.
(5) Knowing and using waterholes
- The
MN applicants submit that several MN witnesses spoke of waterholes. As an
example, they refer to testimony of Phyllis Thomas
and to that of
Mindi Chapman, who drew a map indicating a number of waterholes that he
knew in the Lake Wells area. In their
supplementary submissions, the MN
applicants submit that Phyllis Thomas was speaking not ‘just of her
memories of the
old days’ but was showing that ‘she has an ongoing
knowledge of these places [waterholes]’. The distinction is
a false one.
When Phyllis Thomas testified concerning rockholes to which she and her
family once went, she demonstrated both
her recollection of past events and her
present day knowledge based on that recollection. If the submission is meant to
invite me
to infer that Phyllis Thomas based her description of rockholes
on present day visits, I do not do so in the absence of a context
which shows
that she has visited and learned of them, or refreshed her memory of them, in
recent times.
- Phyllis Thomas
began by describing past events. It is true that later she spoke in the present
tense, but I think it tolerably
clear that she was still speaking of the past.
For example, she states that Pilki is halfway between Mulga Queen and Cosmo, and
when she is then asked what place Pilki is, she states ‘that’s just
the name Pilki, that’s where they retire and
sleep overnight after their
long walk’. She is referring to an event in the past, notwithstanding the
use of the present tense.
Past and present tenses were often mixed in this way
in the indigenous testimony. Phyllis Thomas also gave evidence of going
to
Yiliyili, to the north of Lake Wells on a site survey. She did not know the
meaning of the name. Groups 5B/5F submit that there
is no evidence of Phyllis
Thomas having been to Lake Wells other than on this site visit. However, she
did give evidence of going
to Lake Wells at other times (see [2105] above). I
accept that she has visited the area at other times. She has not, however,
travelled
further north-east into the Claim area and said she did not know the
rockholes on the northern side of Lake Wells. She said that
the old people who
travelled from that area could name all the waterholes there.
- Groups
5B/5F submit that the evidence of waterholes was scant and that the witnesses
did not know the indigenous names, or the meaning,
of many of the waterholes.
- Mindi
Chapman’s map showing a number of waterholes that he knows in the Lake
Wells (Lalalka) area included Karru, Miltji, Lalalka,
Nyirruru, Marnakutja,
Tarralkutjarra, Tuwi, and Yiliyili, which his family had visited when he was a
child (he was born in about
1937 to 1939). Mindi Chapman identified
Tarralkutjarra (just north of Lake Wells) as a men’s site where his father
used
to go to get ochre. Vachon/de Gand note that this site was referred
to in Bates’s listing of Tjurada’s country.
- As
seen above in reference to camping and travelling, many of the waterholes in the
MN Claim area about which witnesses gave evidence
were referred to by their
indigenous names. Generally speaking, evidence was not, however, given of the
meanings of the names.
(6) Further activities showing customs and traditions
- The
MN applicants adopt the Wongatha submissions and topics listed at 4.7(a)(b)
[1441]. That is to say, at this point they address the topics numbered
(1)-(11) in [1441]. I will adopt decimal numbering to accord
with the Wongatha
series.
- They
refer to testimony given by MN claimants in relation those topics, as discussed
below.
6.1 Acknowledgement/observance of men’s law
- I
will deal here only with male initiation. Other aspects of men’s law,
such as men’s Tjukurr stories and pika ngurlu sites, are
dealt with elsewhere.
- The
MN applicants state that eight male adults gave evidence on acknowledgement and
observance of men’s law on behalf of the
MN Claim group, namely: FB,
Mindi Chapman, Troy Chapman, Clarrie Murphy, Kalman Murphy,
MM, Elton Polak
and MW.
- It
should be noted at once that they omit Eric Thomas, Paddy Walker,
Kado Muir, Hudson Westlake and Wayne Westlake, who,
as stated earlier, are
also on other Claims. I will treat those five witnesses (and Dolly Walker and
Justine Westlake) in the Chapters
relevant to those Claims, and as not being MN
claimants for present purposes.
- The
MN applicants rely on GLSC Appendix F1 as revealing that six of the eight males
mentioned were watis, the two exceptions being Mindi Chapman and
Elton Polak. However, MM also has not been initiated, leaving five of the
eight who have been.
- The
statistic five (or six) out of eight is misleading: if only the five (or six)
had testified, the proportion would have been 100
percent. The more important
questions are:
(a) how many of the MN male claimants would have
been initiated if the pre-sovereignty rule was being observed?
(b) how many of the MN male claimants would need to be initiated in order for
there to be acknowledgement and observance by the MN
Claim group?
(c) in the case of the MN male claimants who have been initiated, is the
appropriate inference that the MN Claim group is currently observing the
rule as to male initiation, or that it is a practice of the past?
- The
MN applicants do not address these questions. Assume that one half of the 279
MN claimants are male. That would be 140. Assume
that one quarter of these
(35) have not reached the age for initiation. That would leave 105 who would
have been initiated, and
who would not have married without first being
initiated, if the rule was being totally observed.
- I
turn now to the five MN male claimants who have been initiated.
- FB
was an old man, and I infer that he was initiated many decades prior to the
hearing.
- MW
went through the law in Jigalong in 1964.
- The
evidence does not reveal when Clarrie Murphy went through, but
Kalman Murphy said that his brother Clarrie went through
the law at Leonora
and was about 40 years old (born about 1962). MM testified that his brother
Reynold Murphy, who is younger than
Clarrie, had been through the law. It is
not clear when he went through the law.
- This
leaves only Troy Chapman and Kalman Murphy as male MN claimants who
went through the law in recent times who are to
be discussed (I exclude watis
Paddy Walker, Kado Muir, Hudson Westlake, Wayne Westlake, and Jake
Westlake - also on the MN LIP and, according to evidence,
a wati - for
the reasons mentioned earlier).
- The
MN applicants refer to the testimony of Troy Chapman who underwent
initiation between 21 March 2002, when he first testified, and 15 July
2002, when he was recalled to testify.
On the first occasion he referred to
places to which he could not go because it was ‘tribal business and
stuff’, and
said that if he went there, it would ‘cause
trouble’ for him. He said that those places were called ‘pika
ngurlu places’; that he could say nothing about them; and that it was
‘the old blokes’ who had told him about them. He
said he had not
been through the law.
- On
the second occasion, he said he had become ‘a tribal man’ and that
the process took two weeks. He said that he had
been ‘grabbed’
about a month earlier when he was up at Wiluna and that the ceremony took place
on the Pantini Reserve,
about 10 km north-east of Wiluna.
Troy Chapman was born in 1976, and so was initiated at the age of
25 or 26 years.
He said that six or seven other boys went through with
him, and although he could not say ‘exactly’ where they were
from,
they were from ‘through Warburton and Wiluna and Laverton area, and out
through the Central Desert’. The ceremony
concluded about two weeks prior
to his testifying on 15 July 2002. He said that he was not permitted to say how
many men were involved
or where they came from (in cross-examination he said
there would have been about 100 men). However, he said that now that he had
‘been through’, he would go back to Mulga Queen to look after it.
He said that when he gave evidence on the first occasion,
he did not know that
he would be going through the law.
- It
appeared from later evidence that there was not actually a boy
‘from’ Laverton who went through the law with Troy Chapman,
although
Nigel Smythe from Warburton, who went through with him, ‘stays’ in
Laverton.
- Kalman Murphy
said that he also was initiated at Bondini (Pantini) Reserve, Wiluna. He said
he went through because his prospective parents-in-law
told him that he must do
so before marrying their daughter. The MN applicants
submit:
shows, it is submitted, a
considerable degree of social and community acceptance of the importance of
initiation in men’s Law,
and also the existence of pressure from other
persons applied on a young man to go through the Law; and is a clear indication
of
the functioning of a normative system, one with the Law at its
centre.’
The problem with this submission is that the parents-in-law were Coonana
people living on the Cundeelee Aboriginal Reserve (outside
the Wongatha Claim
area) and who insisted that Kalman Murphy go through the law before they
would agree to his marrying their
daughter. He agreed he went through the law
so that he could marry her.
- It
was part of the pre-sovereignty Western Desert rule that only an initiated male
may marry (see 3.6(c)(2) [815] ff). Accordingly, the girl’s
parents can be seen as having insisted on observance of that rule.
- Cundeelee
and Coonana are both south of the MN Claim area, and some 180 km east of
Kalgoorlie. I do not know how representative the
pressure from
Kalman Murphy’s prospective parents-in-law was of Coonana people, but
the incident says little about the
acknowledgement and observance by the
MN Claim group of a law or custom requiring male initiation. Kalman
Murphy, like Troy
Chapman, was ‘grabbed’ at or near Wiluna, to the
north of the Wongatha Claim area.
- Kalman
Murphy also gave gender-restricted site evidence at Station Creek and was
subsequently cross-examined in a gender-restricted
session in Kalgoorlie.
- The
Station Creek site is approximately 10 km north-west of Leonora, and is outside
the MN Claim area. The watis who were present, in addition to the
witnesses Kalman Murphy and Anthony Harris, both of Leonora, were Dan Harris
from Laverton,
Barney Morrison from Kalgoorlie, Clarrie Murphy from Leonora,
Johnny Phillips from Kalgoorlie, Frankie Wongawol, an elder from Wiluna
currently residing in Leonora, MW from Cosmo, and FB from Leonora.
- In
the course of the oral evidence, the men sang, in Aboriginal language, part of a
song, which was said to tell part of the Wati Kutjarra (Two Men) and the
Papa Ngalia (Dingo Man) Tjukurrpa stories. The events referred to
in the song happened close to the place where the evidence was given.
- Kalman
Murphy described the Wati Kutjarra and told about where they had come
from in order to reach Station Creek. He told of their adventures in the
Station Creek area,
and their interactions with a number of dogs or dingoes.
These included Papa Ngalia and a female dingo and some puppies, and also
Papa Nyukali. He told of the movements of some of the
Tjukurrpa characters following those interactions. He said that the only
part of the story that was ‘open’ was that one of the
dingoes was
killed by the Wati Kitjarra.
- Mr
Murphy pointed to several features in the landscape which represented some of
the Tjukurrpa characters and the results of some of their actions. The
features also included some close to Leonora and Menzies, and towards Southern
Cross.
- Mr
Murphy also referred to two physical features, not close enough to be seen, but
which Kado Muir had pointed out to the Court during
his evidence given at
Nyukali on 26 March 2002.
- During
his evidence of the actions of some of the Tjukurrpa characters, Kalman
Murphy spoke of current day restricted men’s practices related to becoming
a wati.
- Following
the evidence, the Court was taken on foot to five nearby locations where, in
four places, physical features forming part
of the Tjukurrpa story were
pointed out. The Court was also shown the remains of material which had been
used to mark and protect the place as sacred.
The location evidence was given
primarily by Kalman Murphy, and to a lesser extent by Wongatha claimant, Anthony
Harris.
- I
find that Kalman Murphy has a detailed knowledge of the stories that he related
and of the features of landscape associated with
them.
- MM,
Kalman Murphy’s brother, said that no one had ever told him that a
young man should go through the law and that he had
never discussed the matter
with anybody. He evinced a reluctance to answer further questions touching the
law. Asked whether anyone
had ever said that they would prefer him to go
through the law, he said ‘Well, do you have to ask me that
question?’
The MN applicants submit that I should infer from his
discomfort, not only that he was embarrassed at not having become a wati
as his brothers had, but also at being questioned in a direct and public way
about the subject of men’s law.
- I
agree that MM became upset over the line of questioning (he went on to say
‘We’re talking about land here ... well,
go on, ask about
land’), and I accept that he was embarrassed about being questioned
directly and publicly about men’s
law. I do not, however, infer that an
additional reason was a feeling of embarrassment that, unlike his brothers, he
had not been
through the law.
- The
MN applicants submit that Phyllis Thomas demonstrated the same
reluctance to speak publicly of men’s law, and that she provided evidence
supportive of ‘the continued
and continuing occurrence of men’s law
business’. I accept the submission, but not in the sense that the MN
applicants
intend. Phyllis Thomas’s testimony is to the effect that
ceremonies and initiations are not practised at Mulga Queen
(MW gave evidence to
the same effect). Phyllis Thomas said that the law men who go to Pantini
Reserve and to Jigalong ‘on
the culture trip’, travel through Mulga
Queen, and call in to the Community there for water, but that she was not at
liberty
to say anything more about the matter.
- Phyllis Thomas
also said that while ceremonies and corroborees were in progress, the children
used to be instructed to wait in
the wiltja, then added
people have mostly all died away, but
they’re keeping their cultures and they go to Bundinni [apparently a
reference to Pantini Reserve near Wiluna] over here, some of them, and
Wiluna, they go and take the young ones and get initiated; they are still doing
it today and lot of
them take it to Ngaanyatjarra in the lands up there. Lot of
them that’s here at [Mulga Queen today], these people they been
initiated
through those places there, still practising on
that.’
Phyllis Thomas is here saying that most of her old people had passed on,
but that young men were still being initiated at Wiluna
and in the Ngaanyatjarra
lands, and that a lot of the men present at the hearing had been initiated at
those places.
- Phyllis Thomas
also gave some rather inconclusive evidence about the use by men only of a hill
with a tower at Mulga Queen, to
which she has never gone. She said that the
hill was on one of the three reserves on which the Mulga Queen Aboriginal
Community
was established. She said that over many years (she does not know how
many), that hill has been used by the men, but she does not
know how often as
she never goes there. She said that at the time when the Mulga Queen Aboriginal
Community was re-established (in
the early 1980s), the old men used to go to it.
She said: ‘Not far they have caves hiding their precious instruments, some
kind you’d like to call it.’ She said that in more recent times
young men have gone out there. In any event, her evidence
is that there is a
men-only sacred site at Mulga Queen to which the old men used to go in the early
1980s. Kalman Murphy also referred
to caves with things in them on a hill near
Mulga Queen.
Conclusion on ‘Acknowledgement/observance of men’s law’
- I
find, relevantly, that boys are no longer initiated within the Wongatha/MN
overlap; that men travelling on law business come through
Mulga Queen on their
way to Wiluna or Jigalong, and are given water; that male initiation is still
practised at Wiluna, and on the
Central Reserves; that it is possible for a
young MN male claimant to be initiated at one of those places; and that it is
rare for
this to happen, but that it did happen in the case of Troy Chapman
during the currency of these proceedings.
- While
the Troy Chapman case is some evidence of acknowledgement and observance,
it is a single instance. In my opinion, it does
not establish that the rule
that all males must be initiated and must not marry unless they are initiated,
is, on a fair overall
view, still being acknowledged as binding or observed by
the MN Claim group.
6.2 Acknowledgement/observance of women’s law
- The
MN applicants rely on the testimony of Nancy Gordon on gender restricted
evidence and evidence regarding Tjukurr, in particular, and to evidence
given by Phyllis Thomas.
- Nancy Gordon
said that her sister, Carol, had been involved in ceremonies, so she asked her
what it was all about, but her sister
would never disclose the details.
Nancy Gordon said that the ceremonies had been conducted at Wiluna. In
cross-examination,
Nancy Gordon said that although Aboriginal culture is
experiential, that is, ‘one has to live it’, it is not true
that if
a woman does not go through the law she lacks part of her culture. She said
that an uninitiated woman is ‘still accepted’,
but if you want to
‘go to that level you have to be a part of it’.
- The
MN applicants accept that Nancy Gordon’s testimony is the only
evidence before the Court suggestive of a ceremony by
which women could
‘go through the law’. Dr Sackett’s supplementary report
recounts Daisy Bates’s
description of female initiation. The MN
applicants accept that the practice of female initiation in the western part of
the Western
Desert generally, and in the Wongatha and MN Claim areas in
particular, has not been observed for a very long time. Therefore, I
need to
say no more of it.
- The
MN applicants rely on gender restricted evidence that was given at Makarra, but
the Makarra ‘women’s only’ site
lies outside the MN Claim
area, between the boundary of it and Leonora, and the evidence given there was
given by Dolly Walker.
Although Dolly Walker is an LIP listed MN
claimant, for reasons given earlier, I am treating her as an NK 1 and
NK 2
claimant only. Therefore, I need say no more of it.
6.3 Acknowledgement/observance of Tjukurr/Tjukurrpa (‘the
Dreaming’)
- I
discussed this topic at [2057] ff above.
6.4 Acknowledgement/observance of the concept of ngurra/ngurrara (country)
- I
discussed this topic at [2093] ff above.
6.5 Acknowledgement/observance of the concept of pika ngurlu
- In
relation to pika ngurlu sites, the State seems to submit that avoidance
of such a site may be properly viewed as nothing more than the avoidance of a
dangerous
place, motivated by ‘no more than a healthy, possibly
instinctive, sense of self-preservation’. It is difficult to know
what to
make of this submission. While it is true that any witness’s testimony in
relation to a pika ngurlu place must be examined in order that it be
properly understood, it should not be readily assumed that a witness’s
reference
to danger is nothing more than a reference to physical danger.
Indeed, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, I would assume
that pika
ngurlu places present no greater physical danger than other places do.
- The
question is whether it is a rule that is compelling the avoidance of the place.
Groups 5B/5F (and the State) submit that insufficient
MN claimants gave evidence
of pika ngurlu laws and customs to support a conclusion that there are
laws and customs which the MN Claim group regards as binding on its members.
They submit that there has been a loss of any real knowledge of pika
ngurlu sites, their locations within, relevantly, the Wongatha/MN overlap,
the secret stories relating to them, and their relationship to
the
Tjukurr.
- Groups
5B/5F acknowledge that some MN witnesses gave evidence of a concept of pika
ngurlu, but submit that there has been a considerable loss of knowledge as
to the content and nature of the rules governing pika ngurlu
practices.
- The
MN applicants rely on GLSC Appendix B2b. They refer, in particular, to the
testimony of Nancy Gordon, Kalman Murphy,
Mindi Chapman,
Troy Chapman and Clarrie Murphy.
- The
MN applicants submit that this testimony illustrates two points:
- from an early
age, members of the MN group who are not wati, are told to avoid certain
places or areas that are associated with men’s law, at the risk of falling
ill or suffering other
harm, and they do avoid such areas;
- people are
cautious about going onto country with which they are not familiar, and before
camping or hunting there, they will seek
advice about where to go and not to
go.
- The
MN applicants submit that the evidence supports the following
findings:
the Law distinguishes between
wati and others in terms of status, so that only wati are
permitted to see and touch and know about matters to do with men’s
Law;
a breach will entail serious consequences,
including illness or death;having grown up in
one’s own country and having been taught about areas to avoid because they
are pika ngurlu, a member of the group (who is not a wati) will be
able to move around it with comfort;when he or
she goes to another’s country, prudence will require the taking of advice
before moving through it, as for instance
would be involved in camping or
hunting;this may reasonably be seen as the
modern equivalent to, or adaptation of, the practice observed by explorers and
anthropologists,
whereby Western Desert people would announce their presence by
the smoke of fires, and when approaching another group in the country
of that
group, sit and await contact [the submissions refer to the testimony of
Phyllis Thomas that she had been told about the Banks family coming in from the
desert
in the 1950s and waiting at Stockwhip and Blanket (Famous Well) about 3
km from Mulga Queen, and lighting a fire which led to the
people of Mulga Queen
inviting the family to come in to Mulga
Queen].’
- Nancy Gordon,
who was born ‘around 1946’, said that when she was a child,
Mickey Wayarnu told the children, including herself,
to keep away from
pika ngurlu places and not to go in certain directions. Her mother told
her to keep away from certain places, and at times her father would
tell her and
her mother to stay behind and remain quiet while he went ahead. She said she
followed these instructions. She said
that pika ngurlu means ‘very
sacred’. She said ‘it’s a bit uncomfortable for me to say
things.’ She said that in order
to avoid any pika ngurlu places,
she would go into the bush only with somebody who knew the area.
- When
testifying at Mulga Queen (before he was initiated), Troy Chapman
said that he knew nothing at all about pika ngurlu places, and that the
people who should be asked about them were ‘tribal, older people’.
He had said earlier that he
knew some places to which he could not go and would
not want to go, and, when asked why, replied, ‘Because my tribal business
and stuff and I wouldn’t want to go there for instance, because I know
cause trouble for me’. He said that they were
called pika ngurlu
places, but that he could say nothing more about them and it was not his role to
do so. He said that the ‘old blokes’
like [FB],
Mr [Johnny] Phillips and his uncle Mindi [Chapman] had pointed
out the places to him, and that if he was
hunting in such an area he
‘would more likely keep away from that area’.
- Groups
5B/5F make the point that Troy Chapman did not identify any of the sites,
but I would not expect him to have done so,
at least with precision.
- Phyllis
Thomas did not testify about pika ngurlu places, beyond saying that
she could talk about a Tjukurr story relating to the Ngarnamarra site,
because it was ‘not pika ngurlu’. She also referred to the
existence of one women’s site and one men’s site near Lake Wells,
and described a site
visit to the area where the women and men respectively went
to their respective sites. On that occasion, there were about four watis
and three women, and the anthropologist, Mr de Gand.
- Kalman Murphy
said that pika ngurlu was the name used to refer to places where
non-watis must not go. He said that people today can come out and camp
at Mulga Queen, but that he and others would tell those who have not
been
through the law the places where they must not go.
- Kalman Murphy
gave evidence about a cave at or near Mulga Queen which was a men’s site
and contained things not allowed
to be touched by the uninitiated. Asked if he
knew the location of any such caves, he said that he knew of one in the hills
east
of where he was testifying. He said that it was the ‘old
people’ who kept things in the caves. Asked if he knew whether
people
still had things in the caves, he replied ‘No, not now.’ Although
the position is not entirely clear, I think
he meant that older
‘tribal’ people used to keep things in the caves, but, so far as he
knows, nowadays no-one does so.
Later, he said that there were three caves in
the hills and that he had gone there with Mindi Chapman, Daniel Vachon
and
FB on about two occasions.
- Finally,
he said that there were two pika ngurlu places near the places where he
was giving evidence at Mulga Queen, and that Johnny Phillips, FB and
Mindi Chapman told
him about them during the eight month period when he was
living at Mulga Queen. He was uninitiated then and they did not tell him
any
more than not to go out that way.
- The
MN applicants rely on discomfort experienced by Kalman Murphy (and MM) when
the subject of men’s law was raised. I
agree that the discomfort was
obvious, but although this is relevant for other pursposes, it does not
establish a practice of avoiding
pika ngurlu places.
- Mindi
Chapman referred to a men’s only site at Tarralkutjarra, near Lake
Wells, where his father would get red ochre and women and children
were not
allowed to go.
- Groups
5B/5F refer to testimony given by Elvis Stokes, a Wongatha claimant, as
suggesting that a place may not continue to be
a pika ngurlu place over
time. Elvis Stokes referred to a law ground which he thought was a pika
ngurlu site at the time, but which was later ‘moved’, after
which the old people from Mount Margaret said that it was safe to
hunt in the
area of the former law ground. I fail to see what Groups 5B/5F get from this
evidence. Apparently, one law ground ceased
to be used in favour of a different
location, after which the former law ground lost its pika ngurlu status.
I fail to see how these circumstances militate against the existence of pika
ngurlu places and practices.
- Similarly,
Groups 5B/5F seek to make something of the fact that Nancy Gordon’s
uncle, Mickey Wayarnu, who instructed
her to avoid pika ngurlu
places, did not tell her precisely what the places were or why she was not
allowed to go to them, and merely told her not to go in
a specified direction.
I should have thought that the lack of detail adds to, rather than detracts
from, the sacredness of pika ngurlu sites. It can not reasonably be
suggested that the sacredness of a site is heightened by a detailed
identification of its whereabouts
and description of it.
- Groups
5B/5F point out that MN claimants FB, RB, Coral Chapman,
Clarrie Murphy, MM, Adele Phillips, Elton Polak
and
Wayne Westlake, gave no evidence on the pika ngurlu matter.
Paddy Walker, who was called by the NK 1 and NK 2 applicants, not
by the MN applicants, identified ‘Ngulangga’
places as places to
which he was told, when a child, he must not go. Groups 5B/5F submit that
Paddy Walker’s testimony
is inconsistent with that of other witnesses
to the effect that initiated men can go to pika ngurlu sites, or, indeed,
anywhere. But Paddy Walker was speaking of his childhood. He was not
saying that now, as a wati, he is not allowed to go to Ngulangga
places.
Conclusion on ‘Pika ngurlu’
- While
I agree with Groups 5B/5F that the evidence is limited and that many MN
claimants did not testify about the pika ngurlu concept, I am persuaded
that there is still some force in the concept, making at least some of the MN
claimants feel obliged to avoid
such places.
- It
should be remembered, when one is assessing the significance of the indigenous
testimony on this topic, that the precise location
of such places, and their
nature and any associated story or practice, were kept secret from all except
watis. It is to be expected that information concerning them conveyed to
the uninitiated would be limited and would vary as between one
uninitiated
person and another. On the other hand, it was always open to the MN applicants
to seek to lead evidence touching these
matters from watis in a gender
restricted session.
6.6 Acknowledgement/observance of gender-restricted knowledge and protocols
- In
relation to men’s sites, the present heading is not entirely appropriate.
In respect of them, Western Desert Aboriginal
people were divided into watis
and non-watis, the latter including, not only females, but also
uninitiated males.
- The
MN applicants submit that the evidence on acknowledgment and observance of laws
and customs relating to men’s law, Tjukurr, and pika ngurlu
(discussed above) also demonstrates maintenance of gender restricted protocols.
Groups 5B/5F similarly refer to their submissions
in relation to these topics,
contending that there is little evidence of gender-restricted codes of behaviour
or any consequences
for breach of such codes.
- In
addition to the topics just referred to, the MN applicants refer to certain
instances where discussion in Court of people having
gone through the law was
met with consternation on the part of indigenous observers and witnesses. I
discussed this earlier at 4.7(a)(b)(1) [1468]. They cite the testimony
of MM and Kalman Murphy. In addition, Pannell/Vachon refer to the testimony of
two additional MN
claimants who likewise expressed concern about discussing
certain gender-restricted information: Phyllis Thomas and
Troy Chapman.
- I
referred to the testimony of MM and Kalman Murphy above. Kalman Murphy said
that he could speak about men’s ceremonies only
in the absence of women.
Phyllis Thomas, when asked to explain what she meant when she said her
family were the only ones ‘on
the Mission go on to the law ... Because
otherwise they’ll ... get wild’, said: ‘if I explain it to you
I’ll
be going through what I shouldn’t be saying. Because I’m
a woman and I can’t repeat anything of a man.’
Troy Chapman,
testifying in March 2002 before he went through the law (June of 2002), said he
did not want to speak about his
attitude about going through the law. The
latter relates to gender-restricted protocols to the extent that it reflects a
prohibition
on speaking about men’s law in front of
women.
Conclusion as to ‘Acknowledgement/observance of gender-restricted
knowledge and protocols’
- I
accept that in relation to the law related information, sites and stories, there
is both acknowledgement and observance in the sense
that if and when the
occasion should ever arise, an MN non-wati would not knowingly broach
wati-only subjects or go to wati-only sites, and that, likewise,
men would not knowingly discuss women’s subjects or go to women’s
sites.
6.7 Observance/understanding of the section system or similar principles
(‘skins’)
- The
MN applicants allude to ‘various’ MN claimants who gave evidence
which, they say, indicates overall significant knowledge
of and familarity with
the ‘skin’ or ‘section’ system. However, they refer
explicitly only to Phyllis Thomas’s
testimony. The MN claimants to
whom they were referring to are probably those cited in GLSC Appendix B4b which
I discuss below at.
- Phyllis
Thomas said her skin name was karimarra, her husband yiparrka, and
their children, milangka. She said that her marriage was ‘right
way’. Ms Thomas said that her family had told her that she was
karimarra when she was about 22 years old. Asked whether people
still had to follow the skin rules when marrying, Phyllis Thomas
said that
they are ‘supposed to’. When further asked if they in fact do, she
said ‘when young people fall in love
you can never stop them’. She
said that some, but not all, young people break the skin rules. She told the
anthropologist
Daniel Vachon that skin rules are broken nowadays and that
this was ‘disgusting’. She said that when the skin rules
are
broken, ‘we get hurt about it ... We like our culture to be safe, pure
...’. She said that nowadays, a couple of
the same skin will marry, and
that it is sometimes like two first cousins marrying and does not ‘seem
nice’. Jane Beasley
also gave evidence that the skin groups are not
followed today.
- The
GLSC submissions relating to this aspect of the MN case do not refer to GLSC
Appendix B4b which contains extracts from the testimony
of MN claimants
Mindi Chapman, Troy Chapman, Nancy Gordon, Kalman Murphy,
MM and Adele Phillips.
- Generally
speaking, this evidence shows that the witnesses knew the names of their own
skin and that of their parents. Some also
knew the names of the six skin groups
and the operation of the system. While some appear to know the skin
‘system’,
that is to say, which skin alliances were ‘right
way’ and which were ‘wrong way’, most did not (although
they
may have been told that their parents’ marriage was ‘right
way’). Kalman Murphy, for example, knew that
he, his mother and
brothers were panaka, and that he was married ‘right way’,
but did not know:
- how many skins
there were, or
- his wife’s
skin, or
- his
father’s skin.
At first he said his children were
tharuru then said he thought they were milangka but was not too
sure.
- The
MN applicants concede that the evidence indicates a section or skin system which
is not always observed. However, they submit
that the system still forms an
ideal and important set of normative rules for the forming of marriage
relationships. They state
that the fact that a rule is not always observed does
not establish that the group as a whole does not observe the rule, or that
the
rule is not one with a normative quality.
Conclusion on ‘Observance/understanding of the section system or similar
principles (“skins”)’
- Generally
speaking, the younger generation no longer acknowledges or observes skin rules.
This disappoints Phyllis Thomas, who
would prefer to see the
‘ideal’ followed. The evidence does not demonstrate that, for
practical purposes and in day
to day life, the law or custom obliging a person
to marry in accordance with the skin rules is acknowledged or observed.
6.8 Common kinship system
- I
refer to 3.6(c)(2) [746] ff and 4.7(a)(b)(8) [1722] ff, above.
- The
MN applicants adopt the Wongatha submissions on this topic (noting that the same
kinship system operates within the two groups).
Those submissions refer to the
Pannell/Vachon principal report (describing the Western Desert kinship system)
and the Pannell/Vachon
supplementary report containing reference to transcript
pages of indigenous testimony in support. The MN claimants listed are: Nancy
Gordon, Eric Thomas, Kalman Murphy, Phyllis Thomas, RB, Mindi Chapman and Troy
Chapman. Pannell/Vachon report that the kinship system
has a paucity of terms,
no distinction between biological and non biological relations, and
classificatory alternate generations.
- The
MN applicants also rely on GLSC Appendix B4b, and refer, in particular, to
Mindi Chapman’s and Nancy Gordon’s
testimony. With respect to
Mindi Chapman, it is his testimony that he calls Andrew Watson, who
is the son of his kurntili (his father’s sister; that is, his aunt)
‘brother’. In a later passage, he explictly refers to Andrew Watson
as
his brother, saying that when he goes to Tjirrkarli, he sees his brother,
whom he identifies as Mr Watson. I accept the MN’s
submission that this
is evidence of the Western Desert kinship system operating.
- Nancy Gordon
said that Geoffrey Stokes’s father calls her own father
‘uncle’, so she and her siblings always address
Geoffrey Stokes’s
father as their kurta (brother).
Geoffrey Stokes is a Wongatha claimant. She said that Geoffrey Stokes
claims that her mother is his ‘sister-cousin’,
so that she
(Ms Gordon) is his niece and calls him ‘uncle’. She said that
while that was the position on her mother’s
side, she believes that on her
father’s side she is Geoffrey Stokes’s aunt, and that he is her
nephew, and that
that is ‘how complex the relationships are’.
- The
MN applicants state that Nancy Gordon’s evidence exemplifies the fact
that the MN and Wongatha Claim group members
use the same kinship system. They
also submit:
evidence in regard to the
Mantjintjarra Ngalia claim group and its members reveals the same kinship system
operating within the group
as operates within the Wongatha group; both groups
are members of the Western Desert cultural
bloc.’
I have difficulty in understanding Nancy Gordon’s explanation, and
I am not sure that she professes to have a full grasp
of the matter either. She
was trying to relate what her parents had told her.
- Groups
5B/5F submit that the majority of the witnesses did not refer to people other
than through the appropriate biological relation.
They use, as an example, the
term ‘uncle’ (someone who is biologically a mother’s brother).
There is a kin term
for your mother’s brother (kamaru), so to refer
to your mother’s brother in the translated term of ‘uncle’,
while not a ‘breach’ of the
kin system, is in conformity with
English language characterisation, and does not provide evidence of the Western
Desert kinship
system in operation. Thus, they note that MM used the term
‘uncle’ to refer to his mother’s brother, Mindi Chapman,
and
that Elton Polak referred to ‘aunty Phyllis and uncle Eric
[Thomas]’, of whom he was a biological nephew (Elton Polak
is the son of
Johnny Polak deceased, who was Phyllis Thomas’s
brother).
Conclusion on ‘Common kinship system’
- The
position is complex. The most that can be said is that there is some resort to
the distinctive Western Desert kinship system
by some of the MN claimants who
gave evidence, and there is also use of English language kinship terms and
concepts.
- Dr Pannell
agreed that in order to see that a kinship system existed, one would need
evidence, not only of knowledge of kinship
terms, but also rules of behaviour
associated with those terms.
6.9 Acknowledgement and usage in varying degrees of Mantjintjarra or Wongatha
language
- I
refer to my discussion at 3.6(f) [1024] ff, 4.6(a)(2) [1366] ff,
4.7(a)(b)(9) [1742] ff.
- The
MN applicants rely on GLSC Appendix A10b for the testimony given by
MN claimants relevant to this topic. They submit that
this evidence
demonstrates ‘significant, but varying, degrees of fluency in the use of
the Mantjintjarra language’, and
that ‘the Mantjintjarra way of
speaking is very similar to the Wongatha language or way of speaking’.
Groups 5B/5F refer
to their earlier submissions with respect to language, and to
the same GLSC Appendix A10b which, they submit, ‘demonstrates
a
significant deterioration and loss of language competence in the members of the
[MN] applicant group ...’.
- With
respect to the testimony given by MN claimants, Mindi Chapman said
that he speaks ‘Mantjiltjarra’ which, he said is also the language
‘for’ his father’s country
and his mother’s country. He
appears to have been referring to Tjirrkarli and Alexander Spring (Wakamurru
Mangu), respectively,
both a little north-east of the Wongatha Claim area, and
perhaps Mangkili further north. It will be recalled that Mr Chapman said
that
his parents walked from Alexander Spring to Cosmo, where he (Mr Chapman) was
born, and then brought him as a baby to Mulga Queen
where he spent his early
years.
- It
is difficult to assess Mindi Chapman’s bald statement that he speaks
his parents’ Aboriginal language called ‘Mantjiltjarra’.
Does
he mean that he converses in it or knows it, and if the former, with whom does
he converse in it? He knew certain words that
are apparently
‘Wongatha’ words. Mindi Chapman was considered by the expert
linguist, Dr Clendon, to be one of
the more ‘fluent’ speakers
of Western Desert Aboriginal language he recorded during his research. (The most
fluent speaker
was Paddy Walker. He considered both Mindi Chapman and FB to be
fluent as well, but to demonstrate ‘more frequent code-switching’
language.) Dr Clendon is not, however, saying that there is a
‘Mantjintjarra language’ that can be aligned with
the MN Claim
group. In fact, his evidence is that the speech of the Wongatha, MN, Koara and
Wutha cannot be subcharacterised by
Claim; rather, he is of the view that there
is a single speech community.
- Troy Chapman
said that he speaks ‘a fair bit of Wangkayi’ and has a lot more to
learn. He said that ‘Mantjiltjarra’ and
‘Ngaanyatjarra’
are very similar (he seems to have meant that they are not a different language
from Wangkayi, to which
they are very similar). He said that people speak
‘Mantjiltjarra’ around Mulga Queen, the main ones being his uncle,
Mindi Chapman, his mother Coral Chapman, his
Aunty Phyllis Thomas, and ‘the Bankses’. Again,
however, he seemed reluctant to identify ‘Mantjiltjarra’ as distinct
from Wangkayi. He said that he has heard through
his mother and uncles that
‘they’re made up a very similar way of talking, and that’s
just, well, different way
of expression, of saying it’. He said that when
they speak it, he gets a ‘fair idea’ of their meaning. Later,
he
said that he speaks more ‘like a Central Desert way ... Mantjintjarra and
Ngaanyatjarra’, and the Banks family speaks
Mantjintjarra and
Ngaanyatjarra.
- Kalman Murphy
said that his mother spoke ‘Mantjintjarra and ‘Ngaanyatjarra’,
that his father (who came from around Tikatika on
the other side of the
Warburton Ranges) ‘spoke this side and Alice Springs side too’. His
mother used to speak to him
using English or Mantjintjarra and Ngaanyatjarra.
He said that he can speak ‘Ngaanyatjarra and Mantjintjarra this side two
ways’. He said that ‘Ngaanyatjarra is a bit different’, and
he seemed to suggest that in regard to words and pronunciation,
‘it’s all the same’. Given the opportunity to say something
in Ngaanyatjarra language, Mr Murphy declined,
saying that he would become
‘tongue-tied’, although he attempted a sentence that was mostly in
English with a few Aboriginal
words.
- Phyllis Thomas
said that the different languages have a different ‘swing’ to them,
by which I think she meant a different rhythm and
accent, since she illustrated
by reference to the difference between American and Australian English. She
said that she can understand
speakers of a language with a different swing to it
but could not speak because she gets ‘too tongue twister’.
Mrs Thomas
said that she speaks two mixed languages, namely
‘Mantjintjarra and Wongatha, Waljen’. She appeared to say that she
has learned Waljen by being married to a Waljen man, Eric Thomas. She said
that she first heard of the ‘Waljen’
language with the advent of
Native Title, but that she had heard the word ‘Wongatha’ over a long
period, ‘because
we’re the Wongatha people’. She agreed that
she speaks a ‘broken’ Aboriginal language, ‘like broken
English’ or ‘pidgin English’.
- Nancy Gordon
said she learned to speak in Wongatha from her mother, and from her
mother’s mother. He mother was born in Warburton and was
brought up in
Oldea, Cundeelee way. She said that today, when speaking Wongatha, she speaks
English and Wangkayi.
- MM
said that he does ‘not really’ speak any Aboriginal language, but
that he can understand it. When asked what language
he was referring to, he
said ‘Wangkayi language’. He can understand when his Uncle
Mindi Chapman and the Westlake
family speak. He says that he can use some
Wangkayi words.
- Elton Polak
said that he could speak Aboriginal language ‘only a little bit’,
has a lot to learn, and could say only about 25-30
Aboriginal words,
‘maybe more’. He did not further identify the language.
- Adele Phillips
said that she speaks the Wongatha language that she learned from her father and
mother. She said that yapu is an Aboriginal word for
‘stone’, and that thaarkumpa is an Aboriginal word for
‘little black berries’. She gave the names of other bush foods and
answered ‘yeway’ in response to many questions. She said
that there was an Aboriginal word for hunting, which she could not remember.
Conclusion on ‘Acknowledgement and usage in varying degrees of
Mantjintjarra or Wongatha language’
- These
extracts do not show that among the MN claimants there is fluency in the use of
a ‘Mantjintjarra’ language. As
noted by Groups 5B/5F, there has
been significant deterioration and loss of language competence among the MN
claimants and such a
view is consistent with the evidence of the expert
linguists (see 3.5(c)(1) [447] ff above).
- Generally
speaking, the MN claimants are not fluent in any Aboriginal language and do not
use Aboriginal language as a daily means
of communication. However, they do
demonstrate varying degrees of knowledge of Aboriginal words, which they
identify as ‘Mantjintjarra’
or ‘Wongatha’.
- There
is no speech variety that distinguishes the MN (or any other) Claim group.
6.10 Acknowledgement and acquisition of a personal ‘Dreaming’
(totem)
- I
refer to my discussion at 3.6(c)(2) [779] ff and 4.7(a)(b)(10)
[1754] ff.
- The
MN applicants rely on the testimony of Nancy Gordon. She said that
her late father (Jack Gordon/Ngurrkapa) and his brother Mickey Wiainu
(Warren), who, she thought, had different
fathers, were both born at Rirrti
(Empress Spring), as were their parents, and she said that they were probably
also conceived there.
She based this last statement on her assessment that it
was likely that they were conceived where they were born, and on the fact
that
her father had told her his Tjukurr was the mallee hen and ‘the
Mallee Hen is around that area’. She said she heard her father say that
to people around
the campfire. She said that ‘because ... they were born
there’, both her father and his brother have ‘a strong
sort of, you
know, dreaming to the place’. She said that from the time of conception
that they would have had a connection
to the area, adding ‘That’s an
Aboriginal way’.
- Ms Gordon’s
testimony, unique in that of the witnesses, that a place could belong to a skin
group and be known by a skin
group name (she said that she had been told
that Empress Spring was ‘all purungu country’.
- Nancy Gordon
also indicated that her own totem was the rabbit. However, her evidence on the
matter was unclear. She thought
she was probably told but could not recall or
did not take notice of information as to where she was conceived. She explained
that
according to her understanding of Aboriginal culture, if at the time of
conception the woman has contact with something (it might
be an animal), it
gives the offspring his or her Aboriginal identity.
- Groups
5B/5F point out that Professor Elkin had identified, as characteristic of
the whole Aluridja or Western Desert region,
the holding of two types of totem,
a birth or local totem associated with a Tjukurrpa or Dreaming, and a
conception totem associated with a species (see 3.6(a)(b)(3) [600] and
3.6(c)(2) [779] ff). It is the Tjukurrpa or local totem that
links a person to country; a conception totem in itself does not do so (I say
‘in itself’, to allow
for the possibility that the two totems are
one and the same).
- Groups
5B/5F point out that Nancy Gordon referred to her father having a totem
associated with the Tjukurrpa, yet she said that this arose from
conception, not birth. The statement suggests that she understood her father to
have had a conception
totem, not a local totem.
Conclusion on ‘Acknowledgement and acquisition of a personal
‘Dreaming totem’
- Nancy
Gordon’s testimony, including in relation to country having a skin, is not
entirely clear.
- It
may be that her reasoning as to the place of her father’s conception is
beside the point because his totem was a birth totem,
not a conception
totem.
- I
do not, on the basis of Nancy Gordon’s testimony, conclude that personal
dreaming totems are a feature of the MN Claim group.
6.11 Personal relationship laws and customs including:
(i) Avoidance of the
names of deceased individuals
- I
refer to my discussion at 4.7(a)(b)(11) [1766] ff.
- The
MN applicants submit that the practice of avoiding the names of deceased
individuals was observed throughout the evidence of the
indigenous witnesses,
including the MN claimants. However, they rely in particular on the testimony
of Nancy Gordon and Phyllis Thomas.
- Nancy Gordon
said that she did not feel comfortable naming the deceased person who had told
her that Empress Spring had the purungu skin, and referred to him as
‘Myrtle Scott’s husband’. She also referred to another
deceased person as ‘one
of the Harris brothers’. She said that
having discussed the matter with counsel she had decided to name deceased
people, but
to explain to the indigenous people and to the Court that she was
doing so because she thought it important for the Court to hear
that the
deceased people had Wangkayi names.
- When
Phyllis Thomas gave evidence on country at ‘Old Winter
Camp’ (not far from Mulga Queen) in relation to old ngurras
(camps), or the places where they had been (campsites), she also declined to
name deceased persons. She said, in relation to a person
who had camped in one
of the ngurras: ‘I only can say Nowie Westlake. But I
can’t say the other one, because she went away from us.’ Elsewhere,
Phyllis Thomas said of a particular puri structure: ‘this
[belong to] Nowie Westlake and a deceased woman. – I don’t want to
say the name.’
- Phyllis Thomas
also appeared to avoid saying the name of Nowie Westlake’s brother,
who had died ‘only a couple
of years ago’. She said that they would
not ‘be camping’ in the area where he used to camp. The reason, she
said,
is that ‘Aboriginal people’ are ‘very sensitive in that
way’. She refused to say the names of three people
who had recently
passed away.
- Groups
5B/5F submit that although there were many examples of people avoiding saying
the name of a particular deceased person, there
was no articulation of a general
rule. In relation to Nancy Gordon’s testimony, Groups 5B/5F state:
‘Clearly she
referred to her deceased sister, Carol ....’ In fact,
she did not. Rather, counsel asked her ‘you had a sister
Carol?’ to which she replied ‘That’s right’. She was
then asked
further questions, and answered them without herself ever saying her
late sister’s name.
- Groups
5B/5F do not point to any other instance of an MN claimant uttering the name of
a deceased person, although, in view of the
fact that there appear to be
exceptions to the rule, I would be surprised if there were
none.
Conclusion on ‘Avoidance of the names of deceased individuals’
- While
I agree with Groups 5B/5F that no MN witness articulated clearly a rule and the
exceptions to it, Nancy Gordon and Phyllis Thomas
definitely displayed
a sensitivity towards the uttering of the names of deceased people. I would be
disposed to find that the MN
Claim group acknowledges and observes a rule, the
precise limits of which I do not understand, against saying the name of a
deceased
person.
(ii) The practice of wartulku (passing on the name of a grandparent)
- I
repeat my observations at 4.7(a)(b)(11) [1793] ff.
- The
MN applicants refer again to Nancy Gordon, who in her testimony
described the practice of waduna (wartulku). She described it as
a practice of an adult lying down with a small child and simultaneously pressing
or massaging the child and
talking to the child, thereby passing on to him or
her the adult’s good characteristics. She said that her father did this
for her son, Terry, when he was about two years old. (Since, according to her,
he was 38 years old, he would have been born in about
1964 and would have been
about two years old in about 1966). She said that her father and his brother,
Mickey Warren, gave
her son, Terry, his Aboriginal name, Djidinna. She
said that the name was derived from the djidins, the little birds
of Empress Spring (where, it will be recalled, her father and his brother came
from). She said that MB, who is like
an aunt to her, had given her oldest
daughter, Michelle, her Aboriginal name, Minna. She also said that she was told
that her granny,
Ngaratarikartaly, had done the same thing for her when she was
a baby (she said that she was born ‘around
1946’).
Conclusion on ‘The practice of wartulku (passing on the name of a
grandparent)’
- Nancy Gordon
was the only MN witness who testified about this practice. The instances of it
that she related occurred in about
1946 and 1966 – a considerable time
ago. I do not accept that the evidence shows that the practice is followed
nowadays by
the MN claimants as a whole.
(iii) In-law avoidance
- I
refer to my discussion at 4.7(a)(b)(11) [1802] ff.
- The
MN applicants refer to MN claimant witnesses Phyllis Thomas and Kalman Muphy
(the latter being also an NK 1 claimant).
- Phyllis Thomas
said that the husbands of her four daughters speak to her with respect. Pressed
as to whether they may speak to her in the same
way as any other man might do,
she said that a long time ago they were not at liberty to do so, ‘but
there is some point there
still; they have to talk to [their mother-in-law] in a
proper manner ...’, and the mother-in-law must also treat them properly
by
not interfering. She said that in the old days, a son-in-law was supposed to
turn his back and not look at his mother-in-law
(yumari), and that
nowadays some people still do that while some do not. Asked whether her own
sons-in-law observed the old practice, Phyllis Thomas
replied:
this world now, you know, world of
high society and all that people are living in, they have respect for one
another, but that’s
your mother-in-law, son-in-law always have respect for
their mother[-in-law].’
In cross-examination, Ms Thomas agreed that although there used to be a
rule that a son-in-law must speak to his mother-in-law
from behind her back or
from the side, and not look at her eye to eye, she believed that nowadays people
should look at each other
eye to eye, and in fact her sons-in-law sit down at
the table and have a cup of tea with her ‘because they never worked in
a
hard society’. By this last expression, I understand Ms Thomas to
have been referring to a society in which the old
rules were strictly followed.
In sum, her evidence is that in her own family, the rule is no longer
followed.
- Kalman Murphy
initially said that when he wants to speak to his mother-in-law, he must
‘stay far apart’ and is ‘not allowed to
go next to her’.
He said that the same rule applies if he wishes to speak to his father-in-law.
He said that the word for
‘mother-in-law’ in his language is
wapatju. He is allowed to speak to his brothers-in-law, but not to their
mother or father.
- In
cross-examination, Kalman Murphy said that it was when he went through the law
that he was instructed to stay apart from his in-laws.
The instruction came
from his in-laws. His in-laws are Coonana people (Coonana is on the
Trans-Australian Railway, some 85 km south
of the Wongatha Claim area and some
175 km east of Kalgoorlie). It was put to Kalman Murphy that the in-law
avoidance rule to
which he had referred was a practice of his in-laws of
Coonana, not his own. He said he could not understand, then said ‘All
I
know is just that’s their thing, you know, relatives, and – you
know, not allowed to go next to them, that’s
all I know’. This
appeared to be an agreement by Kalman Murphy that the prohibition was that
of his Coonana in-laws.
- However,
Kalman Murphy later said that now that his wife’s parents live
in Kalgoorlie, and ‘the [Coonana] place is finished’, he visits them
in Kalgoorlie
and speaks to them. He said he does not observe the old rule
about not speaking to in-laws.
- Later,
Kalman Murphy’s testimony in relation to in-law avoidance took a
further change of direction. He said that the
in-laws whom he must not visit
are in Tjuntjuntjarra (in the Great Victoria Desert, some 135 km east of the
eastern boundary of the
Wongatha Claim area) and are the parents of his
give-away girl. When he went through men’s business, he was told that he
would
be passed a girl so that he could have a mother-in-law and father-in-law.
- He
become upset over the questions about law business, threatening to go home, but
after a short adjournment, Mr Murphy resumed
his evidence and said:
just like when you pass through law and
that, that in tribal way, the woman I’m living with now is Anita Hogan and
the father
of [Harry] or Anita, Harry’s sisters and brothers and
that, that I’m not allowed to speak to. I can speak to mother,
Anita’s
mother, but not to Anita’s father and Harry’s sisters;
that what I mean.’
The witness’s evidence is now that he can speak to his mother-in-law,
the mother of Anita Hogan, but not to Anita Hogan’s
father,
apparently called ‘Harry’, or to Harry’s sisters. This is a
further change in Kalman Murphy’s
evidence on the subject, and
presents the rule as being that one may speak to one’s mother-in-law, but
not to one’s father-in-law
or to the father-in-law’s sisters.
- Kalman Murphy’s
evidence remains confusing. The MN applicants seek to explain it as
follows:
is submitted that the evidence of
Kalman Murphy makes clear that the former practice of a young man who is going
through men’s
Law, being given a wife, still continues in what is
apparently a largely symbolic way. The rule that the young man must not speak
directly to his “parents-in-law”, being the parents of the
“give-away” still applies. However, an adaptation of this
rule is that the young man need not truly marry the girl given to him during
the
course of men’s business; and if he marries another girl, then the rules
of in-law avoidance do not apply in respect of
that
marriage.’
This submission is based on Kalman Murphy’s third version. It
fails to take into account his fourth version that he must
not speak to
Anita Hogan’s father or the father’s sisters.
- Kalman
Murphy went through the law at Bundinni (Pantini) Reserve, near Wiluna, and, as
mentioned, the parents of his give-away live
at Tjuntjuntjarra – both
places in the desert well outside the Wongatha Claim area.
- Kalman Murphy’s
testimony does not support a finding that a custom of in-law avoidance continues
to be acknowledged and
observed, either within the Wongatha Claim area or by the
MN Claim group, on a fair overall view of that
group.
Conclusion on ‘In-law avoidance'
- I
do not accept that the ‘respect’ that a son-in-law should show to
his mother-in-law to which Phyllis Thomas referred,
is an adaptation of the
in-law avoidance rule. The position described by Phyllis Thomas is in
stark contrast to the finding
made by Merkel J in Sebastian (on behalf
of the Rubibi Community) v Western Australia [2004] FCA 1019; (2004) 138 FCR 536 at [123], in
relation to what was termed
‘malinyanu’:
malinyanu
concept means that mothers-in-law and sons-in-law may not look at each other or
speak to each other. There was evidence of the continued
practice of this
custom during the trial; a screen was erected to prevent mother-in-laws and
son-in-laws attending the hearing from
seeing each other. A current Yawuru
phrasebook contains phrases such as “Don’t come here; your
son-in-law is here”.’
- I
do not find the rule of in-law avoidance to be any longer acknowledged and
observed by the MN Claim group on a fair overall view
of that
group.
(iv) Customary food preparation/sharing practices
- I
refer to my discussion at 4.7(a)(b)(11) [1813] ff.
- The
MN applicants rely on GLSC Appendix B5b (‘Mantjintjarra Ngalia –
Preparation, Cooking and Distribution of Meat’).
The extracts there set
out include testimony of four MN claimants: Mindi Chapman,
Troy Chapman, Elton Polak and Phyllis Thomas.
The MN applicants
do not formulate any law or custom under this heading.
- Groups
5B/5F state that there is no evidence of particular rules in relation to food
preparation or distribution and discuss the testimony
of the MN witnesses listed
above.
- Mindi Chapman
merely identified himself in a photograph, cutting up a goanna at Payari.
- Troy Chapman
said that he had learned about cooking in the traditional way from the old
people. He did not identify that way.
- On
site at Old Winter Camp on the way from Mulga Queen to Lawut Claypan,
Phyllis Thomas showed where she and others had cooked a turkey, an
emu and a kangaroo, in holes in the ground. She identified whose puris
were at various places. She also pointed to a place where they had dug a
‘rubbish bin’. She said that it is the Aboriginal
way to share the
meat from a hunt with those people that have been sitting in front of the spit.
- Elton Polak
referred to ‘NAIDOC day’ (which he identified as ‘Aboriginal
week’, in about 1998, in which there was a celebration
of Aboriginal
culture) included going hunting, and cooking a few kangaroos. He said that the
elders showed the youngsters ‘how
to cook a kangaroo and goanna and
stuff’. He did not describe the manner of butchering, food preparation,
cooking or distribution.
- An
occasional day or week of celebration of Aboriginal culture does not support the
continued acknowledgment and observance of a traditional
law and custom by the
MN Claim group.
- I
will also refer to the testimony of Nancy Gordon. She described her
mother hunting kangaroos with a dog, cooking the kangaroo back in town in hot
ashes in a hole in the ground (not
in the kitchen), and sharing the kangaroo
‘with the community’. She said that ‘they’ (apparently
meaning
her parents) had a way of dividing it up, ‘but [she] didn’t
... couldn’t explain it to the Court here’.
(She did not mean
‘could not’ because of cultural considerations.) She also said that
nowadays when she visits Richard
and Sandra Evans and others in Leonora,
they might go out bush and get a kangaroo, cook it out there, and have a feed
before
returning. She said, ‘I still share kangaroo now with certain
members of the family’.
- MM
said he learned about bush foods from his father and the old people; that he
cooks a kangaroo in the way his father showed him; and
that he taught his sons
and expects that they will teach their children. He said that his grandchildren
are too small to learn,
but he will teach them later.
- Asked
whether, when cooking a kangaroo in the ground, anything special must be done
with the legs, he said ‘not really, my brothers
[they are watis] do
that. Sometimes my brother do the cooking. ... Glad to give away, I don’t
do cooking. ... Won’t fall in the fire.’
He said that both legs
must be broken around the knee, and that he has never heard anyone say
that the break must be at the ankles, and has never seen anybody break a
kangaroo’s
legs at the ankles.
Conclusion on ‘Customary food preparation/sharing practices’
- The
testimony referred to above shows an expectation of sharing, at least within the
immediate family, when bush food is available.
In addition, the evidence of MM
suggests that at least within his family, a traditional practice is observed as
to the way of butchering
and cooking kangaroo.
(v) Burial/reburial and other practices associated with death
- I
refer to my discussion at 3.6(c)(2) [821] ff, 4.7(a)(b)(11) [1853]
ff.
- The
MN applicants cite the testimony of Kalman Murphy in relation to burial and
Kalman Murphy, Phyllis Thomas and MM in relation
to moving away when someone
dies.
- Kalman
Murphy was asked what happens when a person among his people dies. He said
that there are two ceremonies: the first at the cemetery, and
the second back at
a ‘laying ground’, where the mourners ‘would all lay down and
all have a good cry’. He
said that a person comes from the cemetery to
those lying on the ground and make a noise on approach. That person touches or
taps
the people lying on the ground with a parka (bush or branch), a
process called pampulka, thereby letting them know that it’s over,
whereupon they all get up and say ‘it’s over’.
- Groups
5B/5F submit that the ceremony so described bears little resemblance to the
burial practices as recorded by ‘early ethnographers’
such as early
Murrin Murrin resident David Sanderson McDonald, the relevant extract
from which I set out at 3.6(c)(2) [821] ff (I also there set out a
relevant extract from Morgan, A Drop in a Bucket (p 126) to which the
GLSC submissions refer). As well, they submit that it bears little
resemblance to any ceremony described by other witnesses.
- Mr Murphy’s
description was of a single event, not of burial and reburial procedures,
separated by a year or more. Kalman Murphy
was not cross-examined on his
evidence concerning burial. At times he appeared to be describing a practice
that took place in the
past, and at other times one that takes place today.
- I
agree that there are elements of the procedure described by
David Sanderson McDonald that are absent from Kalman Murphy’s
description. However, there are common elements too, notably, the mourners
lying on the ground until the return of the burial party
from the grave.
- In
the absence of cross-examination of Kalman Murphy on the subject, I accept
that he has attended at least one ceremony conforming
to his description, and
that it is akin to a form of burial ceremony that was followed at sovereignty.
However, he is only one witness
from a large Claim group, and we do not know
where or how long ago the ceremony (or ceremonies) he described occurred –
for
all the evidence reveals, it may have occurred at Wiluna, Warburton,
Cundeelee or Coonana – places outside the Wongatha Claim
area, and it may
have happened some decades ago.
- Kalman Murphy
also said that there is a practice according to which, following a death, the
relatives leave the place of death
for about a year, and do not return until the
place has been smoked out, painted, and made ‘new again’. While the
family
is away, someone else can attend to these matters for them.
- Mr Murphy
was not cross-examined on this evidence either. I approach his evidence on this
matter as I did (above) his evidence
relating to the burial ceremony, and my
remarks above apply mutatis mutandis.
- Mindy
Chapman gave evidence that he lived at Mulga Queen for about three years
after he retired, and then moved to Leonora, following his wife’s
death
(she passed away about a year before he testified). Asked why he moved to
Leonora to live, he answered ‘Because I wanted
to go and stay
there’. This evidence is not probative of a law or custom requiring
relocation.
- Phyllis
Thomas said that around Mulga Queen, if someone passes away, the family will
mourn. Some people go away and come back after six months
or a year. Their
houses will be repainted to make it look at bit different, ‘smoke them
out’. Asked if she can mention
anyone who has gone away like that in
recent times, she said there had been and that one person had since moved back.
With repect
to another, she stopped mid-sentence saying it was a touchy subject
because three people very important to her Claim group had recently
died.
- She
said that when she camped at Yilindu about five years earlier, someone had
destroyed a puri so that the campsite would not be known because someone
had died there. She said that as a consequence people camped on the other
side
of the bushes. She said that Aboriginal people are very sensitive about such
things. She identified another campsite at the
Old Winter Campsite which she
said would had not been used for a few years and would not be used for maybe
another two years, because
Nowie Westlake’s brother died and he used to
camp there a lot.
- Phyllis
Thomas also gave evidence about a Dreaming story of a blind man and his wife in
which she described the man burying his wife.
She said that after burying his
wife, the man carried nothing but his spears with him because in her culture,
when someone dies,
you don’t take anything that belongs to the deceased
person.
Conclusion on ‘Burial/reburial and other practices
associated with death’
- I
accept that the practice of a temporary relocation following death is followed
by some people in the Mulga Queen Community, as Phyllis
Thomas has
said.
(vi) Marrying far away
- I
refer to my discussion at 4.7(a)(b)(11) [1869] ff.
- It
is not obvious what ‘personal relationship law and custom’ is
referred to by this heading. The MN applicants rely
only on
Kalman Murphy’s testimony relating to his marriage to
Anita Hogan of Coonana. They submit that ‘the
effect of this
evidence is to suggest that ... the practice of marrying far away [while less
significant and observed today] ...
has evolved into a factor to be taken into
account when endeavoring to marry “right way”.’
- Thus,
Kalman Murphy appears to say that because he was not related to any
of the Coonana mob, he was free to marry Anita Hogan from that mob, and
that his marriage
to her would therefore be ‘right way’ in terms of
the skin system. (He said he did not know the name of his wife’s
skin.)
This would suggest a belief that the skin rules do not operate if one marries a
person from far away.
- However,
there is no suggestion that when he married Anita Hogan, Kalman Murphy
directed his mind to the skin question,
and decided that he would not contravene
the skin system rules because she lived far away. In addition, it transpired
that Kalman Murphy
had been assisted in relation to the ‘skins’
part of his statement, by his elder brother, because, as he put it, he does
not
know about skins whereas his elder brother does.
Conclusion on
‘Marrying far away’
- It
is not shown on the basis of Mr Murphy’s testimony that the MN Claim
group, regarded as a whole, follows a practice of ‘marrying
far
away’ in order to avoid the risk of contravening the skin
rules.
(vii) Greeting, assertion and acknowledgement
- The
MN applicants refer to the Wongatha submissions (on the ‘Relationship with
other Claim groups’) which discusses the
practice of papaluka as
one ‘relevant to accessing country, in that it is a means of people making
themselves known by advising or presenting themselves
to senior men or women who
are usually living in the vicinity of the land in question’. I addressed
the related concepts of
access protocols, the ‘right to be asked’
and kunta wiya at 4.6(c) [1403] ff.
- The
MN applicants also refer to the testimony of MN claimants Eric Thomas,
Phyllis Thomas, and Kalman Murphy.
- Phyllis Thomas
said that if an Aboriginal person from Victoria wanted to come, to Mulga Queen
to look around for emu eggs or to camp for a while,
if that person came
‘and talk’ [meaning, I think, to those at the Mulga Queen Aboriginal
Community], we will show that
person ‘how to find egg’. She said
she thought that person had ‘rights’ by reason of being
‘Aboriginal
too’.
- She
was asked about the area around Mount Margaret she claims as her ngurra,
and said that it went ‘as far as we – we want to go, but not to
Kalgoorlie, not to Menzies, because that’s a different
area’, then
added ‘if I wanted to go to Menzies I’ll get in touch with Ian
Tucker’. Then she added ‘But
where – where you can go where
there’s no one living ... No house, no nothing, it’s just a
foundation on Linden
and all that, you know’.
- I
find the evidence touching Menzies confusing. A possible view is that Phyllis
Thomas was saying that she could go to any place
where people were not living,
but must contact Ian Tucker before doing anything in an area where people are
living.
- Eric Thomas
said that Mulga Queen was his wife’s (Phyllis Thomas’s)
land, therefore he thinks it is ‘okay’ for him
to ‘catch bush
tucker and all this and that’. He said that before they were married, he
would go to Mulga Queen with
her; that no one said he could not come because
‘her relations said okay, I can come up through here, country’. He
does
not now have to ask anyone to catch bush tucker because it is his
wife’s country. He said that when he and his wife Phyllis
established the Mulga Queen Aboriginal Community in the early 1980s, people from
Warburton would come for a visit and would ask if
they could go out and get
meat. He said that he would give permission. He added: ‘We all –
we all one – one people,
Wangkayi people ... Aboriginal people can go
anywhere’. He said that he did not go out hunting with them, and that
they would
camp on the outskirts of the Community and hunt within about 10 km to
the north, east and south of the Community. He said they would
bring kangaroo,
emu or goanna back into the Community and share it around within the Community.
Mr Thomas was asked, ‘When
they’d come camping here and go
hunting, did they always come and speak with you or with your wife, or just
sometimes?’
He replied that they would speak to them both and ‘just
sit down and talk about old times, about the old people who was here.
And
stories like that’, and that they would then camp, and go out hunting the
next day. Thus, he described a procedure of
introductory conversation followed
by camping and then by hunting.
- Eric
Thomas also described an incident in the late 1950s, early 1960s when he was
camping at McKenzies’ Well while working in
the area with Roy Sullivan and
RM. They had given a lift to some people from Kalgoorlie and Cundeelee up to
Mulga Queen. The visitors,
after having been dropped off, lit a fire. Someone
must have seen their fire because another ‘mob camped up there’ lit
their fire. He said that the fire indicated that the mob was there and wanted
to come and see them. Eventually, the two groups
came and sat on either side of
the fence line. People started crying, greeting one another, and after, started
talking. He said
the Aboriginal word for this practice is papaluku
(talking to and understanding each other). He said that he used to see fires on
ridges when he was young, but that was the only
time he had seen that happen.
He said his grandparents, RB and Shannon, told him it had been done for years.
- Kalman Murphy
said that he has visited his uncle, Andrew Watson, at the Tjirrkarli
Aboriginal Community three times, the last time in 2001.
He said he first
telephones him ‘[j]ust to let him know [he’s] coming on, down the
track.’ He said that if his
uncle was not there, he would speak to
someone else, Warwick Nelson or the ‘white fella’ Adviser, and ask
that person
to let his uncle know that he’s coming out.
Kalman Murphy also said that he ‘wouldn’t have a clue’
whose country it is within a 60 km radius of Leonora, which is where he goes
hunting ‘probably every weekend’. He said
he does not need
anyone’s permission: everyone in the town of Leonora just goes out hunting
in the area, and he does what everyone
else does.
- Troy
Chapman described his responsibilities on country including helping visitors
who come to camp. He agreed that ringing someone in the community
before coming
is the right thing to do ‘Aboriginal way’ because arriving without
ringing first is ‘just like gate-crashing’.
Conclusion on ‘Greeting, assertion and acknowledgement (Papaluka) and
kunta wiya (‘no shame’
- As
I understand it, the GLSC applicants submit that it is not permission to access
an area that is required, but observance of a protocol
that involves showing
respect for traditional owners and for their ‘right to be asked’.
This could be shown by a courtesy
call on them before entry upon the area, or,
at least, before any activity is undertaken upon it. It is kunta wiya
(‘no shame’) not to observe the protocol (ie, only a person with no
sense of shame would fail to observe it).
- I
have discussed the present issue under ‘Ngurra’ earlier at
5.6(a)(b)(2) [2093] ff.
- I
can imagine a papaluka or kunta wiya principle operating where one
group is about to intrude on an area already occupied by way of camping or
hunting, by another group.
Indeed, there is some evidence supporting such a
practice of letting others know of one’s approach in such circumstances:
see Eric Thomas [2335], Dimple Sullivan [1418] above. In such
circumstances, the approaching family or group makes clear,
perhaps by a smoke
signal, that it does not come secretly, and is well intentioned. It does not
intend to encroach upon an existing
group’s self-sustenance from the
land.
- However,
as I understand it, the GLSC applicants suggest something different. They
suggest a protocol arising, not from occupational
incumbency, but from ownership
– from a recognition that an area belongs to someone else. In the present
case, the only areas
in contention is the ‘my country’ area of the
individual. In my opinion, the evidence does not establish that the
papaluka/kunta wiya principle, as described, relates to the ‘my
country’ areas of individuals.
- Several
situations must be distinguished. First, there is no suggestion that the
protocol operates in relation to a town or its surrounding
area, even though the
town and surrounding area are within the ‘my country’ area of one or
more individuals. See the
testimony of Kalman Murphy referred to at [2336]
above.
- Second,
Phyllis Thomas said that she could go where no one is living (see [2332]
above).
- Third,
there is a situation of people who wish to establish a new community within an
area. Dennis Forrest, for example, referred
(see 4.6(c) [1414] above) to
that hypothetical situation. Again, I have no difficulty in accepting that the
newcomers would be expected, out
of consideration of courtesy and practical
exigency, to approach the local Aboriginal people first, and, in particular, the
elders
among them.
-
Fourth, there is the position of the remote Aboriginal Communities such as at
Mulga Queen, Cosmo, Kanpa and Tjirrkarli. It is significant
that most of the
indigenous evidence concerning the suggested protocol relating to access,
focused on such communities. These communities
do not fall into either the
first or second category mentioned above. The evidence seems to be at one, that
before evidence is made
for a first time to such community, the visitor should
establish contact with someone, such as the person in charge of the community.
The position is otherwise if the visitor is already known to the community.
- Over
and above the land tenure situation, practical exigencies would make it
inevitable that a visiting Aboriginal person (as distinct
from a person passing
through) would establish contact with the Community before arriving. Aboriginal
people going to camp at a
Community would either be related to or know a person
or persons within the Community. If the purpose of the trip was not actually
to
visit the relative or friend, at least the visitor would call upon them. I do
not derive much assistance from the testimony relating
to visits to remote
Aboriginal communities.
- The
position can be tested by considering the many claimants from all Claim groups
who live elsewhere than in their ‘my country’
area. If the protocol
was being observed, contact would have to be made with them before a person
could enter upon their respective
‘my country’ areas. There is no
suggestion that this happens.
- I
do not think that it is established that access protocols are generally observed
before people enter upon the claimed ‘my
country’ areas of the
claimants in any of the Claim groups. Access protocols are, however, observed
in relation to visits
to any of the remote Aboriginal communities or the areas
immediately surrounding them.
(viii) Hold, receive and pass on knowledge; instruct and educate
- The
MN applicants refer tothe GLSC submissions relating to the Wongatha Claim, in
which certain testimony of Adele Phillips was summarised
with respect to this
practice. I dealt with this evidence at 4.7(a)(b)(11) [1873]. They also
rely on the testimony set out in GLSC Appendix C4b of Mindi Chapman, Troy
Chapman, Nancy Gordon, Clarrie Murphy,
Kalman Murphy, MM, Adele Phillips, Elton
Polak and Phyllis Thomas. I have read all of that testimony, but will not
summarise it.
- Groups
5B/5F submit that since the older generation itself has only a fragmentary
recollection of past acknowledgement and observance,
at best all that is
available to be passed on, if anything at all, is a recollection of that such
practices used to be carried out.
- The
transcript passages set out in Appendix C4b are diverse. There are
communications by the older generation to the younger of information
about the
places where people came from, whose country is where, edible bush tucker,
cooking of food in the bush, fragments of Dreamtime
stories, pika
ngurlu places, the basis of a witness’s claim to country, skin
groups, good places for hunting, and so on.
- Often,
but not always, the evidence relates to a passing on of information or skills to
the witness when he or she was a child. For
example, Adele Phillips was
born in 1970, and her father told her the things she mentions when she was a
child travelling around
with her parents.
- When
Troy Chapman was about 18 or 19 years old (about 1995 or 1996), his uncle
Mindi Chapman told him about skin groups.
A couple of years before the
hearing, his aunty Phyllis Thomas told him the Seven Sisters story, and
about three or four years
before the hearing she told him the Goanna Dreaming
story.
- The
substance of the matters communicated, are dealt with elsewhere. What the MN
applicants rely on here is the inter-generational
passing on of knowledge.
Conclusion on ‘Hold, receive and pass on knowledge, instruct and
educate’
- I
accept that the older generation has passed on, and continues to pass on, a wide
range of knowledge and skills to the younger generation.
(7) Inherit, dispose of land and acquire interests in land
- The
MN applicants refer to the testimony extracted in GLSC Appendix B7b, and, in
particular, the testimony of Mindi Chapman, Troy
Chapman, Kalman Murphy, Elton
Polak and Phyllis Thomas.
- Groups
5B/5F adopt the submissions made by other respondents in response to GLSC
Appendix B7b, and also repeat their submissions in
respect to the ‘my
country’/ngurra issue which they state are relevant.
- Mindi
Chapman said that walking around Lake Wells with his parents when he was a
child made that country his country. His father told him this
on a trip through
that area to Tjirrkarli and Warburton, when he was a boy and his sister was a
baby. They were living at Cosmo,
at the time when Mr Donegan was the
superintendent of the ration station there. He said that Lake Wells was his
country because
it was his father’s country. When referring to Lake
Wells, he said that he was referring to Tjirrkarli as well (some 200 km
north-east of Lake Wells and outside both the Wongatha and the MN Claim areas).
Tjirrkarli is where Mindi Chapman’s father
was born. Mindi Chapman said
he did not know how far Tjirrkarli was from Lake Wells, and said he thought that
they were the same,
although another view of his evidence is simply that he
thought that a reference to Tjirrkarli included a reference to Lake Wells,
and
another, that both are the ‘same’ in the sense that both were his
father’s country.
- He
said that he and his late sister inherited country from his father because his
father said ‘that’s yours’. When
asked if there was anything
that he was supposed to do for that country or on it, he said (curiously) that
there was, but he could
not do it because he lived in Mulga Queen, but
‘once stayed there [on his country, apparently being Lake Wells or
Tjirrkarli]
for holiday’. He said that what he was required to do on his
country was to go out there and shoot kangaroos and emus and
get some goannas.
He said, however, that he does not do those things, because he loves Mulga
Queen. Asked to whom his country goes
after he dies, he said that since he does
not have any siblings left, it may be that younger people, such as his nephew,
will take
over. Asked how he knows that to be the case, he said ‘because
I know the rules’
- There
are some difficulties with Mindi Chapman’s testimony. There are two
possibilities for the way Mindi Chapman claims
country: that it was his country
because he walked around on it when he was a child, and that it was his country
because it was his
father’s country. One thing is clear: he does not see
his claim as depending on his place of birth, and therefore on his having
been
born and grown up on it. He was born at Cosmo in the late 1930s.
- It
was ‘on walkabout’ that he went with his parents to some corroborees
at or through Tjirrkarli, Wakamurru (where his
mother came from) and then to
Warburton, and on that trip, they also went to Lalalka (Lake Wells), Nyirruru,
Marnakutja, Nurr, Mali
Claypan and Tilyin.
- Troy Chapman
said that Mulga Queen is his country because his mother told him it was, and
because it was her and her father’s land. His
mother was born and grew up
at Mulga Queen. He said that he was ‘more likely on [his] mother’s
side’, but added
‘I can easy go to my father’s side whenever I
want’. His father came from the Central Desert, from the Warburton,
Wannarn, Blackstone area. I understand him to mean that he has a choice, and
could, in the future, abandon his claim to his mother’s
country at Mulga
Queen in favour of his father’s in the Central Desert. On the other hand,
he may mean that he is entitled,
at any time, to claim his father’s
country in addition to his mother’s. He appears to claim only his
mother’s
country, where he lives.
- Kalman
Murphy said that his mother told him that she had country at Mulga Queen,
Tjirrkarli and Cosmo (Mulga Queen and Cosmo are about 100 km apart,
and both are
about 330 km from Tjirrkarli). He said that she passed country on to him and
his brothers and sisters. He said that
his mother’s country was hers
because her own mother and father ‘came this way’. His mother was
born at Cosmo
and grew up at Cosmo and Mulga Queen. However, Kalman Murphy was
speaking as if about one place: he spoke of Mulga Queen, where
he was
testifying, and then subsequently added Tjirrkarli. He said he
‘wouldn’t have a clue’ what word his mother
used to refer to
her country. Asked whether his mother told him why certain country was her
country, Kalman Murphy replied:
of the old
people believe in telling – passing it on to their daughters and sons and
saying that’s their country, you
know, and my mother passed it on to me
and passed it on to everyone else, my brothers and
sisters.’
It is difficult to know what to make of this answer. Did Kalman Murphy mean
that he was only saying that his mother passed country
on to him and his
siblings because, in other families, it has been said that parents passed on
country to their children? Does he
mean that his mother gave no more reason for
her claim to country than other parents gave? I do not know.
- Elton Polak
said that Mulga Queen was his country because he had camped there, helped put up
wiltjas there, and helped the old people get wood and meat there. He
added that his ancestors had roamed that country. He said that Leonora
was not
part of his country, but was just a place where he stayed when he was being
‘reared up’, whereas Mulga Queen
was his ngurra because his
granny told him that it was, and because the old people had made a ngurra
(camp) there. His evidence was brief, and his evidence of connection with the
MN Claim area was slender, and seems to be that his
granny M roamed somewhere
within it. He said he did not know much about Mulga Queen.
- Phyllis Thomas
said that her ngurra comprised Mulga Queen and Mount Margaret (about 142
km apart). Mount Margaret is outside the MN Claim area – it is within
the
Wongatha Claim area, but Phyllis Thomas is not a Wongatha claimant. She
said that Mulga Queen was her mother’s country
because she had seen
‘the flames of her camp, wiltjas, puris here, where
they’d been cooking and all that’. She said that it was Wangkayi
law that her mother’s country became
her country. She said that her
mother had been there a long time and had never claimed any other land. When
asked how large her
mother’s ngurra was, she said that it was as
shown on the ‘Mantjintjarra map’. In saying this,
Phyllis Thomas was apparently referring
to the MN Claim area.
- According
to Phyllis Thomas, then, her claim to country depends on the connection of
the land (Mulga Queen) where her mother
camped for a long time.
- Later,
Phyllis Thomas said that, having reflected on the matter, she had decided that
Mount Margaret was not her ngurra, but was her ‘heritage’.
Phyllis Thomas lived at the Mission from the age of eight and a half to about
17-18 years,
that is to say, ‘grew up’, having been born in
Laverton. In respect of Mulga Queen, she does not satisfy the ‘place
of
birth and growing up’ criterion of the MN POC, and, therefore, she must
rely upon the alternative criterion of ‘ancestor’s
connection’. If Laverton and Mount Margaret were to be treated as one
‘place’, she would satisfy the ‘place
of birth and growing
up’ criterion of the MN POC.
- It
is in the nature of ‘multiple pathways of connection’ that one
cannot list possible pathways: one cannot expect a clear
picture.
(8) Speak for country, ie manage, control, make decisions about, protect and
care for sites
- The
MN applicants refer to the extract from Phyllis Thomas’s testimony
contained in GLSC Appendix C1b concerning the right
to make decisions relating
to land, and, in particular, to her testimony about a Western Mining mining and
clearance survey in the
Lake Wells area, and about the identity of the
‘proper people’ for the country. They also rely on the testimony of
Troy Chapman
in relation to dealing with visitors to Mulga Queen and with
mining companies. Finally, they rely on the testimony of Kalman Murphy
in
relation to looking after country and ensuring that it is not destroyed by
mining companies.
- Groups
5B/5F rely on their earlier submissions and the submissions made by other
respondents in relation to GLSC Appendices C1b and
C2b. As well, they rely on
their submissions in relation to the different views held by Mr Vachon and
Mr de Gand
in relation to the MN Claim group and the notion of
‘exclusivity’. (Mr Vachon disagreed with a proposition
accepted
by Mr de Gand that certain behaviours demonstrated
intra-group exclusivity.)
- The
MN applicants refer in Appendix C2b to the testimony of Phyllis Thomas relating
to Aboriginal visitors to Mulga Queen. I have
discussed previously what I
perceive to be the special position of the remote Aboriginal community.
- I
accept Groups 5B/5F’s submission that the overwhelming thrust of the
evidence is that there are no protocols of exclusivity.
Phyllis Thomas
accepted that Aboriginal people wishing to come and use the resources of the
area do not need to seek permission
first, although she stands ready to advise
them where the best areas are. Her testimony in this respect is consistent with
that
of Patrick Edwards, who said that there is ‘no one boss of the
kangaroos’. He said that from Perth to Alice Springs
Aboriginal people
can shoot kangaroos if they wish. Aubrey Lynch said that if Aboriginal people
from outside the Wongatha Claim
area want to hunt and camp within it, they can
do so. I do not accept the MN applicants’ submission that there is an
exclusive
right over resources, which is not enforced at present only because of
abundance.
(9) Occupy, use, travel, live on land and use resources
- The
MN applicants do not propound a particular law or custom under this heading,
which seems to refer to practices without normative
content. The activity
described relates to a ‘range’ rather than an ‘estate’.
- The
MN applicants rely on the transcript extracts at GLSC Appendix C3b, and, in
particular, on the testimony of Mindi Chapman of the
practice, in the old days,
of selling kangaroo skins and gold for flour, tea, sugar and tobacco The
exchanges took place with Horace Hill
at Salt Soak (near the Bandya
homestead) and on Nambi Station. I do not regard those transactions as
adaptations of pre-sovereignty
exploitation of resources.
- As
well, the MN applicants repeat their earlier submissions concerning occupying,
living on, using and travelling across the land,
which I have previously
addressed.
- Groups
5B/5F repeat their submissions in relation to the same subject, and I refer to
my discussion there.
Conclusion to 5.6 (‘Relevant
tradititional laws and customs’)
- There
is some acknowledgment and observance of some traditional laws and
customs by some MN claimants. Does the evidence support a conclusion
that there is acknowledgment and observance by the MN Claim group of the body
of
pre-sovereignty Western Desert laws and customs?
- As
noted at 3.6(c)(5) [976], I am refraining from answering this
question.
5.7 RELEVANT CONNECTION TO CLAIM AREA – s 223(1)(b) of NTA
(a)(b) Connection of members of the Claim group to the Claim areas; Continuity
of connection back to sovereignty
- The
MN applicants make two submissions in relation to the meaning of
‘connection’ in s 223(1)(b) of the NTA, but
in my view, for the
reasons the evidence does not satisfy s 223(1)(a) of the NTA, it does not show
that the MN Claim group, by WDCB laws and customs has a connection with
the Wongatha/MN overlap for the purposes of s 223(1)(b) of the NTA. First, they
correctly
point out that in Ward HCA, the joint judgment does not
exclude the possibility that a ‘spiritual connection’ may suffice
([64]). No submissions
were made to the High Court on that issue, and their
Honours did not need to express a view on it. In Daniel, after
noting this, RD Nicholson J, said
([422]):
there is evidence of continuing use
and, in the case of the Ngarluma, of physical presence accompanied in each case
by an enduring
sense of connection which I take to fall within the description
of spiritual connection. I take spiritual connection into account
along with
the evidence of continuing use and physical
presence.’
It seems to me that para (b) of s 223(1) of the NTA is emphasising
the need for a special connection between the claimants
and the particular land
or waters that are the subject of their claim, different from the connection
which all Aboriginal peoples
or Torres Strait Islanders may have in relation to
land or waters. This does not exclude the possibility of a
‘spiritual’
connection, but the spiritual connection must be between
the claimants and the particular land or waters which they claim, or particular
sites, tracks or places there.
- Second,
the MN applicants submit:
for the purposes
of NTA s 223(1)(b), can be made out by having regard to, amongst other
evidence, evidence of activities on,
or knowledge about, areas outside the
boundaries of the claim areas. This aspect is particularly pertinent in this
case, where all
four of the GLSC claim groups rely upon a common background of
descent from, and membership in, the WDCB which operated in times
past, and
operates today, in large areas adjacent to, and including, the claim areas
before the Court.
for example, law business in Warburton or Wiluna
involving members of one or more of the GLSC claim groups may, as a matter of
law,
be very relevant and probative evidence of observance and acknowledgement
of relevant laws and customs by, and of connection thereby
to the claimed areas
on the part of, such members and (accordingly) such claim
groups.’
If an MN claimant is initiated at Warburton that may show that he is
acknowledging and observing a traditional Western Desert law
or custom requiring
that all males be initiated. The evidence would play its part in establishing
(a) that the WDCB society continues,
and (b) that the MN Claim group continues
to acknowledge and observe WDCB laws and customs. There would be a question of
why the
person was not initiated within the MN Claim area, but that is another
matter.
- I
agree with the MN applicants that it is not fatal that some claimants live
outside the MN Claim area (see Neowarra at [351]) just as residence
within that area is not, necessarily and without more, itself probative of
acknowledgment and observance
of laws and customs or of a connection with the
Claim area under Western Desert laws and customs.
- The
MN applicants cite the testimony of Wongatha claimant, Anthony Harris. He said
that since he has gone through the law, some men
at Wiluna have told him that he
must look after the law ground at Leonora, because his grandfather (Jumbo
Harris) used to look after
it. The men were old men who used to know his
grandfather, who had been dead for some 30-32 years. He said that when he goes
to
the Warburton Ranges or Wiluna or Jigalong, the watis are happy to see
him. I accept that what the watis at Jigalong said to Anthony Harris
shows that they considered that he had some kind of connection with the law
ground at Leonora.
However, Leonora is south of the MN Claim area. I do not
see how Anthony Harris’s evidence is probative of the group claim
made by
the MN claim group to the MN Claim area.
- The
MN applicants attempt to show a connection, through ancestors of the MN
claimants, back to sovereignty. It is true that para
(b) of s 223(1)
requires the connection between the claimants and the land or waters to be a
connection given by pre-sovereignty
laws and customs. However, the connection
required is a present-day one. Moreover, consistently with the MN POC, the
factual basis
of connection is not necessarily genealogical. For example,
consistently with that document, the MN Claim group might, from time
to time,
consist only of people who were born and grew up in the MN Claim area. The
question would be whether pre-sovereignty laws
and customs provided for this
kind of connection to yield rights and interests.
- No
doubt proof of continuity of connection which the claimants’ ancestors had
to the same land and waters may be a step on the
way to establishing that the
claimants today have the required connection, and that that connection arises
under traditional laws
and customs. However, there is missing in the MN
applicants’ submissions, and in the evidence, an emphasis upon, and
evidence
of, a connection between the MN Claim group and the MN Claim area,
which both exists today and arises under traditional (pre-sovereignty)
laws and
customs.
- For
example, the MN claimants
submit:
establishing, for example, a
religious relationship which manifests at the intellectual level alone (such as
knowing the songs or
Dreamings or required rituals of the country
[relevantly, the Wongatha/MN overlap], or regarding country as formed by,
and as manifesting, the dreamtime figures), and not accompanied by physical
activities (such
as singing the country, or actively teaching young people about
the Tjukurr) is evidence which may establish, alone or in association
with physical activities, the required
connection.’
However, the evidence does not establish that the MN claimants in general
know songs, Dreamings or required rituals of the Wongatha/MN
overlap, or regards
that overlap as formed by, and manifest in, the Dreamtime figures.
- The
State submits, and I accept, that mere knowledge by the MN claimants of certain
matters associated with the MN Claim area does
not establish the connection of
which s 223(1)(b) speaks. The State draws attention to what it suggests is
a blurring between
‘knowledge’ and ‘spiritual adherence’
in the MN applicants’ submissions. A pastoralist, geographer,
surveyor or
anthropologist may possess much knowledge relating to the Wongatha/MN overlap,
but this does not establish the connection
to which s 223(1)(b) refers.
That provision requires, if not, that the claimants be ‘the’ people
for a claim area,
at least that they be ‘people’ for that area.
- In
so far as the MN applicants rely upon the Tjukurrpa to establish the
required connection, it must be remembered that the Dreaming tracks
stretched:
all directions ... hundreds of
such tracks or roads criss-crossed one another right through the Continent,
representing, at least
potentially, a network of intercommunication ...
a rule no local descent group, clan or dialect unit
owns a complete myth. Even though at first it may appear to do so, what it has
is usually only a section, dealing with some of the actions of a certain being.
The men over in the next stretch of country may
own another section and can
perform the rites associated with that – and so on, all over the country.
Members of several local
groups come together from time to time to perform their
separate, but linked, sections.’ (Berndts, World pp
243-4)
I would expect the MN claimants to demonstrate at least familiarity with,
belief in, and adherence to those parts of the Tjukurrpa represented in
the Wongatha/MN overlap. Mr Vachon said that it is the constant repetitive
involvement in ceremony and song
which is central to the acknowledgement and
observance of the Tjukurr. He said that this repetitive involvement in
song, dance and ceremonies, and responsibility to learn and to teach the
Tjukurr, are ‘at the very core of the body of traditional laws and
customs of the Western Desert people’. The evidence does
not establish
the continuance of any of those activities within the MN Claim group (or any of
the other Claim groups). Nor does
it, generally speaking, establish the
continuance of the ‘responsibility to learn and to teach the
Tjukurr’ on the part of the MN claim group.
- Residence
within the Wongatha/MN Claim area alone does not satisfy s 223(1)(b)
because the connection to which that paragraph
refers must be one given
by (traditional) laws and customs. Residence by MN claimants within the
Wongatha/MN overlap may be dictated by many considerations,
none of which
necessarily has a foundation in traditional laws and customs. In the same way,
the residence of MN claimants outside
that area may say nothing to the question
of whether they have a connection to the Wongatha/MN overlap by
traditional laws and customs.
- In
contrast to the absence of claimed area-related spiritual activities in the
present case, in Neowarra, Sundberg J found ([352]) that the claim
group continued to practise various site-related cultural practices, such as
rituals,
including initiation, within the claim area. Moreover, the central
figures of the Wanjina were physically present on the land throughout
the claim
area, and Wunggurr places were identifiable locations. Sundberg J also
found that the languages of the area were
related to the land, in that there
were ‘language countries’ and ‘not merely languages spoken by
people who live
on the country’ (ibid). There is a noticeable gap
between that description and even a description most favourable to the present
Claims.
- As
noted at 5.6(a)(b)(3) [2141] above, according to the places of residence
shown on the MN LIP, all but eight of the 279 members of the MN Claim group
shown
on the MN LIP, liv